The Uncomfortable Truth: a Primer for Undoing Racism
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Perspectives of White UCT Students on Social Transformation Initiatives
Perspectives of white UCT students on Social Transformation Initiatives Zenzile Molo Student Number: MLXZEN001 University of Cape Town Supervisor: Dr Wahbie Long Co-Supervisor: Dr Taryn van Niekerk Word Count: Abstract: 175 Main body:8181 Abstract In a post-apartheid South Africa, scholars across all disciplines have contributed to the study of transformation, race and ‘rainbowism’. Although a substantial amount of this literature features the voices of the marginalised majority, there are only a handful of studies that are focused on privileged white South Africans. This research begins to address this gap, by investigating the understanding and constructs of social transformation initiatives amongst white undergraduate students at the University of Cape Town. Three focus groups, each consisting of six participants, were conducted. A thematic analysis demonstrates that white students understand transformation as accessibility, equality and opportunity for other racial groups to climb the ladder and be equivalent to whites. Furthermore, while some students understand challenges to white privilege as critical to social and racial transformation initiatives, others employ strategies to resist ideas that counter white privilege. The paper concludes by arguing that this tension provides an opportunity for further exploration around constructions of transformation initiatives amongst young white South Africans. Keywords: accessibility; equality; opportunities; privileges; justice; transformation; education; language; apartheid; land; FeesMustFall Introduction In 2015, young black South African students stood in solidarity against injustices, inequalities and colonial images of the past calling for transformation, such as the #RhodesMustFall movement (Chaudhuri, 2016) which led to the #FeeMustFall campaign (Raju, 2017). These black students sound a call for a free decolonised education and a call to dismantle the legacy of colonialism and apartheid. -
Twin Cities Public Television, Slavery by Another Name
Narrative Section of a Successful Application The attached document contains the grant narrative and selected portions of a previously funded grant application. It is not intended to serve as a model, but to give you a sense of how a successful application may be crafted. Every successful application is different, and each applicant is urged to prepare a proposal that reflects its unique project and aspirations. Prospective applicants should consult the Public Programs application guidelines at http://www.neh.gov/grants/public/americas-media-makers-production-grants for instructions. Applicants are also strongly encouraged to consult with the NEH Division of Public Programs staff well before a grant deadline. Note: The attachment only contains the grant narrative and selected portions, not the entire funded application. In addition, certain portions may have been redacted to protect the privacy interests of an individual and/or to protect confidential commercial and financial information and/or to protect copyrighted materials. Project Title: Slavery By Another Name Institution: Twin Cities Public Television, Inc. Project Director: Catherine Allan Grant Program: America’s Media Makers: Production Grants 1100 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Rm. 426, Washington, D.C. 20506 P 202.606.8269 F 202.606.8557 E [email protected] www.neh.gov SLAVERY BY ANOTHER NAME NARRATIVE A. PROGRAM DESCRIPTION Twin Cities Public Television requests a production grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) for a multi-platform initiative entitled Slavery by Another Name based upon the 2008 Pulitzer Prize-winning book written by Wall Street Journal reporter Douglas Blackmon. Slavery by Another Name recounts how in the years following the Civil War, insidious new forms of forced labor emerged in the American South, keeping hundreds of thousands of African Americans in bondage, trapping them in a brutal system that would persist until the onset of World War II. -
Slavery by Another Name History Background
Slavery by Another Name History Background By Nancy O’Brien Wagner, Bluestem Heritage Group Introduction For more than seventy-five years after the Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, thousands of blacks were systematically forced to work against their will. While the methods of forced labor took on many forms over those eight decades — peonage, sharecropping, convict leasing, and chain gangs — the end result was a system that deprived thousands of citizens of their happiness, health, and liberty, and sometimes even their lives. Though forced labor occurred across the nation, its greatest concentration was in the South, and its victims were disproportionately black and poor. Ostensibly developed in response to penal, economic, or labor problems, forced labor was tightly bound to political, cultural, and social systems of racial oppression. Setting the Stage: The South after the Civil War After the Civil War, the South’s economy, infrastructure, politics, and society were left completely destroyed. Years of warfare had crippled the South’s economy, and the abolishment of slavery completely destroyed what was left. The South’s currency was worthless and its financial system was in ruins. For employers, workers, and merchants, this created many complex problems. With the abolishment of slavery, much of Southern planters’ wealth had disappeared. Accustomed to the unpaid labor of slaves, they were now faced with the need to pay their workers — but there was little cash available. In this environment, intricate systems of forced labor, which guaranteed cheap labor and ensured white control of that labor, flourished. For a brief period after the conclusion of fighting in the spring of 1865, Southern whites maintained control of the political system. -
Discussion Guide for Educators
DISCUSSION GUIDE FOR EDUCATORS Guide by Valeria Brown, MEd Beacon Press | beacon.org/whitefragility WHY SHOULD EDUCATORS READ WHITE FRAGILITY? White Fragility is a must-read for all educators because racial disparities in access and opportunity continue to be an urgent issue in our schools. An educator’s belief system can and does significantly impact how they approach teaching and learning.1 Therefore, in a school system in which the teaching population remains primarily white and the student population continues to become more racially diverse, it is necessary for ed- ucators to develop the skills to engage in conversations about bias, race, and racism—especially their own.2 Additionally, despite an educator’s best efforts, it is impossible to shield students from the hate-based violence they are exposed to on a national level. A report by the Southern Poverty Law Center, found that the rhetoric used by Donald Trump and his supporters, before and during the presidential campaign, had a significant impact on school climate.3 Teachers reported an increase in verbal harassment of students, the use of slurs and derogatory language, and instances involving swastikas, Nazi salutes, and Confederate flags. Eight in ten teachers reported heightened anxiety from students in marginalized groups, including immigrants, Muslims, African Americans, and LGBTQ youth. Each month, Teaching Tolerance, a project of SPLC, tracks and publishes hate incidents at US schools. The latest report, from November 2018, found that there were 59 reported incidents in classrooms, at school events, and on social media.4 Regrettably, stu- dents are living with hate in their midst at school, too, and it is imperative that educators take action. -
White by Law---Haney Lopez (Abridged Version)
White by Law The Legal Construction of Race Revised and Updated 10th Anniversary Edition Ian Haney Lόpez NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London (2006) 1│White Lines In its first words on the subject of citizenship, Congress in 1790 restricted naturalization to “white persons.” Though the requirements for naturalization changed frequently thereafter, this racial prerequisite to citizenship endured for over a century and a half, remaining in force until 1952. From the earliest years of this country until just a generation ago, being a “white person” was a condition for acquiring citizenship. Whether one was “white” however, was often no easy question. As immigration reached record highs at the turn of this century, countless people found themselves arguing their racial identity in order to naturalize. From 1907, when the federal government began collecting data on naturalization, until 1920, over one million people gained citizenship under the racially restrictive naturalization laws. Many more sought to naturalize and were rejected. Naturalization rarely involved formal court proceedings and therefore usually generated few if any written records beyond the simple decision. However, a number of cases construing the “white person” prerequisite reached the highest state and federal judicial circles, and two were argued before the U.S. Supreme Court in the early 1920s. These cases produced illuminating published decisions that document the efforts of would-be citizens from around the world to establish their Whiteness at law. Applicants from Hawaii, China, Japan, Burma, and the Philippines, as well as all mixed- race applicants, failed in their arguments. Conversely, courts ruled that applicants from Mexico and Armenia were “white,” but vacillated over the Whiteness of petitioners from Syria, India, and Arabia. -
Racial Equity Plan
RED WING'S RACIAL EQUITY PLAN D R A F T : 2 0 2 1 Table of Contents Page 2: ............ Table of Contents Page 3: ............ City Mission and Vision Page 4: ............ Our Commitment to Racial Justice Page 5: ............ Acknowledgement of Harm Page 6: ............ Definitions: Working Toward Racial Justice Pages 7-8: ....... Why We Need to Do Better Page 9: ............ Timeline of Racial Equity Work P#ag2es 10-13: ..... Racial Equity Plan Draft Page 14-15: ...... How We Will Plan & Evaluate Progress W W W . R E D - W I N G . O R G 2 Red Wing's Vision Red Wing thrives as a vibrant, creative river town that values its natural environment, welcomes all people, and unlocks opportunity for everyone. Red Wing's Mission We strive to create a sustainable, healthy, accessible, resilient, and equitable community where every person #2 feels at home. How We'll Act We will create and maintain strong partnerships, be responsive to residents, and foster an active, healthy community where everyone feels welcomed, connected, represented, and encouraged to shape Red Wing's future. W W W . R E D - W I N G . O R G 32 Our Commitment to Racial Justice We seek to build a culture of inclusion and equity in Red Wing because all residents are vital to the spirit and success of our community. We desire to become a place where people of all races, ages, abilities, incomes, and backgrounds thrive and feel heard and connected. We will work so our city will be a place We now commit to acknowledging that where our elected and appointed pain and improving city policies and officials, city staff, schools, businesses, practices to consider the intended and nonprofits, boards, and other decision- unintended impacts that affect making entities all reflect the residents’ quality of life. -
Exploring Race and Privilege
Exploring Race and Privilege Exploring Race and Privilege presents materials on culturally responsive supervision from the second of a three‐part series designed for supervisors in teacher education. This series was developed in partnership with Dr. Tanisha Brandon‐ Felder, a consultant in professional development on equity pedagogy. This document contains handouts, planning tools, readings, and other materials to provide field supervisors with a scaffolded experience to improve their ability for culturally responsive supervision. The following materials build on the trust and community developed through the first set of activities The Power of Identity. Exploration of race and concepts such as white privilege will necessitate shared understanding of language and norms for conversation. 1. Understanding the Language of Race and Diversity 2. Ground Rules for Conversation 3. Color Line Instructions 4. Color Line Handout 5. White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack by Peggy McIntosh Understanding the Language of Race and Diversity Terms we all need to know: PREJUDICE Pre‐judgment, bias DISCRIMINATION Prejudice + action OPPRESSION Discrimination + systemic power. (Systemic advantage based on a particular social identity.) Racism = oppression based race‐ the socially constructed meaning attached to a variety of physical attributes including but not limited to skin and eye color, hair texture, and bone structure of people in the US and elsewhere. racism‐ the conscious or unconscious, intentional or unintentional, enactment of racial power, grounded in racial prejudice, by an individual or group against another individual or group perceived to have lower racial status. Types of racism: Internalized Racism Lies within individuals. Refers to private beliefs and biases about race and racism. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO the Penitentiary at Richmond
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The Penitentiary at Richmond: Slavery, State Building, and Labor in the South’s First State Prison A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Hilary Louise Coulson Committee in charge: Professor Rebecca Jo Plant, Chair Professor Stephen D. Cox Professor Mark Hanna Professor Mark Hendrickson Professor Rachel Klein 2016 Copyright Hilary Louise Coulson, 2016 All Rights Reserved The Dissertation of Hilary Louise Coulson is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2016 iii DEDICATION For my parents, Richard and Laura Coulson who always believed I could, and for my husband, Frank Fernandez, who helped me prove it. iv EPIGRAPH “You know we don’t have our prisons like yours of the North, like grand palaces with flower-yards.” –Keeper of the Virginia Penitentiary, c. 1866 v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ............................................................................................... iii Dedication ...................................................................................................... -
EXPLAINING WHITE PRIVILEGE to a BROKE WHITE PERSON... Gina Crosley-Corcoran
EXPLAINING WHITE PRIVILEGE TO A BROKE WHITE PERSON... Gina Crosley-Corcoran Years ago, some feminist on the internet told me I was "Privileged." "WTH?!?" I said. I came from the kind of Poor that people don't want to believe still exists in this country. Have you ever spent a frigid northern Illinois winter without heat or running water? I have. At twelve years old, were you making ramen noodles in a coffee maker with water you fetched from a public bathroom? I was. Have you ever lived in a camper year round and used a random relative's apartment as your mailing address? We did. Did you attend so many different elementary schools that you can only remember a quarter of their names? Welcome to my childhood. So when that feminist told me I had "white privilege," I told her that my white skin didn't do shit to prevent me from experiencing poverty. Then, like any good, educated feminist would, she directed me to Peggy McIntosh's 1988 now-famous piece, "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." After one reads McIntosh's powerful essay, it's impossible to deny that being born with white skin in America affords people certain unearned privileges in life that people of another skin color simple are not afforded. For example: "I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented." "When I am told about our national heritage or about “civilization,” I am shown that people of my color made it what it is." "If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven’t been singled out because of my race." "I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time." If you read through the rest of the list, you can see how white people and people of color experience the world in two very different ways. -
Critical Whiteness Studies and the “Jewish Problem”
Balázs Berkovits Critical Whiteness Studies and the “Jewish Problem” The “whiteness” of Jews has recently become a popular topic both in public debates and in academic research (Critical Whiteness Studies). Within this discourse, “whiteness” is used as a critical concept denoting those who enjoy white privilege in American and other Western societies. However, attributing “whiteness” to Jews is more than controversial, for it assimilates the most persecuted minority in European history to the dominant majority, while downgrading the significance of antisemitism. This is a necessary move in order to reaffirm and critically address the fundamental nature of the black and white divide; however, it is questionable both methodologically and politically. Debates about Jewish whiteness Recently, there have been several debates in American newspapers and in the Jewish and Israeli press about whether “Jews were white.” For sure, the basic issue here is the meaning we attach to “whiteness” when attributing it to Jews, and the reason for doing so. Why should there be such debates? Furthermore, why does this topic seem to be so popular, and what are its stakes? The “whiteness” of Jews can be approached from two fundamentally opposing points of view, which entail two different meanings of whiteness. And even though the two meanings are linked, their respective usages are very different. The first usage is descriptive or interpretative, whereas the second is critical (these two are summarized with a special emphasis on the first, but not sufficiently distinguished from each other, by Green 2016b). From the first perspective, the question posed is whether Jews are still considered part of the nation, particularly in the American context, in a time when, under the Trump presidency, the Alt-Right has gained significant influence. -
On Racism and White Privilege
On Racism and White Privilege Excerpted from White Anti-Racist Activism: A Personal Roadmap by Jennifer R. Holladay, M.S. (Crandall, Dostie & Douglass Books, Inc., 2000) On Racism Racism is a doctrine or teaching, without scientific support, that does three things. First, it claims to find racial differences in things like character and intelligence. Second, racism asserts the superiority of one race over another or others. Finally, it seeks to maintain that dominance through a complex system of beliefs, behaviors, use of language and policies. Racism ranges from the individual to the institutional level and reflects and enforces a pervasive view, in white- dominated U.S. culture that people of color are inferior to whites. Racist beliefs include things like “White people are smarter than people of color,” or “White people make better teachers.” Racism can manifest itself in terms of individual behavior through hate crimes, or in institutional behavior through employment discrimination.1 Racism might manifest in individual language through the use of slurs, or in institutional policy through a school’s selection of Eurocentric textbooks. Related to these relatively obvious manifestations of racism is a subtle system that also contributes to the maintenance of the racial status quo. That subtle system is white skin privilege. On White Privilege White skin privilege is not something that white people necessarily do, create or enjoy on purpose. Unlike the more overt individual and institutional manifestations of racism described above, white skin privilege is a transparent preference for whiteness that saturates our society. White skin privilege serves several functions. First, it provides white people with “perks” that we do not earn and that people of color do not enjoy. -
The New White Flight
WILSON_MACROS (DO NOT DELETE) 5/16/2019 3:53 PM THE NEW WHITE FLIGHT ERIKA K. WILSON* ABSTRACT White charter school enclaves—defined as charter schools located in school districts that are thirty percent or less white, but that enroll a student body that is fifty percent or greater white— are emerging across the country. The emergence of white charter school enclaves is the result of a sobering and ugly truth: when given a choice, white parents as a collective tend to choose racially segregated, predominately white schools. Empirical research supports this claim. Empirical research also demonstrates that white parents as a collective will make that choice even when presented with the option of a more racially diverse school that is of good academic quality. Despite the connection between collective white parental choice and school segregation, greater choice continues to be injected into the school assignment process. School choice assignment policies, particularly charter schools, are proliferating at a substantial rate. As a result, parental choice rather than systemic design is creating new patterns of racial segregation and inequality in public schools. Yet the Supreme Court’s school desegregation jurisprudence insulates racial segregation in schools ostensibly caused by parental choice rather than systemic design from regulation. Consequently, the new patterns of racial segregation in public schools caused by collective white parental choice largely escapes regulation by courts. This article argues that the time has come to reconsider the legal and normative viability of regulating racial segregation in public Copyright © 2019 Erika K. Wilson. * Thomas Willis Lambeth Distinguished Chair in Public Policy, Associate Professor of Law, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.