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The Decline of Buddhism in India
The Decline of Buddhism in India It is almost impossible to provide a continuous account of the near disappearance of Buddhism from the plains of India. This is primarily so because of the dearth of archaeological material and the stunning silence of the indigenous literature on this subject. Interestingly, the subject itself has remained one of the most neglected topics in the history of India. In this book apart from the history of the decline of Buddhism in India, various issues relating to this decline have been critically examined. Following this methodology, an attempt has been made at a region-wise survey of the decline in Sind, Kashmir, northwestern India, central India, the Deccan, western India, Bengal, Orissa, and Assam, followed by a detailed analysis of the different hypotheses that propose to explain this decline. This is followed by author’s proposed model of decline of Buddhism in India. K.T.S. Sarao is currently Professor and Head of the Department of Buddhist Studies at the University of Delhi. He holds doctoral degrees from the universities of Delhi and Cambridge and an honorary doctorate from the P.S.R. Buddhist University, Phnom Penh. The Decline of Buddhism in India A Fresh Perspective K.T.S. Sarao Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. ISBN 978-81-215-1241-1 First published 2012 © 2012, Sarao, K.T.S. All rights reserved including those of translation into other languages. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. -
The Basic Beliefs of Hinduism and Buddhism
Ouachita Baptist University Scholarly Commons @ Ouachita Honors Theses Carl Goodson Honors Program 1970 The Basic Beliefs of Hinduism and Buddhism Joyce Mason Ouachita Baptist University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.obu.edu/honors_theses Part of the Buddhist Studies Commons, and the Hindu Studies Commons Recommended Citation Mason, Joyce, "The Basic Beliefs of Hinduism and Buddhism" (1970). Honors Theses. 437. https://scholarlycommons.obu.edu/honors_theses/437 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Carl Goodson Honors Program at Scholarly Commons @ Ouachita. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons @ Ouachita. For more information, please contact [email protected]. J.f-;_,~--·-- ' (3 ~J~v THE BASIC BELIEFS OF HINDUISM AND BUDDHISM Joyce Mason Special Studies H-490 Religion and Philosophy Dr. Ves ter Wolber January 12, 1970 THE BASIC BELIEFS OF HINDUISM AND BUDDHISM In the world today there are approximately three billion people, who belong to 11 major religions. Nearly all belong to the religion and denomination into which they were born, and accept it naturally, and are loyal to it as they are loyal to their nationality. Religion so exists for many men. "They have been born into a culture, and it ts unthinkable that religion can be anything but part of their being. "l As far as can be determined, religion has existed in every society. The more we learn about the days of man on earth, the more evidence there is that all societies have one thing in common--some form of reli- gion. -
Religion, Culture, and Economic Performance
RELIGION, CULTURE, AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE Marcus Noland Senior Fellow Institute for International Economics Abstract The hypothesis that the coefficients on variables of religious affiliation are jointly equal to zero can frequently be rejected at conventional levels of statistical significance (i.e., religion matters), but no robust relationship between adherence to major world religions and national economic performance is uncovered, using both cross-national and subnational data. The results with respect to Islam do not support the notion that it is inimical to growth. On the contrary, virtually every statistically significant coefficient on Muslim population shares reported in this paper—in both cross-country and within-country statistical analyses—is positive. If anything, Islam promotes growth. JEL codes: O40, Z12 Keywords: economic growth, convergence, religion, Islam, India, Malaysia, Ghana Author’s note: I would like to thank Scott Holladay, Paul Karner, and Josh Catlin for essential research assistance. Fred Bergsten, Jari Eloranta, Howard Pack, Dave Richardson, and seminar participants at the Korea Development Institute, the East Asia Economics Association meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Middle East Technical University, and the Institute for International Economics offered helpful comments on an earlier draft. Email address: [email protected] INTRODUCTION Abundant evidence affirms that religious belief affects a wide range of behavioral outcomes (Iannaccone 1998), and religious activity can affect economic performance at the level -
Entrevista1 Com Prof. Dr. Rer. Pol., Dr. H.C. Wolfgang Schluchter2: O Pensamento De Max Weber Na Sociologia Contemporânea
V. 15, n. 2 p. 01, Julho, 2018. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1806-5023.2018v15n2p221 Entrevista1 com Prof. Dr. rer. pol., Dr. h.c. Wolfgang Schluchter2: O pensamento de Max Weber na Sociologia contemporânea Entrevista: Elizangela Valarini3 Tradução: Raquel Braga4 Prof. Dr. rer. pol., Dr. h.c. Wolfgang Schluchter nasceu em 1938, no estado de Baden- Württemberg na Alemanha. Sua carreira acadêmica inicia-se em 1973 com uma Cátedra de Professor na Universidade de Düsseldorf. Em 1976 assumiu a Cátedra de Professor em Sociologia na Universität Heidelberg, onde permanece até o presente. Prof. Schluchter é reconhecido internacionalmente pelo desenvolvimento e difusão da obra de Max Weber. Tem se dedicado durante anos à elaboração de um programa de estudos e pesquisa “Weber-Paradigm”, que contribuísse para o dialogo da teoria weberiana com outras teorias sociológicas, como teoria dos sistemas, teoria da ação comunicativa, entre outras. Dedicou-se ainda sistematicamente para a reconstrução da obra de Max Weber, através da concepção e execução do projeto da edição crítica “Max Weber Gesamtausgabe”. Não somente através de sua obra, mas sua participação em inúmeros comites academicos, Prof. Schluchter contribuiu e contribui permanente para a formação e desenvolvimento da Sociologia alemã, assim como para a sua difusão internacional. 1 Esta obra está licenciada com uma Licença Creative Commons Atribuição 4.0 Internacional. 2 Entrevista realizada em Heidelberg, Alemanha, em 26 de julho de 2017. Prof. Dr. rer. pol., Dr. h.c. Wolfgang Schluchter é professor emérito do Instituto de Sociologia Max Weber na Universidade de Heidelberg. E-mail: [email protected] 3 Dr. -
Class, Caste, and Social Stratification in India: Weberian Legacy
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333560917 Class, caste, and social stratification in india: Weberian legacy Article · May 2019 CITATIONS READS 0 4,726 1 author: Hira Singh York University 16 PUBLICATIONS 44 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Ambedkar-Gandhi Debate on Caste View project All content following this page was uploaded by Hira Singh on 02 June 2019. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Class, Caste, and Social Stratification in India: Weberian Legacy Oxford Handbooks Online Class, Caste, and Social Stratification in India: Weberian Legacy Hira Singh The Oxford Handbook of Max Weber Edited by Edith Hanke, Lawrence Scaff, and Sam Whimster Subject: Sociology, Social Theory, Economic Sociology Online Publication Date: May 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190679545.013.21 Abstract and Keywords Max Weber’s distinction between class and status, identifying caste as the latter, is the single most important influence on the mainstream sociology of caste. There is ambiguity in Weber’s conceptualization in the sense that the contrast between class and status is marked by precarity in the long run when stabilization of economic power serves as a condition for the predominance of status usurpations. This ambiguity remains unresolved in Weber’s conceptual formulation. Mainstream sociology of caste owing allegiance to Weber reifies the contrast between caste as status and class. In Weber, caste is part of global-historical enquiry. In mainstream sociology, caste is uniquely Indian. It is argued that a critical scrutiny separating the rational and historically verifiable from the irrational empirically-historically unverifiable elements in Weber’s conceptual and theoretical formulations will enrich the Weberian legacy. -
Gender and Charismatic Power
Theory and Society https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-020-09392-3 Gender and charismatic power Paul Joosse1 & Robin Willey2 # Springer Nature B.V. 2020 Abstract Working beyond the inclination to inaugurate alternative theoretical traditions along- side canonical sociology, this article demonstrates the value of recovering latent gender theory from within classic concepts—in this case, Weber’s “charisma.” Close readings of Weber reveal, (a) tools for theorizing extraordinary, non-masculinist agency, and, (b) clues that account for the conventional wisdom (popular and scholastic) that charisma is “not for women.” While contemporary movements may be tempted to eschew charismatic leadership per se because of legacies of dominance by men, there is value in Weber’s formulation, which anticipated the performative turn in social theory that would destabilize biologistic gender ontologies. Value in this exchange also flows back to Weber: by confronting his intermittent tendency to describe charisma in terms that we now recognize as “customs of manly power,” we reveal heretofore unseen imper- fections (i.e., traditionalist modes of legitimation) in his ideal-type. This engagement thus demonstrates an empowering mutuality between contemporary gender theory and “the classics.” The article ends by theorising the nexus of gender and charisma in the case of Trump, pointing to possibilities for vitiating Donald Trump’s charisma, as well as for anti-Trumpian charisma. Keywords Charisma . Donald Trump . Gender. Politics . Populism . Weber Myra Marx Ferree and Carol Mueller (2004) advocated for a push beyond shopworn debates about what the women’smovementis, outlining instead what it is not—in their words, “not new, not only Western, and not always feminist” (2004, p. -
Guru Is the Only Cause, the Ultimate Source and the Bridge That Car- Ries You Across This World
SPRAWY NARODOWOŚCIOWE Seria nowa / nATIOnALITIEs AFFAIrs New series, 47/2015: 159–174 DOI: 10.11649/sn.2015.064 AnushA GAvAnkAr हेतवे जगतामेव संसारार्णवसेतवे। प्रभवे सर्वविद्यानां शम्भवे गुरवे नमः॥३३॥ hetave jagatāmeva sam˙sārārn.avasetave Prabhave sarvavidyānām˙ śambhave gurave namah. || 33 || The Guru is the only cause, the ultimate source and the bridge that car- ries you across this world. Bow to the one with all knowledge. || 33 || Guru Gita, Skanda Purana1 ‘Guru’ dEvOTIOn In IndIA sOcIO-cuLTurAL PErsPEcTIvEs And currEnT TrEnds To know and understand India one has to travel far in time and space… (Nehru, 1946/1985, p. 200) A b s t r a c t Though the academic study of religion is considered nascent in India, eminent scholars speak of Hindu restoration and the evolution of a guru. In a highly dynamic and pluralistic India, various sociological perspectives stand valid even today, for a better understanding into the spurt of the new movements – religious, spiritual and charismatic. These offer several in- sights into the evolution of the ‘guru phenomenon’ in the ............................... country. We have come a long way from the traditional guru AnushA GAvAnkAr to the contemporary godman (godwoman). The ‘Guru’ in India University of Mumbai, India has today entered the realm of religion. Despite having access E-mail: [email protected] to a wide pantheon of divine entities, what makes a people This work was supported by the author’s own resources. of a nation in current civilized and better literate times, cut No competing interests across all barriers of caste and religion (also class) and surren- have been declared. -
EUI Working Papers MWP 2008/35
1 EUI Working Papers MWP 2008/35 Max Weber in the 21st Century: Transdisciplinarity within the Social Sciences Frank Adloff and Manuel Borutta (Editors) EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE MAX WEBER PROGRAMME Max Weber in the 21st Century: Transdisciplinarity within the Social Sciences FRANK ADLOFF and MANUEL BORUTTA (Editors) EUI Working Paper MWP No. 2008/35 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. The author(s)/editor(s) should inform the Max Weber Programme of the EUI if the paper is to be published elsewhere, and should also assume responsibility for any consequent obligation(s). ISSN 1830-7728 © 2008 Frank Adloff and Manuel Borutta (selection and editorial matter); individual sections contributors Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.eui.eu/ http://cadmus.eui.eu/ Table of Contents Foreword Ramon Marimon I. Max Weber in the 21st Century or: how is Transdisciplinarity within the Social Sciences Possible Today?.......................................................................................................01 by Frank Adloff and Manuel Borutta II. Max Weber between ‘Eruptive Creativity’ and ‘Disciplined Transdisciplinarity’…………………………………………………13 by Joachim Radkau III. Weber’s Foundations of the Social Sciences and Rational Choice Theory………………………………………………….......…..31 by Sandro Segre IV. Weber, Marx and Contemporary Economic Theory: a Secular Theory of the Spirit of Capitalism………………………………......43 by Fabrizio Zilibotti V. -
Inventing the Axial Age: the Origins and Uses of a Historical Concept
Theor Soc DOI 10.1007/s11186-013-9193-0 Inventing the axial age: the origins and uses of a historical concept John D. Boy & John Torpey # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 Abstract The concept of the axial age, initially proposed by the philosopher Karl Jaspers to refer to a period in the first millennium BCE that saw the rise of major religious and philosophical figures and ideas throughout Eurasia, has gained an established position in a number of fields, including historical sociology, cultural sociology, and the sociology of religion. We explore whether the notion of an “axial age” has historical and intellectual cogency, or whether the authors who use the label of a more free-floating “axiality” to connote varied “breakthroughs” in human experience may have a more compelling case. Throughout, we draw attention to ways in which uses of the axial age concept in contemporary social science vary in these and other respects. In the conclusion, we reflect on the value of the concept and its current uses and their utility in making sense of human experience. Keywords History of social thought . Civilizations . Axial Age . Axiality. Religion . Historical sociology . Cultural sociology Until recently, it was widely said that we live in a time that has exhausted all “grand narratives.” Yet recently some of the biggest names in contemporary scholarship have taken up studies of the very longue durée, and of world history as a whole, in efforts to grasp central aspects of human experience. For example, the sociologist Robert Bellah, the anthropologist David Graeber, the ancient historian Ian Morris, and the psychologist Stephen Pinker have published massive studies going back millennia in time to make sense of our proclivity for religion, the origin of basic categories of economic life, relations of world domination and subordination, and our (putatively declining) propensity toward violence, respectively. -
CHAPTER 3 Classical Civilization: India CHAPTER SUMMARY
CHAPTER 3 Classical Civilization: India CHAPTER SUMMARY The Framework for Indian History: Geography and a Formative Period. Important reasons for India’s distinctive path lie in geography and early historical experience. India’s topography shaped a number of vital features of its civilization. The vast Indian subcontinent is partially separated from the rest of Asia (and particularly from east Asia) by northern mountain ranges. Mountain passes linked India to civilizations in the Middle East. Though it was not as isolated as China, the subcontinent was nevertheless set apart within Asia. The most important agricultural regions are along the two great rivers, the Ganges and the Indus. During its formative period, called the Vedic and Epic ages, the Aryans (Indo-Europeans), originally from central Asia, impressed their own stamp on Indian culture. During these ages, the caste system, Sanskrit, and various belief systems were introduced. Patterns in Classical India . By 600 B.C.E., India had passed through its formative stage. Indian development during its classical era did not take on the structure of rising and falling dynasties, as in China. Patterns in Indian history were irregular and often consisted of invasions through the subcontinent’s northwestern mountain passes. As a result, classical India alternated between widespread empires and a network of smaller kingdoms. Even during the rule of the smaller kingdoms, both economic and cultural life advanced. The Maurya and Gupta dynasties were the most successful in India, run entirely by Indians and not by outside rulers. The greatest of the Mauryan emperors was Ashoka (269-232 B.C.E.). -
The Persian Whitman: Beyond a Literary Reception, by Behnam M
The forum for inter-american research was established by the American Studies Section of the English Department at Bielefeld University in order to foster, promote and publicize current topics in the studies of the Americas. fiar is the official journal of the International Association of Inter-American Studies (IAS) General Editor: Wilfried Raussert Editors: Yolanda Campos Stephen Joyce Marius Littschwager Mahshid Mayar Luisa Raquel Lagos Ellermeier Paula Prescod Wilfried Raussert Susana Rocha Teixeira Brian Rozema Assistant Editor: Anne Lappert Editorial Board: Prof. Mita Banerjee, Mainz University, Germany Prof. William Boelhower, Louisiana State University, USA Prof. Nuala Finnegan, University College Cork, Ireland Prof. Emerita Lise Gauvin, Université de Montréal, Canada Prof. Maryemma Graham, University of Kansas, USA Dr. Jean-Louis Joachim, Université des Antilles, Martinique Prof. Djelal Kadir, Prof. Emeritus, Penn State University, USA Dr. Luz Angélica Kirschner, South Dakota State University, USA Prof. John Ochoa, Pennsylvania State University, USA Prof. John Carlos Rowe, University of Southern California, USA Prof. David Ryan, University College Cork, Ireland Prof. Sebastian Thies, University of Tübingen, Germany Dr. Cécile Vigouroux, Simon Fraser University, Canada Design: Alina Muñoz Knudsen Contact: [email protected] [49] 521-106-3641 www.interamerica.de (European Standard Time) Postfach 100131 The association seeks to promote the interdisciplinary study of the Americas, focusing in particular on inter-connections between North, Central, and South American culture, literatu- re, media, language, history, society, politics, and economics. www.interamericanstudies.net Guest Editors of Vol. 13.3: Jessé Souza (Universidade Federal do ABC (UFABC), São Paulo) ____________________________________________________________________________ www.interamerica.de The forum for inter-american research ISSN: 1867-1519 Vol. -
Max Weber Was Never Mainstream
ARTICLE Max Weber never was mainstream,-but who made him a classic of sociology? Dirk Kaesler [email protected] Abstract If by “mainstream sociology” one understands a specific paradigm that dominates the discourses of sociology because its adherents form the majority of the discipline, then Max Weber’s program of a sociology that is built upon “interpretative understanding of social action and thereby with a causal explanation of its course and consequences,” was never mainstream, not during his lifetime (1864– 1920) or since. So why has he become this overpowering “classic” of sociology? Who is responsible for this development? This paper does not aim to reconstruct the entire impact of Max Weber upon the history and presence of sociology since his death. Starting with the observation that he has been made into an indisputable “classic” of international sociology this paper, first aims to depict the sharp contrast between the weak and very selective impact and reception of Weber's work during his lifetime and its significance for international sociology today. Second, it attempts to explain Weber's career as a classic of sociology, having become—along with Marx and Durkheim—one of the pillars of a “Holy Trinity” in international sociology. Thirdly, after offering a general overview of forty-three individuals who may be regarded as mainly responsible for the fashioning of the sociological classic Max Weber, it concentrates upon the three most important figures by sketching their quite distinct ideas, interests and roles in this endeavor. Keywords Max Weber; mainstream sociology; If by “mainstream sociology” one understands a specific paradigm that dominates the discourses of sociology because its adherents form the majority of the discipline, then Max Weber’s program of a sociology that is built upon “interpretative understanding of social action and thereby with a causal explanation of its course and consequences,” was never mainstream, not during his lifetime (1864– 1920) or since.