Imperialism, Globalization and the Decline of Capitalism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Imperialism, Globalization and the Decline of Capitalism www.thecommunists.net Issue Nr.34 April 2015 Imperialism, Globalization and the Decline of Capitalism * Yemen and the Al-Saud Aggression * General Election in Britain * World Social Forum in Tunis * France: “Socialist” Government * Brazil: Danger of Right-Wing Coup * Capitalism in China Price: €5 / $7 / £4,5 2 Content RevCom#34 I April 2015 English-Language Journal of the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), No. 34, April 2015 Defend Yemen against the Al-Saud Gang of Aggressors! p.3 Tunisia: Lessons after Four Years of Revolutionary Ferment p.6 The Main Terrorists are Obama, Hollande, Putin, Assad, and al-Sisi! p.7 Brazil: Defeat the Fascist Coup in the Streets! p.8 The General Election in Britain on May 7th 2015 p.10 Britain: 4th Anniversary Syrian Revolution Demonstration p.14 France: The “Socialist” Government’s Neoliberal Autocracy p.15 Review of China: Wang Chaohua - The Party and its Success Story p.19 Imperialism, Globalization and the Decline of Capitalism p.22 RCIT Publications on Russian Imperialism p.21 NEW BOOK: Building the Revolutionary Party p.11 Books from the RCIT p.44 RCIT: What do we stand for p. 45 Published by the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT). The RCIT has sections in Pakistan (Revo- lutionary Workers Organisation, RWO), Sri Lanka (United Lankan Workers Party, ULWP), Brazil (Corrente Comunista Revolucionária, CCR), Israel/Occupied Palestine (Internationalist Socialist League, ISL), USA (Revolutionary Workers Collective, RWC), and Austria (Revolutionary Communist Organisation for Liberation, RKOB). In addition the RCIT has members in Yemen and Britain. www.thecommunists.net - [email protected] Füchselhofgasse 6, 1120 Vienna, Austria RevCom#34 I April 2015 Middle East 3 Defend Yemen against the Al-Saud Gang of Aggressors! No to Sectarian Divisions and Civil War! For a Workers’ and Popular Government! Joint Statement of the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency’s International Secretariat and the RCIT Yemen, 3.4.2015 . Since the night of 25 March, a military alliance of people. (Last time Pakistan did this was during the coun- reactionary foreign powers has been attacking Ye- ter-revolutionary suppression of the Bahraini Revolution.) 1men. This gang of aggressors is led by the kingdom 4. In short, this al-Saud gang of aggressors repre- of Saudi Arabia and includes all other monarchies of the sents the ultimate counter-revolution, the desire of the old Arabian Peninsula (except Oman) plus the reactionary ruling classes to crush the Arab Revolution, and to return regimes of Egypt, Jordan, Sudan, Morocco, and Pakistan. to the old, pre-2011 order. In the same context, one should In addition, it is also supported by Western imperialist view the reactionary initiative of al-Sisi and King Salman powers like the US, Britain, and France as well as Israel. at the recent Arab League Summit to form a joint military In an assault which Riyadh has dubbed “Asifat al-Hazm“ force of about 40,000 elite troops, backed by jets, warships, (Operation Decisive Storm), about one hundred Saudi and light armor. warplanes plus allied forces are attacking the advancing 5. The reactionary alliance of kings and dictators Houthi rebels in seven different Yemeni cities. During the decided to invade Yemen after their puppet, Abd Rabbu first nine days of this aggression, they have killed at least Mansour al-Hadi, had to flee the country when the Houthi 519 people, including many children, and injured more rebels reached the southern city of Aden. As a result of Al- than 1,700. Egypt has also sent warships to the coast of Hadi’s overthrow, US imperialism was forced to remove Yemen. In addition, Saudi Arabia has assembled as many its military personnel and intelligence operatives from Ye- as 150,000 troops along its border with Yemen, and Egypt, men. In addition, the US, France, Turkey, and their West- Jordan, and Pakistan have expressed their readiness to ern European allies closed their embassies in Sana’a. King take part in a ground offensive as well. Salman and his accomplices are determined to control the 2. The Revolutionary Communist International Tenden- country either by occupying parts of it with ground troops cy (RCIT) calls democrats, anti-imperialists, and socialists or by forcing the rebels to accept negotiations which in Yemen and the Arab world to defend Yemen’s national would result in the re-imposition of al-Hadi, who has lost independence and to support the defeat of the reactionary any popular support in Yemen, as the country’s president. al-Saud gang of aggressors. 6. The al-Saud Gang of Aggressors is striving to sub- 3. While the ongoing war in Yemen reflects differ- jugate Yemen not only to deliver another blow to the Arab ent axes of conflict, currently the most important issue is Revolution but also to control a country which is strate- the attack of the foreign, arch-reactionary powers against gically located for world trade. Whoever controls Yemen Yemen’s independence in order to install their disposed controls the Bāb al-Mandab Straits and subsequently the reactionary lackey, “President” Abd Rabbu Mansour al- Gulf of Aden and the Suquṭra Islands. Furthermore, who- Hadi. While the Saudi King Salman and the other reac- ever controls the Bāb al-Mandab Straits also controls the tionary petro-sheikdoms claim to have launched an “anti- southern approach to the Suez Channel. It is for this rea- terrorist operation,” they in fact represent the Arab Ancien son that the Western imperialist powers support the Saudi Régimes. They represent a coalition of ruling classes which war against Yemen. has at its core the thoroughly decadent and corrupt Saudi 7. The Saudi-led alliance fears that the victory of the and other Gulf monarchies which are closely aligned with Houthi movement could lead to a strengthening of the re- the Great Powers and which unashamedly support fled gional power of Iran and hence a weakening of its old ri- dictators like Tunisia’s Ben Ali, have financed the blood- vals, Saudi-Arabia and Israel. This fear has increased with thirsty coup d’état in Egypt of General al-Sisi on 3 July the recently concluded deal between the Great Powers and 2013 which so far has led to the slaughter of more than Iran about the latter’s development and use of nuclear en- 6,000 persons, and have crushed the popular uprising in ergy. Bahrain in March 2011. Characteristically, this very same 8. The Yemeni people well understand that the pres- regime of al-Sisi is an integral part of this gang of aggres- ent Saudi aggression is an attack on the country’s national sors. It is joined by the ultra-reactionary, pro-Western independence. This was reflected by the huge mass dem- monarchy of Morocco which has decades of experience in onstration in Sana’a on 1 April as well as similar marches national oppression of the Sahrawi people in the western in Ta’izz and Amran. People chanted “Death to the USA!”, part of the Sahara (again under the pretext of “anti-ter- “Death to the Israel!” and “Down with the Saudi Aggression!” rorist operations”). Finally, this alliance is completed by Another popular slogan was “From Sana’a to Qatif, the revo- the Pakistani regime of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who lution will not stop,” referring to the city of Qatif in eastern also regularly launches “anti-terrorist operations” against Saudi Arabia. There are popular calls for the boycott of their own people in Balochistan, Waziristan, and Khyber goods made by countries which participate in the Saudi- Pakhtunkhwa. It has traditionally close relations with the led war of aggression. Since the beginning of the Saudi Saudi Kingdom whose petro-dollars it desperately needs. attack, there have been important changes in the politi- Add to this the fact that the Pakistani military has a long cal awareness of the Yemeni people. Today, many people history of sending troops in support of the corrupt Gulf who in the past did not support the Houthi rebels, includ- monarchies, which have little reasons to trust their own ing many Sunnis as well as supporters of the old Socialist 4 Middle East RevCom#34 I April 2015 Party (which ruled South Yemen until 1990), now see the fight for the unity of the working class and the popular foreign attack as the main issue. Today, the majority of the masses. Yemeni people, Shiites as well as Sunnis, support the mili- 12. Socialists should fight for a revolutionary Constitu- tary struggle led by the Houthis against the Saudi aggres- ent Assembly. Its delegates should be controllable and open sion. to recall by the popular masses. This Assembly should 9. The foreign aggression has transformed the na- work out a new constitution for the country, one which ture of the civil war. As the RCIT has elaborated in past will unite the workers and poor irrespective of their reli- statements, the popular uprising against “president” al- gious believes. Revolutionaries would fight inside such an Hadi in the autumn of 2014 after massive price rises had Assembly for a socialist program. a democratic and legitimate character. Al-Hadi served for 13. The task of the working class as well as of the 17 years as the deputy of the ousted Yemeni dictator Ali peasants and the poor is to advance the formation of their Abdulla Saleh and came to power as a result of a Saudi- independent organizations. They should strive for the arranged deal after the Yemeni Revolution forced Saleh to foundation of new, popular, council-based democratic flee the country in 2011. Socialists supported the Yemeni councils of action as well as popular armed militias.
Recommended publications
  • 1 Curriculum Vitae of MELVYN C. GOLDSTEIN (Revised 4-6-2020)
    Curriculum Vitae Of MELVYN C. GOLDSTEIN (Revised 4-6-2020) Personal Background Education B.A., 1959, University of Michigan, history M.A., 1960, University of Michigan, history Ph.D. 1968, University of WAshington, anthropology Employment 1991-present: John Reynolds HArkness Professor of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University 1991-present: Professor of International HeAlth, School of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University (secondary appointment) 1991-present: Co-Director, Center for ReseArch on Tibet, Case Western Reserve University 1987-1991: Director, Center for ReseArch on Tibet, Case Western Reserve University 1975-2002: ChairmAn of Department of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University 1978-present: Professor of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University 1974-1978: AssociAte Professor of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University 1968-1971: AssistAnt Professor of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University 1 -- Professional Activities and Honors Distinguished University Professor, Case Western Reserve University, 2020. Elected Member, National Academy of Sciences, Section 51, Anthropology, 2009- present. Distinguished Research Award, Case Western Reserve University, 2016 The AssociAtion for AsiAn Studies’ Joseph Levenson Prize for best monograph on Twentieth-Century China in 1989: Honorable Mention: ("A History of Modern Tibet, 1913-51: The Demise of the LAmAist StAte"). This monumental study is a path-breaking contribution to our understanding of modern Tibet. Melvyn Goldstein has marshalled an impressive array of documentary, archival and interview sources to provide critical new insights into the political and diplomatic history of Tibet during its independence of Chinese domination. Particularly important is the author’s use of Tibetan sources to go beyond the question of Tibet’s relation to China, and narrate in detail the conflicts within Tibetan society: between monastic and lay elements, between reformers and conservatives, between rival regents’ cliques.
    [Show full text]
  • British Newspaper Coverage of the Tibet Issue Over Time, 1949
    British Newspaper Coverage of the Tibet Issue over Time, 1949-2009: Representations of Repression and Resistance by Chunyan Wu A Doctoral Thesis Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University June 2018 © by Chunyan Wu 2018 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My deepest gratitude goes to my supervisor, Professor James Stanyer, who has given me the most precious intellectual inspirations, valuable advice and help on this long road. Without his generous supports, encouragements, discussions and comments, this dissertation may never appear. I appreciate the help and support from the whole faculty of Social Sciences Department at Loughborough University, especially the administrator Deirdre Lombard who is always willing to help under all conditions. I am also very grateful for the support from all my personal friends at Loughborough, including Lingqi Kong, Mingxi Yin, Hui-Ju Tsai, Xue Li, Zhijia Yang, Edward Winward, Miaoshan Pan, Jiacheng Zhen, Fabia Lin and Harry Gui. In the process of this research, they not only kept with me very insightful academic communications but also shared with me their warmest friendship which helped me move on in the darkest moments. My PhD life at Loughborough would be very dull and colorless without them around. Last but not the least, I would like to thank my parents for their selfless love, understanding, and endless support for me for my entire life, without which I could impossibly achieve what I have accomplished today. i TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
    [Show full text]
  • Hu Jintao: the Making of a Chinese General Secretary Richard Daniel
    Hu Jintao: The Making of a Chinese General Secretary Richard Daniel Ewing ABSTRACT Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin’s heir apparent, has risen to the elite levels of Chinese politics through skill and a diverse network of political patrons. Hu’s political career spans four decades, and he has been associated with China’s top leaders, including Song Ping, Hu Yaobang, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. Though marked early as a liberal by his ties to Hu Yaobang, Hu Jintao’s conservative credentials were fashioned during the imposition of martial law in Tibet in 1989. Those actions endeared him to the Beijing leadership following the 4 June Tiananmen Square crackdown, and his career accelerated in the 1990s. Young, cautious and talented, Hu catapulted to the Politburo Standing Committee, the vice-presidency and the Central Military Commission. Despite recent media attention, Hu’s positions on economic and foreign policy issues remain poorly defined. As the 16th Party Congress approaches, Hu is likely to be preparing to become General Secretary of the Communist Party and a force in world affairs. The late 1990s witnessed the extraordinary rise of Vice-President Hu Jintao from obscurity to pre-eminence as one of China’s most powerful politicians and President Jiang Zemin’s heir apparent. If Hu succeeds Jiang, he will lead China’s 1.3 billion people into a new era. Over the next decade, he would manage China’s emergence as a global power – a leading country with one of the world’s largest economies, nuclear weapons and a seat on the United Nations Security Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Coping and Resilience in the Tibetan Exile Community
    Spacious Minds, Empty Selves: Coping and Resilience in the Tibetan Exile Community Sara E. Lewis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Sara E. Lewis All rights reserved ABSTRACT Spacious Minds, Empty Selves: Coping and Resilience in the Tibetan Exile Community Sara E. Lewis Mental health in the Tibetan refugee community has been studied extensively; but like most research on political violence, these studies focus almost exclusively on trauma. We know little about those who manage to thrive and what kinds of sociocultural practices enhance their resilience. This dissertation, “Spacious Minds, Empty Selves: Coping and Resilience in the Tibetan Exile Community” investigates how Buddhism and other sociocultural factors support coping and resilience among Tibetan refugees living in Dharamsala, India. In contrast to other work that focuses exclusively on trauma, the aim of this project was to examine the broad range of reactions to political violence, exploring how people thrive in the face of adversity. Drawing on 14 months of extended participant observation and 80 in-depth interviews conducted in the Tibetan language, this project investigates how communities through social processes cope in the context of political violence and resettlement. The study draws upon and aims to extend theory in three distinct but overlapping areas: 1) trauma and resilience; 2) the anthropology of memory and temporality; and 3) the transferability of interventions across cultures. The dissertation argues that the Tibetan concept of resilience is more an active process than a personality attribute.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sino-Indian Border Dispute: Implications of China's Economic
    The Sino-Indian Border Dispute: Implications of China’s Economic Reforms on the 1987 Border Conflict By Kunsang Gyurme Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in International Relations and European Studies Supervisor: Indre Balcaite Word Count: 16,599 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract This thesis builds on the existing works on the conflictual Sino-Indian relationship since birth of respective nations to the late 1980s. The first part of this thesis aims to examine the Sino-Indian relationship in two periods, 1947-1962 and 1978-1987. It investigates how two similar conflicts at the same border had different outcomes. I focus on the existing literature to determine the various factors that led to conflict in both periods. By employing the comparative political method, I show that economic interdependence factor was the variable that deescalated border conflict in 1987. The second part of the thesis applies the liberal view of economic interdependence and theory of trade expectations in the Sino-Indian case of the late 1980s. I argue that economic interdependence can explain the absence of war between the two nations. It shows that China’s economic reform and “open poor policy” had a huge impact on China’s prioritizing foreign trade and economic development since the reform was closely linked to the survival of communist regime. Thus China chose cooperation over war in the border conflict with India. As a result, border conflict between India and China did not escalate into a fully-fledged war in 1987.
    [Show full text]
  • Fifty Years After the Sino-Indian Conflict, Will the “Asian Century” See a New Confrontation?
    25 October 2012 Fifty Years after the Sino-Indian Conflict, Will the “Asian Century” See a New Confrontation? Balaji Chandramohan FDI Visiting Fellow Key Points The fiftieth anniversary of the 1962 war comes at a time when India, now a rising power, is enhancing its hard power through military acquisitions and soft power through increased diplomatic initiatives. Naval diplomacy is being employed. For India, the anniversary provides an opportune time to review the legacy of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s Cold War Non-Alignment policy in favour of a judicious use of realpolitik. Both India and China might further spread their “Spheres of Influence” in the Indo-Pacific region with the US willing to support New Delhi as part of its own forward policy in the region. As the two powers become more economically interlinked, war is increasingly likely to be viewed as a secondary or last resort option by decision-makers in both New Delhi and Beijing. Summary If it is agreed that, in the twenty-first century, there will be a geo-political shift from the North Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific, then by extension it could be argued that China and India will dominate events in the region. If that dominance were to lead to a classic case of great power competition, then such a future might be better understood by returning to 1962 and the first Sino-Indian border clash and considering the dramatic changes that have occurred since then. Analysis Fifty years have now passed since the Sino-Indian conflict. The war was a result of tensions that arose during the 1959 Tibetan uprising, when India granted asylum to the Dalai Lama after the capture of Tibet by the People’s Liberation Army and India adopted a “Forward Policy” intended to demonstrate its control of the disputed areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional-Executive Commission on China Hearing on “From All
    Congressional-Executive Commission on China Hearing on “From All Angles”: Protecting Human Rights, Defending Strategic Access, and Challenging China’s Export of Censorship Globally February 14, 2018 – 10:00 a.m. 301 Russell Senate Office Building Statement for the Record of The Honorable James P. McGovern Representative in Congress from the State of Massachusetts I thank the Congressional-Executive Committee on China for convening this critically important hearing on the eve of the anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising, in which 87,000 Tibetans were killed, arrested or deported to labor camps, and which led His Holiness the Dalai Lama to flee to India, along with tens of thousands of other Tibetans. I appreciate the opportunity to provide a statement for the record. I admire the courage and perseverance of the Tibetan people. I have stood in solidarity with them for years in their struggle to exercise their basic human rights -- to speak and teach their language, protect their culture, control their land and water, travel within and outside their country, and worship as they choose. Dhondup Wangchen embodies that struggle. I join my colleagues in welcoming him to Washington and to the halls of Congress. But as the Dalai Lama ages, and as China doubles down on its deeply authoritarian practices, I worry that time is running out to make sure that Tibetans will be able to live their lives as they wish. China has a terrible human rights record. Whatever hope once existed that China would become more open, more ruled by law and more democratic as it became wealthier has faded over the years – especially under the rule of President Xi Jinping.
    [Show full text]
  • Tibetan Youth Activism: Role of Government-In-Exile, 1959-1976
    Tibetan Youth Activism: Role of Government-in-Exile, 1959-1976 Dissertation submitted to Jawaharlal Nehru University for the award of the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY FWJAKHANG BRAHMA CENTRE FOR INNER ASIAN STUDIES SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY NEW DELHI-110067 2018 Tibetan Youth Activism: Role of Government-in-Exile, 1959-1976 Dissertation submitted to Jawaharlal Nehru University for the award of the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY FWJAKHANG BRAHMA CENTRE FOR INNER ASIAN STUDIES SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY NEW DELHI-110067 2018 Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 1-25 Chapter 2: Tibetan Youth Struggle in Exile 26-56 Chapter 3: Role of Tibetan Youth and Religion 57-73 Chapter 4: Changing Dimension of Tibetan Youth Activism and the Role of Government- in-Exile 74-100 Chapter 5: Conclusion 101-108 Bibliography: 109-119 List of Abbreviations ATPD Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies BRDL Bhod Rangwang Denpai Legul CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CTAO Canadian Tibetan Association of Ontario CRCT Central Relief Committee for Tibetans CIA Central Investigation Agency CTA Central Tibetan Administration CTPD Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies CIA Central Investigations Agency CTE Council for Tibetan Education CTPD Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies GOI Government of India ITSN International Tibet Support Network NWC National Working Committee PAP People’s Armed Police PLA People’s Liberation Army PSB Public Security Bureau PRC People’s Republic of China
    [Show full text]
  • Tibet: Problems, Prospects, and U.S
    Order Code RL34445 Tibet: Problems, Prospects, and U.S. Policy Updated July 30, 2008 Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Tibet: Problems, Prospects, and U.S. Policy Summary On March 10, 2008, a series of demonstrations began in Lhasa and other Tibetan regions of China to mark the 49th anniversary of an unsuccessful Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule in 1959. The demonstrations appeared to begin peacefully with small groups that were then contained by security forces. Both the protests and the response of the PRC authorities escalated in the ensuing days, spreading from the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) into parts of Sichuan, Gansu, and Qinghai Provinces with Tibetan populations. By March 14, 2008, mobs of angry people were burning and looting establishments in downtown Lhasa. Authorities of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) responded by sealing off Tibet and moving in large-scale security forces. Beijing has defended its actions as appropriate and necessary to restore civil order and prevent further violence. Still, China’s response has resulted in renewed calls for boycotts of the Beijing Olympics opening ceremony on August 8, 2008, and for China to hold talks with the Dalai Lama. China sees itself as having provided Tibet with extensive economic assistance and development using money from central government coffers, and PRC officials often seem perplexed at the simmering anger many Tibetans nevertheless retain against them. Despite the economic development, Tibetans charge that the PRC interferes with Tibetan culture and religion. They cite as examples: Beijing’s interference in 1995 in the choice of the Panchen Lama, Tibet’s second highest- ranking personage; enactment of a “reincarnation law” in 2007 requiring Buddhist monks who wish to reincarnate to obtain prior approval from Beijing; and China’s policy of conducting “patriotic education” campaigns, as well as efforts to foster atheism, among the Tibetan religious community.
    [Show full text]
  • STORM in the GRASSLANDS Self-Immolations in Tibet and Chinese Policy
    STORM IN THE GRASSLANDS Self-immolations in Tibet and Chinese policy A report by the International Campaign for Tibet Washington, DC l Amsterdam l Berlin l London l Brussels www.savetibet.org STORM IN THE GRASSLANDS Self-immolations in Tibet and Chinese policy A report by the International Campaign for Tibet Washington, DC l Amsterdam l Berlin l London l Brussels www.savetibet.org Mourning A poem by Tibetan blogger, Sengdor, published online in October, 2011 The sadness of living is more painful than death/[…] Look at the smoke rising from the monastery’s golden roof Look at the doors of each monk’s cell In every moment After a storm bursts on one grassland Another storm bursts on the other grassland Following the direction of the wind Dark shadows move accordingly “To burn oneself by fire is to prove that what one is saying is of the utmost importance.” Vietnamese Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh, in a letter to Dr Martin Luther King, 1965 Cover details ‘Self-immolation’ – a painting by Tashi Norbu, Tibetan artist based in Amsterdam, by kind permission of the artist. The work expresses the dual hope that the self-immolators’ sacrifice will lead to their religious realization of ultimate reality, through burning away ignorance, and also ‘burn away’ the conventional reality of oppression. A Tibetan pilgrim with flowers. Troops are visible as Tibetan pilgrims gather at the Jokhang temple in Lhasa in September, 2012. At the Jokhang temple, one of Tibet’s holiest sites, Tibetan pilgrims face intense security, with a constant presence of troops and airport-style scanners now in operation.
    [Show full text]
  • THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes on Maoite Revisionism, Towards an Ultimate Debunking of Maoism and It’S Social-Fascist Adherents
    1 THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes On Maoite Revisionism, Towards An Ultimate Debunking of Maoism And It’s Social-Fascist Adherents Study Packet For Comrades and for Maoites Looking For A Principled Confutation of Maoism This long overdue and highly important writing and re-examination into the effects of revisionism in China and its impact today could not have been possible devoid of the massive help of fellow Hoxhaist comrades who contributed to their utmost ability and their time and efforts into making this possible, particular, there’s a massive necessity of giving thanks to our dearest comrade, the Hoxhaist Warrior, who wrote an entire section here based on the far-reaching research they themselves have done on contemporary revolutionary movements, specifically Maoite ones, and we once again are very much appreciative of his work. Part One: Chinese Revisionism: A Result Of None Other Than Mao By The Raging Stalinist The Rise of Mao in The Communist Party Mao Zedong was born, and on December 26, 1893 to a well-off peasant family. It has been said that his ancestors had lived in the region for around 500 years. So this was a place familiar to Mao. It was a beautiful place, full of luscious trees, forests, hills, and mountains. Mao was the third son to his mother and father, but only the first one to actually be healthful enough to survive beyond his youth.[1] Mao disliked his father a lot[2], but being the kind of person he was, he consistently asked ​ ​ ​ ​ him for money, time and time again[3].
    [Show full text]
  • China's Third World Policy from the Maoist Era to the Present Joseph Tse-Hei Lee
    Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Global Asia Journal Academic, Policy and Research Centers 3-1-2008 China's Third World Policy from the Maoist Era to the Present Joseph Tse-Hei Lee Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/global_asia_journal Recommended Citation Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei, "China's Third World Policy from the Maoist Era to the Present" (2008). Global Asia Journal. Paper 3. http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/global_asia_journal/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic, Policy and Research Centers at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Global Asia Journal by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. China’s Third World Policy from the Maoist Era to the Present Joseph Tse-Hei Lee Occasional Paper No. 3 March 2008 Centre for Qualitative Social Research Center for East Asian Studies Department of Sociology Department of History Hong Kong Shue Yan University Pace University Hong Kong SAR, China New York, USA China’s Third World Policy from the Maoist Era to the Present Joseph Tse-Hei Lee Professor of History Pace University New York, USA Social and Cultural Research Occasional Paper Series Social and Cultural Research is an occasional paper series that promotes the interdisciplinary study of the social and historical change in Hong Kong, China and other parts of Asia. The appearance of papers in this series does not preclude later publication in revised version in an academic journal or book. Editors Siu-Keung CHEUNG Joseph Tse-Hei LEE Centre for Qualitative Social Research Center for East Asian Studies Department of Sociology Department of History Hong Kong Shue Yan University Pace University Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Harold TRAVER Ronald K.
    [Show full text]