Lyndon Johnson's Refusal to Activate the Guard and Reserve Lit the Fuze

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Lyndon Johnson's Refusal to Activate the Guard and Reserve Lit the Fuze Lyndon Johnson’s refusal to activate the Guard and Reserve lit the fuze on big changes in force structure policy. Origins of the Total Force n 1965, the United States entered scenes to the Chinese or the Russians by do what Asian boys ought to be doing the Vietnam War in strength, with calling up reserves in large numbers.” for themselves.” large-scale deployments of air and In truth, he was working a political Mobilization would have been em- ground combat units to Southeast problem. Campaigning for re-election barrassing for Johnson. Even though Asia. President Lyndon B. Johnson the previous October, he had said he he deployed 44 combat battalions to rejected the advice of his Secretary of would not “send American boys nine or Vietnam in 1965, the President said IDefense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff ten thousand miles away from home to he would not be provoked into what that he request Congress for approval to call up the National Guard and Reserves. Johnson stuck to his stand for three USAF photo years as US troop levels in Vietnam rose steadily toward 500,000. He was determined to meet the need with active duty forces, increased recruiting, and larger draft calls. In that, he was bucking almost 200 years of precedent. In every war since the American Revolution, the militia— which evolved into the National Guard and Reserves—was mobilized to fight. They were mobilized in both the Berlin Crisis of 1961 and the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The Guard and Reserve, already smarting under their image as havens for draft dodgers, disagreed with the President’s policy. Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve volunteers on training tours flew missions in Vietnam from 1965 on, but Johnson’s refusal to activate the reserve components in wartime undercut their fundamental purpose and mission. An F-100 from the New Mexico Air National Guard soars over Tuy Hoa AB, South Johnson said in his memoirs that Vietnam, in 1968. Johnson’s refusal to activate the reserve forces for the Vietnam War he did not want to “make threatening smarted. 94 AIR FORCE Magazine / February 2011 Two Air Force Reserve F-105s fly a and Air National Guard, with dual state mission over the Pacific Ocean in 1978. and federal status, and the all-federal Lack of political muscle often left the Air Force and Army Reserve. Neither Reserve with second-rate equipment. the Navy or the Marine Corps had a Guard component. he called a “major war.” Activating The National Guard was designated the reserves would have had political in 1903 as the nation’s militia force and USN photo Pfrang byJ. PH3 (AC)T. repercussions. Johnson drew support reconfirmed in 1946 as the Army’s first- from members of Congress who reported line reserve component. The Air Force “heavy flak” from the families of young inherited its reserve force structure men who had joined to avoid the draft from the Army. The Air Guard and Air and who did not want to be activated. Force Reserve were designated equal components of the new Air Force in The Guard’s Political Muscle 1947, but the pre-eminence of the Guard Old line Guardsmen and Reservists was difficult to overcome. were disgusted by draft evaders. The Leaders of the independent Air Force Reserve Forces Act of 1955 provided were not enamored of the reserves, for enlistment in the reserve components especially the state-dominated Guard, of non-prior-service men, creating a but deep budget cuts by the Truman legal opportunity for them to discharge Administration left them with a smaller their military obligation without active force than anticipated, and reserve service. For many if not most of these components helped to fill the gap. short-term recruits, the motivation was Postwar, the Guard’s political clout different from that of the professionals forced the War Department to retain it and veterans who took pride in their as the primary reserve force, and the Air service. Force accepted this as political expedi- Origins of the Total Force The Air Force and Army had two ency. “Its political muscle had insured By John T. Correll reserve components each: the Army that the Air Guard received priority over the strictly federal Air Force Re- serve in the distribution of aircraft and equipment,” said Air Guard historian Charles J. Gross. “Consequently, Air Guard flying units have usually been equipped with more advanced and more glamorous tactical aircraft than the Air Force Reserve.” In 1948, a board convened by the Secretary of Defense proposed eliminat- ing redundancy by merging the Guard and Reserve into a federally controlled force called the National Guard of the United States. Among those supporting the proposal was Thomas G. Lanphier Jr., former president of the Air Force Association and the senior air officer of the Idaho ANG. Lanphier’s article, “48 Air Forces Too Many,” in the Janu- ary 1949 issue of Air Force Magazine, drew angry rebuttal. The National Guard lobby had little difficulty in blocking the merger in Congress. In 1964, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara proposed the exact op- posite, a merger of the Army Reserve into the National Guard. About the same time, the Air Force floated an “eventual” merger of the Air Guard TSgt. Archie Sims (l) and TSgt. Stephen Rogers, Air National Guard maintain- ers, work on the leading edge of an F-100 wing at Tuy Hoa AB, South Viet- nam. Some officials wanted to merge the Guard and Reserve into a single reserve component. AIR FORCE Magazine / February 2011 95 misunderstood, but public opinion to increase air reserve participation was aroused. Opposition to the draft, in all major mission areas except for already rampant, intensified. nuclear weapons delivery, and reserve Tet was the beginning of the end for flying units would cost about half as Johnson, who announced a curtailment much as active duty units if similarly of the war and that he would not run for manned and equipped. re-election. In April, the new Secretary When Marrs moved up to be deputy of Defense, Clark M. Clifford, initiated assistant secretary of defense for reserve a limited call-up of the reserves, some affairs in 1970, he took with him a “Total 25,000 men and 88 units from all ser- Force model in being.” With the help vices for 24 months or less. The Army of a few like-minded officials, he said, units were not combat ready and only “I planned to convert the Air Force’s a few of them were sent to Vietnam. Total Force concept to defense policy. The mobilization was further hampered “A draft of the letter for the Secretary by lawsuits challenging the call-ups. of Defense to sign was leaked to the By contrast, the activated Air Guard services. The Air Force was silent. The and Reserve forces, including fighter Navy Secretary said this looked good, squadrons and tactical airlift groups, but the admirals circled the ships. There Theodore Marrs, the “architect of the performed with distinction in Vietnam. were two reactions in the Army. First, Total Force.” Gen. George S. Brown, 7th Air Force there was the idea that Total Force was commander, said the five Guard F-100 innocuous and could be ignored—a not and Reserve, but was defeated again squadrons were the best in the field. unusual reaction to ‘civilian control.’ in 1965. “McNamara then created a “The aircrews were a little older, but Second, there was a strong feeling that ‘selected reserve’ force in each of the they were more experienced, and the Total Force was some sort of camou- military services,” said Gross. “They maintenance people were also more flaged assault against the citadel on had priority access to equipment, could experienced than the regular units,” the Hudson.” recruit to full wartime strength, and Brown said. “They had done the same The Army and Navy lost their cam- were allowed to conduct additional work on the same weapon system for paigns to block the Total Force, Marrs training each year.” years, and they had [personnel] stability later recalled. Laird signed the paper The active services were lukewarm that a regular unit doesn’t have.” making Total Force into policy. The at best toward the Guard and Reserve, basic argument was that it had worked but there was strong Congressional Circling the Ships in the Air Force. If “fly-boy generals” support for reserve forces, especially The Nixon Administration came to would make it work, then certainly the the Guard. The Navy stood out among office in 1969 committed to ending the “brilliant admirals,” the “mature Army the services in its resistance to the use draft. The change agent was Secretary generals,” and Marine generals could of reserves, holding that most of its of Defense Melvin R. Laird, formerly a do the same, Marrs noted. operations required active forces. The nine-term Congressman from Wiscon- Laird declared the “Total Force Air Force was considerably ahead of sin. While an appointed commission concept” in an Aug. 21, 1970, memo- the others in its support and use of the studied the termination of the draft, randum to military departments, the Guard and Reserve. Laird moved to “Vietnamization” of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and defense Failure to mobilize for Vietnam was war, reducing the American presence agencies. Reduced expenditures would damaging for the Army, which got most and shifting the combat burden to the require reductions in overall strengths of the draftees. Its end strength, driven Vietnamese. and capabilities of active forces and by war demands, rose from 965,000 in The President’s Commission on 1964 to 1,527,000 in 1968.
Recommended publications
  • In Pueblo's Wake
    IN PUEBLO’S WAKE: FLAWED LEADERSHIP AND THE ROLE OF JUCHE IN THE CAPTURE OF THE USS PUEBLO by JAMES A. DUERMEYER Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN U.S. HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON December 2016 Copyright © by James Duermeyer 2016 All Rights Reserved Acknowledgements My sincere thanks to my professor and friend, Dr. Joyce Goldberg, who has guided me in my search for the detailed and obscure facts that make a thesis more interesting to read and scholarly in content. Her advice has helped me to dig just a bit deeper than my original ideas and produce a more professional paper. Thank you, Dr. Goldberg. I also wish to thank my wife, Janet, for her patience, her editing, and sage advice. She has always been extremely supportive in my quest for the masters degree and was my source of encouragement through three years of study. Thank you, Janet. October 21, 2016 ii Abstract IN PUEBLO’S WAKE: FLAWED LEADERSHIP AND THE ROLE OF JUCHE IN THE CAPTURE OF THE USS PUEBLO James Duermeyer, MA, U.S. History The University of Texas at Arlington, 2016 Supervising Professor: Joyce Goldberg On January 23, 1968, North Korea attacked and seized an American Navy spy ship, the USS Pueblo. In the process, one American sailor was mortally wounded and another ten crew members were injured, including the ship’s commanding officer. The crew was held for eleven months in a North Korea prison.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
    Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD.
    [Show full text]
  • Mar 1968 - North Korean Seizure of U.S.S
    Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 14, March, 1968 United States, Korea, Korean, Page 22585 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Mar 1968 - North Korean Seizure of U.S.S. “Pueblo.” - Panmunjom Meetings of U.S. and North Korean Military Representatives. Increase in North Korean Attacks in Demilitarized Zone. - North Korean Commando Raid on Seoul. A serious international incident occurred in the Far East during the night of Jan. 22–23 when four North Korean patrol boats captured the 906-ton intelligence ship Pueblo, of the U.S. Navy, with a crew of 83 officers and men, and took her into the North Korean port of Wonsan. According to the U.S. Defence Department, the Pueblo was in international waters at the time of the seizure and outside the 12-mile limit claimed by North Korea. A broadcast from Pyongyang (the North Korean capital), however, claimed that the Pueblo–described as “an armed spy boat of the U.S. imperialist aggressor force” –had been captured with her entire crew in North Korean waters, where she had been “carrying out hostile activities.” The Pentagon statement said that the Pueblo “a Navy intelligence-collection auxiliary ship,” had been approached at approximately 10 p.m. on Jan. 22 by a North Korean patrol vessel which had asked her to identify herself. On replying that she was a U.S. vessel, the patrol boat had ordered her to heave to and had threatened to open fire if she did not, to which the Pueblo replied that she was in international waters.
    [Show full text]
  • The Soviet Union and the North Korean Seizure of the USS Pueblo: Evidence from Russian Archives
    COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER #47 The Soviet Union and the North Korean Seizure of the USS Pueblo: Evidence from Russian Archives By Sergey S. Radchenko THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline of the Cold War
    Timeline of the Cold War 1945 Defeat of Germany and Japan February 4-11: Yalta Conference meeting of FDR, Churchill, Stalin - the 'Big Three' Soviet Union has control of Eastern Europe. The Cold War Begins May 8: VE Day - Victory in Europe. Germany surrenders to the Red Army in Berlin July: Potsdam Conference - Germany was officially partitioned into four zones of occupation. August 6: The United States drops atomic bomb on Hiroshima (20 kiloton bomb 'Little Boy' kills 80,000) August 8: Russia declares war on Japan August 9: The United States drops atomic bomb on Nagasaki (22 kiloton 'Fat Man' kills 70,000) August 14 : Japanese surrender End of World War II August 15: Emperor surrender broadcast - VJ Day 1946 February 9: Stalin hostile speech - communism & capitalism were incompatible March 5 : "Sinews of Peace" Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill - "an "iron curtain" has descended on Europe" March 10: Truman demands Russia leave Iran July 1: Operation Crossroads with Test Able was the first public demonstration of America's atomic arsenal July 25: America's Test Baker - underwater explosion 1947 Containment March 12 : Truman Doctrine - Truman declares active role in Greek Civil War June : Marshall Plan is announced setting a precedent for helping countries combat poverty, disease and malnutrition September 2: Rio Pact - U.S. meet 19 Latin American countries and created a security zone around the hemisphere 1948 Containment February 25 : Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia March 2: Truman's Loyalty Program created to catch Cold War
    [Show full text]
  • Pueblo—A Retrospective Richard Mobley U.S
    Naval War College Review Volume 54 Article 10 Number 2 Spring 2001 Pueblo—A Retrospective Richard Mobley U.S. Navy Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Mobley, Richard (2001) "Pueblo—A Retrospective," Naval War College Review: Vol. 54 : No. 2 , Article 10. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol54/iss2/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mobley: Pueblo—A Retrospective PUEBLO A Retrospective Commander Richard Mobley, U.S. Navy orth Korea’s seizure of the U.S. Navy intelligence-collection—officially, N“environmental research”—ship USS Pueblo (AGER 2) on 23 January 1968 set the stage for a painful year of negotiations. Diplomacy ultimately freed the crew; Pyongyang finally released the men in December 1968. However, in the first days of the crisis—the focus of this article—it was the military that was called upon to respond. Naval power would have played an important role in any immediate attempts to force the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea to re- lease the crew and ship. Failing that, the Seventh Fleet would have been on the forefront of any retaliation. Many works published over the last thirty-three years support this view.1 However, hundreds of formerly classified documents released to the public in the late 1990s offer new insight into many aspects of the crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 Senate Memorial 18-001
    2018 SENATE MEMORIAL 18-001 BY SENATOR(S) Crowder and Garcia, Aguilar, Baumgardner, Cooke, Coram, Court, Donovan, Fenberg, Fields, Gardner, Guzman, Hill, Holbert, Jahn, Jones, Kagan, Kefalas, Kerr, Lambert, Lundberg, Marble, Martinez Humenik, Merrifield, Moreno, Neville T., Priola, Scott, Smallwood, Sonnenberg, Tate, Todd, Williams A., Zenzinger, Grantham. MEMORIALIZING CONGRESS TO ACTIVELY PURSUE THE RETURN OF THE U.S.S. PUEBLO FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA. WHEREAS, Recent actions by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) suggest that North Korea and South Korea have entered into a new phase of their relationship; and WHEREAS, While the Declaration of War between North and South Korea has not yet been rescinded, the recent meeting between the leaders of the two countries - just the second such meeting since 1948 - has resulted in some measure of détente between the parties; and WHEREAS, The people of Colorado are encouraged and hopeful for continued positive developments on the Korean peninsula, as evidenced by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's recent meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and President Donald Trump's planned diplomatic trip; and WHEREAS, Colorado encourages North Korea to continue to work with South Korea and the United States in making substantial efforts to reform its record of human rights abuses, to release political prisoners, and to return property belonging to other countries; and WHEREAS, North Korea's human rights record has been considered among the worst in the world and has been globally condemned, with groups such as the United Nations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the European Union all critical of the country's record.
    [Show full text]
  • Lyndon B. Johnson Film Collection
    Johnson, Lyndon B. (1908-1973.) Film Collection, 1958-1969. Special Collections Department/Long Island Studies Institute Contact Information: Special Collections Department Axinn Library, Room 032 123 Hofstra University Hempstead, NY 11549 Phone: (516) 463-6411, or 463-6404 Fax: (516) 463-6442 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.hofstra.edu/Libraries/SpecialCollections FILMING LBJ: A SPECIAL COLLECTION FROM WHITE HOUSE NAVAL PHOTOGRAPHER COMMANDER THOMAS ATKINS, 1963-1969 The Lyndon B. Johnson presidency is unique in its collection of recordings of the chief executive’s activities. In the 1960s, the White House Naval Photographic Unit (NPC) began producing films that highlighted special presidential trips, visits, and events. Commander Thomas Atkins produced these films for the NPC, starting in 1963 in the John F. Kennedy administration and continuing through the Johnson years. About 43 of the 70+ films are available for viewing on the Lyndon B. Johnson Library’s YouTube channel at https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL853F6EAB74B64D1D . Hofstra University’s Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency has a full digitized set of the Atkins films, which are available for research in the Joan and Donald E. Axinn Library’s Special Collections room. In the summer of 2013, Ms. Nancy Lindemeyer (who, along with her husband, Robert Lindemeyer, served with Commander Atkins in the Navy) contacted Hofstra on behalf of the Atkins family to see if the Kalikow Center might be a suitable repository for the collection. Thanks to the generosity of the Atkins family and the cheerful, unstinting efforts of the Lindemeyers, the original 16 mm films were transferred to DVDs and became part of Hofstra’s holdings in 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • Guide to Material at the LBJ Library Pertaining to China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Korea
    LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON L I B R A R Y & M U S E U M www.lbjlibrary.org June 2009 CO 50 CO 50-1 CO 50-2, CO 112 CO 151 MATERIAL AT THE LBJ LIBRARY PERTAINING TO CHINA, TAIWAN, HONG KONG, SOUTH KOREA AND NORTH KOREA INTRODUCTION This list includes the principal files in the LBJ Library that contain material on China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea and North Korea. It is not definitive, however, and researchers should consult with an archivist about other potentially useful files. For additional material on these countries, see also the Library's guide entitled, "Foreign Economic Policy During the Johnson Presidency: Foreign Aid, Food for Peace and Third World Economic Development (Asia, Africa, and Latin America)" (CO 1-8, CO 121, FG 105-4, FO 3, FO 3-2, IT 80, PC 2). Those files listed below that are marked with two asterisks (**) are unprocessed and are not currently available for research. In many folder titles noted below, the term "China" is used to mean Taiwan. Unless otherwise noted, the term "Korea" refers to South Korea. Material concerning the Asian Development Bank and the Manila Conference concerns South Korea. Material on the Pueblo (the United States naval vessel seized by the North Koreans on January 23, 1968) concerns North Korea. NATIONAL SECURITY FILE (NSF) This file was the working file of President Johnson's special assistants for national security affairs, McGeorge Bundy and Walt W. Rostow. Documents in the file originated in the offices of Bundy and Rostow and their staffs, in the various executive departments and agencies, especially those having to do with foreign affairs and national defense, and in diplomatic and military posts around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploiting and Securing the Open Border in Berlin: the Western Secret Services, the Stasi, and the Second Berlin Crisis, 1958–1961
    COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER #58 Exploiting and Securing the Open Border in Berlin: the Western Secret Services, the Stasi, and the Second Berlin Crisis, 1958–1961 By Paul Maddrell, February 2009 THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications.
    [Show full text]
  • Editor's Note
    Editor’s Note Editor’s Note To stay within our current annual page guidelines, this issue and the next issue (Spring 2004) are somewhat shorter than usual to make up for the previous (Fall 2003) issue, which went well over the normal page limit to accommodate the second of our three segments on “The Collapse of the Soviet Union.” To conserve space in Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/6/1/1/695889/152039704772741560.pdf by guest on 29 September 2021 this issue, I decided to defer publication of Part 2 of my article (“The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union”) until the Summer 2004 issue. I also decided to defer the publication of two other long articles until the Summer 2004 issue. Despite the need to shift things around, this issue does allow us to publish some of the articles and book reviews that I was anxious to have appear. The ªrst article in this issue, by Mitchell Lerner, draws on newly declassiªed ma- terials from Central and Eastern Europe to reassess the Pueblo crisis of 1968. The crisis began on 23 January 1968 when North Korean forces seized a U.S. intelligence ship, the USS Pueblo, that was on patrol in international waters near the North Korean port of Wonsan. U.S. ofªcials assumed that North Korea had taken this step in collusion with the Soviet Union or possibly China. The Johnson administration privately urged the Soviet Union to compel North Korea to release the boat and its crew, but Soviet ofªcials responded that North Korea had acted on its own and that there was little they could do.
    [Show full text]
  • The Soviet-Vietnamese Intelligence Relationship During the Vietnam War: Cooperation and Conflict by Merle L
    WORKING PAPER #73 The Soviet-Vietnamese Intelligence Relationship during the Vietnam War: Cooperation and Conflict By Merle L. Pribbenow II, December 2014 THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications.
    [Show full text]