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Internationales Institut Für Umwelt Und Gesellschaft (IIUG) International Institute for Environment and Society Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin

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Internationales Institut Für Umwelt Und Gesellschaft (IIUG) International Institute for Environment and Society Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin Internationales Institut für Umwelt und Gesellschaft (IIUG) International Institute for Environment and Society Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin IIUG pre 86-2 POLITICAL ECOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES The State of the Art by Philip D. Lowe* and Wolfgang Rüdig** *Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning, University College, Wates House, 22 Gordon Street, London. In 1984 Visiting Fellow at IIUG. **Department of Science and Technology Policy, The University of Manchester, Manchester. To be published in: British Journal of Political Science IIUG, Potsdam er Str. 58, 1000 Berlin 30, Tel. 030 - 26 10 71 SUMMARY In this paper the authors take issue with a number of re­ search approaches which play a dominant role in the field of environmental sociology. The most important of them, the "value change" approach, has its limitations. It is always necessary to explain how values are created and sustained, and it is therefore not appropriate to regard them as inde­ pendent variables. The focus should rather be upon the ways in which resources are mobilised in pursuit of particular interests generated by the structural context; and the ways in which that context is maintained or transformed by the struggles which it facilitates. The authors argue for a revived case study approach supple­ mented by survey analysis of the general public and of en­ vironmental groups and their members. In the past, surveys have grossly neglected the situational context of environ­ mental attitudes and action. However, the case study approach is also beset by several shortcomings. Case studies will have to be guided by theoretical approaches which put the indi­ vidual case into a broader perspective. Furthermore, the authors have noted that the concept of political power is conspicuously absent from much current work in environmental sociology. The second major new impetus to the case study approach should be a stronger emphasis on comparative work. Environ­ mental conflicts in different areas, from air pollution to liquified natural gas and nuclear energy, should play a big­ ger role; and the studies should emphasize different cultural and political patterns. This has generally not been done in comparative research. The authors believe that these short­ comings can to some degree be explained by the gap between researcher and research object. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Autoren setzen sich mit einer Reihe von Forschungsansät­ zen kritisch auseinander, die in der Umweltsoziologie eine dominierende Rolle spielen. Der wichtigste unter ihnen, der "Wertwandel"-Ansatz, stößt in vielerlei Hinsicht an Grenzen. So ist es beispielsweise stets erforderlich zu erklären, wie bestimmte Wertvorstellungen geschaffen und erhalten werden. Aus diesem Grunde können sie nicht als unabhängige Variablen betrachtet werden. Der Fokus sollte eher darauf gerichtet sein, wie Ressourcen in Verfolgung bestimmter Interessen mobilisiert werden, die sich aus dem strukturellen Kontext ergeben, und darauf, wie dieser Kontext durch die Konflikte, die er bewirkt, aufrechterhalten oder transformiert wird. Die Autoren plädieren für eine Wiederbelebung des Fallstudien­ ansatzes, ergänzt um Meinungsumfragen in der Bevölkerung so­ wie bei Umweltschutzgruppen und ihren Mitgliedern. Solche Um­ fragen haben in der Vergangenheit den situativen Kontext von Umweltverhalten und -handeln grob vernachlässigt. Der Fall­ studienansatz ist seinerseits ebenfalls mit einigen Unzuläng­ lichkeiten behaftet. Fallstudien bedürfen einer besseren theoretischen Basis, damit die individuellen Fälle auch in - 1 1 - einem größeren Zusammenhang interpretiert werden können. Darüber hinaus haben die Autoren festgestellt, daß in vielen neueren Arbeiten zur Umweltsoziologie der Begriff "politische Macht" auffallend häufig fehlt. Ein weiterer neuer Impuls für den Fallstudienansatz sollte von einem vermehrten Einbezug komparatistischer Aspekte aus­ gehen. Analysen von Umweltkonflikten sollten mehr als bis­ her in unterschiedlichen Bereichen vorgenommen werden, z.B. von Luftverschmutzung zu Flüssiggas und Kernenergie, und sie sollten stärker auf kulturelle und politische Unterschiede abheben. Dies hat die komparatistische Forschung im allge­ meinen nicht zufriedenstellend geleistet, was nach Meinung der Autoren zum Teil dadurch erklärt werden kann, daß die Distanz zwischen Wissenschaftler und Untersuchungsgegenstand zu groß ist. 1 I. Introduction The ’environment' as a political issue has had a mixed history. Its sudden upsurge in the late 1960s was followed by many ups and downs. It has, however, continued to press itself onto the political agenda in various forms. Most recently, the rise of green parties in Western Europe has demonstrated that the environment is not one of many issues which come and go but has led to more fundamental political change. The phenomena of environmental politics have attracted considerable attention from social scientists and in this paper we address some of the resulting literature. In general, the standard of scholarship has not been high, and our objective is to bring a sharper intellectual and methodological focus to the task of explaining the social and political manifestations of environmental concern. In summary, our objections are that the literature is divided between too much uninformed and heavy-handed empiricism, on the one hand, and too much grand theorising and pontificating on the other. We would argue that there has been insufficient attention to the specifics of environmental problems and conflicts, and insufficient, intelligent use of middle-range social and political theories. The literature can broadly be split into two areas: the first covering primarily the attitudes and values of the mass public; and the second examining environmental groups, activists and actions. After reviewing each of these, we will then examine what potentially can be learnt from comparing environmental politics in different countries. 2 II. Environmental Attitudes and Value Change Most of the empirical research conducted internationally on environmental movements has assumed that the key causal factor is a widespread change in values, i.e. that the environmental movement arises from a secular shift in popular attitudes. The explicit assumption is that values determine behaviour. Survey research on environmental attitudes has been one of the most frequent approaches taken by environmental sociologists, particularly in the United States. A stream of surveys has been carried out, trying to establish the size and social characteristics of support for environmental protection measures (see Dunlap and Van Liere, 1978a, for a comprehensive compilation of the earlier studies in this field). Most of this research, though usually quite atheoretical, is within an empiricist tradition of political psychology. Many studies have been little more than crude opinion polls. As Heberlein (1981) comments: "The literature on environmental attitudes broadly defined is remarkably atheoretical and ad hoc. It neither builds on nor, with several exceptions, contributes to attitude theory". Even so, there have been a number of interesting findings. Firstly, despite variations in the degree of concern, there appears to be a relative stability of attitudes to environmental protection. A number of longitudinal studies initially seemed to suggest that in the U.S. popular concern for the environment had peaked in the early 1970s only to decline sharply in subsequent years. Recently, this has been called into question. Drawing on more comprehensive survey data collected on a nation-wide basis and requiring respondents to make trade-offs rather than merely identify problems, Mitchell (1979a;1984), Lowe and his colleagues (1980) and Lake (1983) have shown that environmental attitudes are much more stable and have remained widespread. Indeed, it has been argued that the superficial beliefs that most other surveys have tapped are merely a 3 reflection of the immediately prevailing preoccupations of the mass media (Heberlein 1981). There has been much less survey work in other countries, though a series of surveys has shown that the relative importance popularly accorded to the protection of the environment by the West German public is high and stable over time (Rat von Sachverständigen für Umweltfragen 1978). The other main thrust of attitudinal research has been to correlate pro-environmental beliefs with demographic characteristics. From a review of 21 separate Amecican studies, Van Liere and Dunlap (1980) conclude that the data consistently support three empirical generalisations: that "younger people, well educated people, and politically liberal people tend to be more concerned about environmental quality than their older, less educated and politically conservative counterparts". No consistent relationships were found for party identification, rural-urban residence, and occupational status. The variation in concern with age has been explained in terms of the young being less integrated into the dominant social order and therefore more ready to accept solutions to problems which may require substantial changes in traditional values and behaviour (Hornback 1974). A rival explanation is that these age differences are not life-cycle effects but arise from the historically-specific, formative experiences of distinct age-cohorts, such as the anti-Vietnam protest (Buttel & Flinn 1978; Malkis & Grasmick 1977). Variations in concern with levels of education have been explained by reference to the concept of relative deprivation. The better educated,
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