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Cultures in Contact at Colony Ross Kent G Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Anthropology 2-2013 Cultures in Contact at Colony Ross Kent G. Lightfoot Sara Gonzalez Darren Modzelewski Lee M. Panich Santa Clara University, [email protected] Otis Parrish See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/anthro_fac_pubs Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Gonzalez, Sara, Kent G. Lightfoot, Darren Modzelewski, Lee Panich, Otis Parrish, and Tsim Schneider (2007). Cultures in Contact at Colony Ross. In Seeking Our Past: An Introduction to North American Archaeology, by S. Neusius and G. T. Gross, pp. 302-309. Oxford University Press, Oxford. This material was originally published in Seeking Our Past: An Introduction to North American Archaeology edited by Sarah W. Neusius & G. Timothy Gross, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://www.oup.co.uk/ academic/rights/permissions. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Authors Kent G. Lightfoot, Sara Gonzalez, Darren Modzelewski, Lee M. Panich, Otis Parrish, and Tsim Schneider This book chapter is available at Scholar Commons: https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/anthro_fac_pubs/63 Cultures in Contact at Colony Ross 221 CASE STUDY When thinking about the European colonization of Califor­ Berkeley that focuses on the impact of Russian colonialism on nia, it is easy to forget that Russia as well as Spain was a colo­ the Native peoples of this area. Because of their collaboration nial power along this part of the Pacific Coast. Yet Russians with Kashaya Pomo elders, the archaeologists were able to competed for trade well south of Alaska , establishing a develop low-impact strategies for gathering data primarily by colony, called Colony Ross, north of what today is San Fran­ using geophysical testing as well as traditional excavation. cisco. Here the Russian-American Company rather than the They also are major contributors to changes in the interpre­ Spanish had considerable effect on Native people, as detailed tive program at Fort Ross through their work on a Kashaya in this case study about the Fort Ross Archaeological Project. Pomo interpretive trail and a digital website that will make The fort community was multiethnic, including Alaskan Na­ the native story at Colony Ross more widely accessible. As you tives, Coast Miwok and Kashaya Pomo Indians, and Russians. read this case study, reflect on the example it provides of how This case study describes a collaborative program between archaeologists now try to incorporate diverse stakeholders the Fort ·Ross State Historic Park, the Kashaya Pomo Tribe, in their work. How does this context change the story that California State Parks, and the University of California at gets told? CULTURES IN CONTACT AT COLONY ROSS Kent G. Lightfoot, Sara Gonzalez, Darren Modzelewski, Lee Panich, Otis Parrish, and Tsim Schneider For thousands of years before the coming of Europe­ ans, Kashaya Pomo and Coast Miwok peoples inhab­ ited the coastal lands north of San Francisco Bay. Like many other California Indians, they were hunter­ ,;_ Ross Settl emen\_,...,tr gatherers who harvested wild plants and animals from Ranch the sea and land for food, medicine, clothing, housing "r-'''-;~, ~❖ ~ xkh material, and ceremonial regalia. Villages nestled * Kostromitinov Ran h along protected coastal embayments and ridge tops of the Northern Coast Ranges mountains contained * Khlebn ikov ~ tule-thatched or redwood bark houses, ceremonial Port Rumiantsev structures (round houses), sweat houses, dance enclo­ sures, and extramural cooking and work areas. Large villages served as the political centers for broader communities of dispersed family groups who would come together for periodic dances, ceremonies, initia­ tion rites, and feasts. With the founding of Colony Ross in 1812 by the Russian-American Company (RAC), a mercantile en­ terprise licensed by the tsar of Russia, life would change forever for the Kashaya Pomo and the Coast Miwok. The Russian merchants placed the primary • Farallon Artel administrative center of the colony, which they called N Far<ui n1s, the Ross settlement, in the heart of Kashaya Pomo qnO's territory, and they chose Bodega Harbor in Coast 500 1000mi Miwok country to be the principal port facility (Port 1000 2000km Rumiantsev) (Figure 7.15). The Russian-American + Company came to California to profit from the exploi­ FIGURE 7.15 The location of Colony Ross showing Russian tation of the region's natural bounty. The mercantile settlements and ranches. 222 Chapter 7 DIVER SITY AND COMPLEXITY IN CALI FOR NIA enterprise harvested sea mammals, primarily sea otters RESEARCH QUESTIONS and fur seals, to fuel the lucrative maritime fur trade that supplied sea mammal pelts to China, Europe, and The historical circumstances surrounding Colony Ross the United States, primarily for use as robes, fur trim, help to shape the questions asked by the Fort Ross and other clothing accessories. The Russian merchants Archaeological Project. Our current focus is to under­ attempted to grow wheat, barley, and other crops, and stand better the cultural practices and social interactions to raise livestock at Colony Ross to feed other RAC of the Kashaya Pomo and Coast Miwok people who colonies in the North Pacific (Aleutian Islands, Kodiak lived and worked in a mercantile social setting and to Island, Prince William Sound, etc.), which experienced compare their experiences to other Native Californians periodic food shortages. The Ross settlement also who were incorporated into European (as well as served as a manufacturing center for the production of Mexican and American) colonial institutions of other goods (timber, bricks, metal utensils, and tools) that kinds (e.g., missions, presidios, pueblos, ranchos). Some were shipped to the other North Pacific colonies aspects of the history of the Russian colony are well and also traded to the Franciscan missionaries in Alta known because RAC employees and other European California for foodstuffs grown in the extensive visitors kept detailed records and personal journals. mission complexes. From these historical documents, archaeologists are able to learn important details about how life at Colony Ross FORT ROSS ARCHAEOLOGICAL was organized. Yet historical documents often only give one side of the story, leaving out others. In the case PROJECT of Colony Ross, most documents describe the colonial situation from a European point of view. Because of our Today the historic Ross settlement and its nearby interest in the Kashaya Pomo and Coast Miwok who environs comprise the Fort Ross State Historic Park. lived and worked at Colony Ross, we used careful and The Fort Ross Archaeological Project is examining critical readings of these documents, alongside infer­ the culture history of the Kashaya Pomo people and ences drawn from the archaeological record of the the long-term implications of their encounters with colony, to generate conclusions about how Colony Ross the first mercantile colony in California. Members differed from other colonial endeavors in California. of the collaborative research team include archaeo­ Documents and archaeology are also employed to ex­ logists and rangers from California State Parks, amine how Native American groups negotiated the faculty and students from the University of California constraints that the Russian colony imposed on their at Berkeley, and elders and tribal scholars from the traditional lifeways. Kasha ya Pomo Tribe. The collaborative team is inves­ One of the interesting things we learned from the tigating how the Kashaya Pomo negotiated the mer­ history of Colony Ross is that it differed significantly cantile colonial program introduced by the Russian­ from contemporaneous European colonies. During the American Company that exposed local hunter­ period in which the Russian-American Company oper­ gatherers to a pluralistic, international workforce and ated its mercantile outpost in northern California, the to a market economy. coastal regions to the south were being actively colo­ Company managers recruited eastern Europeans, nized by Spain (see Figure 7.14). Although Spain had Native Siberians, Creoles (people of mixed Russian ruled parts of Central and South America for centuries, and native ancestry), and Native Alaskans-primarily the first Spanish colonists did not arrive in Alta from Kodiak Island and Prince William Sound-to live California until 1769 (Costello and Hornbeck 1989). and work at Colony Ross. The Native Alaskans brought In much of the New World, Spain's colonial empire their sophisticated maritime technology (baidarkas, or was based on three interrelated institutions: presidios, skin kayaks, carved harpoon points, compound fish pueblos, and missions. In other words, the Spanish hooks, etc.) to Colony Ross to harvest commercially relied upon soldiers, civilian colonists, and mission­ sea otters and fur seals by the thousands, and to hunt aries to maintain control of their colonies. In Alta other sea mammals, seabirds, and fish for food. The California, Spain's main colonizing agents were managers also recruited nearby Kashaya Pomo and Franciscan missionaries. Although the missionaries Coast Miwok Indians to work as
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