CRS Lebanon June 2018
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Lebanon: Military Activities in the Chouf District That Might Have Involved the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF); Links Between
Response to Information Request LBN101023.E Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help The Board 12 April 2006 About the Board LBN101023.E Biographies Organization Chart Lebanon: Military activities in the Chouf district that might have involved the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF); links between the IDF and the Druze in Lebanon (January Employment 1980 - April 2006) Legal and Policy Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa References Publications According to the Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities, published in 2005, Lebanon's roughly 200,000 Druze form seven percent of the nation's population Tribunal and are mostly concentrated in the Chouf (also spelled Shuf [Mackey 1989, 187]) Refugee Protection mountains south of Beirut (410). Division Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) - Druze Relations During the Lebanese Civil Immigration Division War Immigration Appeal Division In 14 March 2006 correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, a Decisions professor of political science at the American University of Beirut provided the following information: Forms Statistics The IDF [Israeli Defense Forces] occupied the Chouf district in June 1982, during Research their invasion of Lebanon. They completely evacuated the area by the beginning of 1984. Most IDF troops stationed in the Chouf district were Israeli Druze. Apart from Research Program driving the PLO and the Syrian army from the district, the IDF had no military National activity. The IDF achieved its military objective in the Chouf district within a few Documentation days in June 1982... -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
'Statebuilding Lite': Security Assistance and Lebanon's Hybrid Sovereignty
Border management in an era of ‘statebuilding lite’: security assistance and Lebanon’s hybrid sovereignty SIMONE THOLENS* Borders in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have traditionally been simultaneously hard and soft. They are hard inasmuch as low levels of formal trade and integration, coupled with regional conflicts and centralized state systems, foster rigid and military control of external borders. They are also soft, however, since colonial border demarcation entailed arbitrary division of social groups, and created fluid borderlands where tribal links and cross-border exchanges have rendered non-state governance models resilient and durable. In the wake of the Arab upheavals in 2011, we have witnessed increased pressure on regional borders, and subsequent militarization of borders and borderlands. We have also observed increased cross-border activity, and in some cases a de jure or de facto challenging of formal borders,1 which further adds to the question of how changes at the border structure Middle East sovereignty processes. While, as Fawcett explains elsewhere in this special issue,2 the western state model and its borders may have proved durable, challenges ‘at the border’ are likely to have implications for gover- nance and sovereignty processes in composite political systems. In discussing the Middle East, as in debates elsewhere on hybrid political orders,3 some have advocated using the term ‘hybrid sovereignty’ to describe the coexis- tence of non-state and state forms of authority.4 In this view, governance modali- ties are expressed and felt differently from in the western state, and elements of both formal and non-formal governance structures interact and overlap within a social space. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election
ا rلeمtركnزe اCل لبeنsانneي aلbلeدرLا eساThت LCPS for Policy Studies r e p a 9 Analysis of Platforms 1 P 0 2 y a y M in Lebanon's 2018 c i l o Parliamentary Election P Nizar Hassan Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. Copyright© 2019 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election 1 1 Nizar Hassan The author would like to thank Sami Nizar Hassan is a former researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. He Atallah, John McCabe, and Georgia Dagher for their contributions to this paper. holds an M.Sc. in Labour, Social Movements and Development from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. At LCPS, his work focused on Lebanese political parties and movements and their policy platforms. His master’s research examined protest movements in Lebanon and he currently researches political behavior in the districts of Chouf and Aley. Nizar co-hosts ‘The Lebanese Politics Podcast’, and his previous work has included news reporting and non-profit project management. 2 LCPS Policy Paper Introduction Prior to the May 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Election, a majority of 2 2 political parties and emerging political groups launched electoral Henceforth referred to as 'emerging platforms outlining their political and socioeconomic goals and means groups'. -
Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah by Megan
Momentary Memorials: Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah By Megan Elizabeth Miller Department of Art and Art History, University of Colorado Boulder Defended on 4 November, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Kira van Lil Defense Committee: Dr. Kira van Lil, Department of Art and Art History Dr. Robert Nauman, Department of Art and Art History Frances Charteris, Program for Writing and Rhetoric Miller 2 Abstract The Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) is a product of its diverse participating factions. With more than a dozen political, religious, and social parties, the streets of Lebanon became flooded with contradicting political imageries, influencing public perception of the ‘other’ and inciting military action. Their unique role in Lebanon’s political atmosphere allows such graphics to transcend mere propaganda to become physical sites of memorialization, despite their ephemerality. Posters exhibiting martyrs, political icons, and spiritual references control viewers’ field of vision and prompt their physical accumulation around the images, much like one would see at a funeral or sculptural memorial. These images give cause for public commemoration. Though several militias are disbanded at the end of the civil war, Hezbollah gains notoriety for its rapid advancement, made possible, in part, by the party’s media strategies. Once dominated by images of martyrs, Hezbollah posters begin to memorialize moments in time – their subject matter as ephemeral as their medium. This thesis is an examination of political poster aesthetics and how such is situated within the larger discourses of art history and graphic design, ultimately arguing for Lebanon’s prominent role as an artistic hub in the Middle East. -
Minority Rights Group International : Lebanon : Druze
Minority Rights Group International : Lebanon : Druze World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Lebanon –> Druze Druze Profile There are about 234,000 Druze in Lebanon, located mainly in the Matn, Gharb and Shuf, and smaller communities in Wadi al-Taym in southern Lebanon and in Beirut. Druze are ethnically Arab and Arabic speaking. Their monotheistic religion incorporates many beliefs from Islam, Judaism and Christianity, and is also influenced by Greek philosophy and Hinduism. Druze have not proselytized since the 11th century, and the religion remains closed to outsiders. Historical context The Druze faith emerged from the batini or esoteric tradition of the Isma'ili faith in the early eleventh century, when a small group of Isma'ilis hailed the Fatimid Caliph, al-Hakim (996-1021), as the mahdi (or Guided One) and manifestation of God in his unity; hence they call themselves al-muwahhidun (Unitarians). Persecuted in Egypt, they gained footholds in the Shuf and Wadi al-Taym. Politically, Druze enjoyed supremacy in the Gharb and neighbouring areas from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries, when certain Druze clans gained ascendancy in Mount Lebanon and the Ma'an dynasty was acknowledged by the Ottomans as the family through which to control an unruly region. Druze hegemony over Mount Lebanon declined in the eighteenth and disintegrated in the nineteenth century, the result of internal conflict between ascriptive kinship groups, later exploited by external rulers, who sought to introduce taxation. Decline also reflected progressive demographic and economic ascendancy by the Maronite and Greek Catholic communities, mainly from inland Syria, and the failure of the religious leadership to provide cohesive direction to the community. -
Iom Response from Within Syria, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon And
IOM RESPONSE FROM WITHIN SYRIA, JORDAN, TURKEY, IRAQ, LEBANON AND EGYPT 2018 SYRIA HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE PLAN AND REGIONAL REFUGEE AND RESILIENCE PLAN 2018 IOM RESPONSE WITHIN SYRIA - 2018 SYRIA HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE PLAN 2018 PRESENCE INTERNATIONAL NATIONAL 33 STAFF 151 STAFF REQUESTED 104,889,760 $ FUNDING RECEIVED 55,862,542 $ In 2018, over 13 million people remained in need of humanitarian assistance inside Syria, including over 6 million internally displaced. Despite the spontaneous returns of over 1.2 million people (mostly IDPs) from January to December, a larger number were newly displaced in 2018 (1.3 million). Over the course of the year, IOM provided direct and indirect assistance – in the form of non-food items (NFIs), Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM), Shelter, Logistics, Coordination, WASH, Protection and Early Recovery and Livelihoods assistance - to over 5 million individuals in Syria. The IOM-managed NFI pipeline in Turkey enabled IOM and NGO partners to distribute life-saving assistance to newly displaced IDPs in northern Syria in a rapid and cost-effective manner. IOM also provided logistics support to UN agencies, INGOs, and Syrian NGOs and their network of downstream partners in southern Syria. IOM continues to provide support to critical inter-agency initiatives inside Syria including Prevention from Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (PSEA) and information management services. ACHIEVEMENTS SHELTER AND NON FOOD ITEMS CAMP COORDINATION AND CAMP MANAGEMENT IOM 2018 winterization response reached more than 213,800 beneficiaries In 2018, IOM supported over 180,000 IDPs through camp coordination through the distribution of winter clothing, NFI kits and heaters in and camp management related activities. -
Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium
LEBANON'S UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM AUTHOR Mona Yacoubian November 2009 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036-3011 www.usip.org USIP Peace Briefing: Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium INTRODUCTION Lebanon's recently announced national unity government has eased fears that the country would once again be mired in a dangerous political stalemate. Yet, despite the recent breakthrough, Lebanon's unstable equilibrium -- marked by both internal and regional tensions - - could still devolve into serious violence. Deep seated sectarian animosities persist, raising the prospects for political instability and civil strife if unaddressed. Regionally, mounting tensions with Israel raise the worrisome possibility of isolated border incidents spiraling into more serious conflict. Taken together these two underlying challenges to stability -- internal civil unrest and regional conflict with Israel -- could undermine Lebanon’s fragile peace. This paper will examine internal challenges to Lebanon’s stability. Formed five months after the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's consensus cabinet, comprised of his March 14th coalition together with members of the opposition March 8th bloc, is an essential step toward ensuring that Lebanon gains more stable footing. 1 The new government follows a compromise formula allotting 15 cabinet seats to the majority, 10 to the opposition, and five to President Michel Suleiman. While power-sharing arrangements are by nature less effective and more prone to stalemate, they are crucial to Lebanon’s delicately balanced confessional system and provide an essential pathway to civil peace. Beyond the new consensus government, two critical developments would help to facilitate peace and stability in Lebanon: . -
A Lebanese Protester Holds up a Lebanese National Flag in Front
Al Arabiya Will Lebanon’s presidential election ever happen? A Lebanese protester holds up a Lebanese national flag in front Lebanese security forces as they stand guard during a protest against the on-going trash crisis and government corruption, in downtown Beirut, Lebanon (AP) By Tarek Ali Ahmad Al Arabiya EnglishSaturday, 6 February 2016 is set to meet on Monday in a bid to fill the vacant post of president, making it the 36th time MPs have gone through the process in the past 20 months. The two candidates, Sleiman Frangieh - leader of the Marada movement, a political party and former militia group based in the northern city of Zgharta - and Michel Aoun - founder of the Free Patriotic Movement, the largest Christian political party in Lebanon - have each garnered support from their own parties as well as others in the Lebanese political scene. In order for a quorum to be reached, each contender must acquire at least two thirds of the parliamentary vote, and until now, both candidates have failed to reached the minimum. “I came to the conclusion that there will not be a presidential election in Lebanon in the coming period until we get a clearer picture of what is going on in Syria,” said Amin Ammourieh, a journalist and political analyst in Lebanon. “Neither Aoun nor Frangieh will win; it’s very difficult for either of them to get elected because neither is even able to secure a majority alone.” Both camp’s backers have stirred controversy within the nation, where allegiances never before thought possible have been formed. -
By Judith Harik
PAPERS ONLEBANON by Judith Harik ----- -- ---- ----- Centre for Lebanese Studies -----7 -- -- - -- --- - -- -- - 59 Observatory Street, Oxford OX2 6EP. Tel: 0865-58465 Papers on Lebanon 14 The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias Judith Hari k. September 1994 Centre for Lebanese Studies 59 Observatory Street, Oxford OX2 6EP. Tel: 0865-58465 @Centre for Lebanese Studies Published by the Centre for Lebanese Studies oxford The Centrefor Lebanese Studies is a privatety-funded, independent research institution devoted to the study of Lebanon, its history and the issues presently confronting it. Books in the Centre's series'are published in the interest of public infomation. They represent the free expression of their authors' opinions and do not necessarily indicate the judgement or opinion of the Centre. ISBN: 1 870552 39 3 ISSN: 0269-8919 Designed and Typeset by Bridget Hamey Printed in Great Britain by Oxonian R ew ley Press Ltd. The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias Judith Nmaulk* Introduction This study examines the development and political implications of the para-legal public and social services that arose as a result of Lebanon's civil war. With their government helpless to affect the spiralling violence and to perform normal public services, citizens, caught in the crossfire of conflict, turned for assistance to those who controlled their areas-the medfighters of local parties? What ensued were several experiments in the provision of public services and social assistance which served to further the autonomy of the areas concerned and seemed to portend the state's territorial disintegration. The goal of this study therefore, is to specify the dynamics which encouraged some confessionally-based Lebanese political parties to initiate, expand and diversify their involvement within their constituencies in public assistance programmes over time, and to elucidate any broad trends which may be involved in this process. -
Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: LBN35294 Country: Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009 Keywords: Lebanon – Elections – 2009 – Sunnis – March 14 This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. RESPONSE 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. Executive Summary Note: There are various Romanised spellings of religious denominations, political parties and place names. Different sources refer to Hizballah and Hizbollah, Shia and Shi’a, Shiite and Shi’ite, Ta’if and Taef. In this response the spellings Hizballah, Shia, Shi’ite and Ta’if are employed, however alternative spellings in source materials have not been altered. Since the end of the civil war in 1990 there have been a number of violent and potentially state-destabilising incidents in Lebanon. Perhaps the most serious include the assassination of the Sunni former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005 and clashes between Hezbollah (Shi’ite) supporters and Sunni Muslims in Beirut in May 2008.