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Floridanos' in Cuba History of the Evacuation of 1763, When Floridians Had to Move Away After the English Seized the Colony from Spain

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Floridanos' in Cuba History of the Evacuation of 1763, When Floridians Had to Move Away After the English Seized the Colony from Spain J. Landers An eighteenth-century community in exile : the 'floridanos' in Cuba History of the evacuation of 1763, when Floridians had to move away after the English seized the colony from Spain. Most of the migrants settled in Cuba. Several hundred families of Spanish descent and their slaves made new lives in Havana. Author focuses on the Florida Africans and Indians and the history of a new multi-ethnic settlement named San Agustín de la Nueve Florida. In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 70 (1996), no: 1/2, Leiden, 39-58 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 09:11:50PM via free access JANE LANDERS AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COMMUNITY IN EXILE: THE FLORIDANOS IN CUBA1 SPANISH FLORIDA Florida was first "discovered" by Juan Ponce de León in 1513, and there- after a series of Spanish expeditions tried and failed to establish themselves in the province. When French Huguenots established a small settlement near present-day Jacksonville in 1562, Spain was once again spurred into action. This time the Captain General of the combined Spanish fleets in the Caribbean, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, embarked on the "enterprise" of Florida, ruthlessly eliminated the French "usurpers," and finally made Florida a permanent outpost of the Spanish empire in 1565 (Lyon 1976). Over the course of the next two centuries the Spaniards battled Indian and pirate attacks, natural disasters, internal dissension, disease, and foreign invasions to maintain its struggling colony. Florida had long held a strategie importance for Spain which out- weighed what, from a European perspective, were its rather poor material and human resources. Florida's peninsular conformation provided Spain with ports on both the Atlantic and Gulf coasts and proximity to key ports in Cuba, Hispaniola, and New Spain. lts very geography, however, also made Florida attractive and vulnerable to competing powers with Carib- bean interests.2 Despite repeated challenges to its sovereignty, Spain man- aged to maintain its tenuous hold on Florida from 1565 to 1763. During that first Spanish occupation of Florida St. Augustine became a military presidio whose contemporary significance is marked by its im- pressive stone fortress, the Castillo de San Marcos. St. Augustine was also headquarters of a major missionary effort among the southeastern Indians. By the seventeenth century long chains of Franciscan missions stretched up the Atlantic coast and westward to the rich lands of the Apalachee New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids vol. 70 no. 1 &2 (1996): 39-58 Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 09:11:50PM via free access 40 JANEL ANDERS near present-day Tallahassee (Hann 1988; McEwan 1993; Bushnell 1994). Although Spain claimed possession of a vast territorial expanse - the en- tire Atlantic coast west to the mines of Mexico - in fact, its hegemony was limited. European competitors saw no effective occupation of rich lands north of peninsular Florida and soon filled the vacuumi In 1670 planters from Barbados established a settlement at Charles Town, within striking distance of the Spanish capital. The geopolitics of the region were changed forever and the southeastern frontier was, thereafter, embroiled in almost constant warfare. Many native groups were displaced or fled the violence, while others made the best alliances they could, switching sides when necessary (Crane 1981; Landers 1993; Bushnell 1994). African slaves found in the turmoil an opportunity to escape the chattel slavery of the English plantations. Some formed maroon communities in deep swamps, others lived among the Indians, and still others fled south to St. Augustine. Based on their claims to be seeking religious conversion in- to the "True Faith" the Spaniards received and freed them, a policy which was officially approved by the Spanish Crown in 1693. By 1738 there were almost a hundred freed and converted "English" runaways living in St. Augustine whom Governor Manuel de Montiano decided also to es- tablish in their own village. The Africans were considered "new converts" and their town, Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose, was modeled after the Indian villages near St. Augustine. Like those villages, it lay on the pe- riphery of Spanish settlement and was expected to defend and help sustain the Spaniards (Landers 1990). Thus, first-Spanish-period St. Augustine developed a multi-ethnic and multi-racial character. lts population in the eighteenth century hovered around 3000 citizens including Europeans (primarily Spanish), Indians (primarily Yamasee, Timucuan, and Apalachee), free and enslaved Africans from a wide assortment of nations (primarily Carabalf, Congo, and Man- dinga), mestizos of Spanish-Amerindian parentage, mulattoes of European- African parentage, and zambos, óf African-Amerindian parentage. Still an important military garrison, St. Augustine also became a moderately impor- tant Atlantic port where ships unloaded goods from the English colonies to the north and from their Caribbean settlements, and out of which ships took large shipments of hides, timber and naval stores, and oranges. In the hinterlands the Spaniards developed flourishing cattle estates, worked by Indians, African and mestizos, while Indians and Africans worked their own fields in the outlying villages (Landers 1991). But Anglo/Spanish territorial conflicts, and the competition for Indian trade and allegiance constantly threatened Spanish Florida's modest progress. St. Augustine's polyglot citizens withstood major English assaults in 1704, 1728, and Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 09:11:50PM via free access FLORIDANOS IN CUBA 41 1740, but they could not defend themselves against the territorial impera- tives of their own metropolis (TePakse 1964). In the course of the Anglo-French Seven Years' War (1756-63), Great Britain captured Cuba, Spain's heavily fortified and prized hub of trans- Atlantic commerce. A year later, in 1763, the Treaty of Paris concluded the war, and Spain did not hesitate to keep Cuba and give up Florida, despite the consequences for its forsaken colonists. In an evacuation staggered over the course of ten months, more than 3,000 individuals packed their personal belongings and emptied the Spanish colony. "In blind obedi- ence" to their king, Europeans, Africans, and Amerindians from Florida sailed off to uncertain futures. While smaller groups from outlying posts of San Marcos de Apalache and San Miguel de Pensacola sailed for Vera Cruz and Campeche in New Spain, most of the Spanish residents from the capital of Saint Augustine were destined for Havana, Cuba (Gold 1969). The links between Florida and Cuba are older than written history. Archaeologist Lourdes Dominguez has discovered pre-historic Florida pot- tery in excavations of Guanabacoa, Cuba, as evidence of pre-Columbian contact and trade.3 Once Spaniards conquered and settled Cuba in 1511, the Indian populations of the island were decimated by the devastating effects of war, disease, increased work requirements, and dislocation. Some of the desperate Indians sought refuge to the north, among the Florida tribes with whom they already had contact. Bishop Diego Sarmiento com- plained during his pastoral visit to Cuba in 1544, that Cuba was being drained of Indians (Romero Estébanez 1981:99). Thereafter, every expe- dition that departed from Cuba, attempting to explore and conquer Florida, carried more Cuban Indians northward (Avellaneda 1990). Descendants of some of those emigrés may have been among the Florida Indians still conducting a lively trade with Cuba in fish, turtle shells, amber, cardinals, and other luxury goods in the late seventeenth century (Berthe 1971:76). After St. Augustine was established in 1565, Spanish colonists also travelled back and forth to Cuba frequently, on matters govemmental and personal. Florida and Cuba even shared governors on two occasions - during the service of Hernando de Soto and Pedro Menéndez de Avilés. Coordinated military defense of the Caribbean linked Cuba and Florida and military personnel cycled between the locations routinely.4 Trade and provisioning networks also connected Florida and Cuba, and families sometimes maintained branches in both locations (Chatelain 1941; Parker 1992; McEwan 1993). Florida's churchmen reported to their superiors in Cuba and Florida's missionaries and seculars hoped to retire to Cuba once their difficult service in Florida was done (TePaske 1964). Elite families from Florida saw Cuba as the place where important social functions Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 09:11:50PM via free access 42 JANELANDERS should be performed and when they could, they had their children married in important Cuban churches to reinforce the family's social status. On April 18, 1717, the daughters of Captain Joseph Eligio de la Puente and Don Juan de Hita y Salazar were both married in the church of Espiritu Santo in Havana.5 Florida also served as Havana's backwater - the place it deposited many of its undesirables, such as sentenced military deserters and convicts. When, by the seventeenth century, blacks were 45 percent of Cuba's population, Cuban officials considered sending Havana's "surplus" free black population to St. Augustine, both to reduce their concentrations and to thereby acquire their urban properties (Wright 1916:313; Macias Domin- guez 1978:34). Thus, humans had traveled the Florida/Cuba circuit for hundreds of years before 1763 and continue to do so today. The evacuation of 1763, however, was not
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