Printing Versionapril 29 That Queue Is Just for White People[1]

‘That queue is just for white people. Is that one for black ones? Where do I go then? Mixed heritage children’s experiences of school Kirstin Lewis Institute of Education, University of London This thesis is submitted for the Degree of PhD 1 ABSTRACT In inner London 7.5% of the school population is of mixed heritage, yet little is known about their experiences in the education system. Data from the 2001 Census shows that over half of mixed heritage children under the age of 16 have social backgrounds that suggest a strong middle class dimension yet, as a group, they have persistently underachieved at school. This challenges associations between social class and success at school suggesting that other factors might well influence school experience. This thesis explores how mixed heritage children’s school experiences are shaped by the ways in which others perceive their identities and make assumptions about their lives, based mainly on the colour of their skin. It examines why some children are more able to develop the resilience to cope with these experiences than others. An inductive approach to data gathering was used. Exploratory interviews were conducted with an opportunity sample, semi structured interviews with education professionals and focus groups with a small-scale sample of mixed heritage children in an inner London Borough. Themes that emerged challenge suggestions that we have moved to a point where ethnic and racial groupings are less relevant than data on children’s social backgrounds, suggesting that all mixed heritage children, regardless of social background, experienced racial discrimination, teachers’ inaccurate perceptions about their identities and backgrounds and low expectations of their abilities and aptitude for learning. Whilst educational professionals explained that they knew little about these children and were unaware of any issues they faced, children appeared to be ‘invisible’ at school, absent from policies and curriculum materials. Many lacked opportunities to discuss their identities both at home and school. These issues particularly influenced boys’ school experiences. Whilst this research enabled many mixed heritage children’s voices to be heard for the first time, it argues that the challenges many face present a threat to their capacity to fulfil their potential and their sense of belonging in the school community. 2 DECLARATION OF WORD COUNT The exact number of words in this thesis is 70,728. The references and appendices are excluded from the word count. DECLARATION OF OWN WORK I hereby declare that, except where explicit attribution is made, the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signed: 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank all pupils, parents and educational professionals who gave of their time to be interviewed as well as the members of school staff who facilitated the research process. Without their help and co-operation this research would not have been possible. Thanks go to my two supervisors, Professor Sue Hallam and Dr. Lynne Rogers for their encouragement and guidance, and to my family for their support and patience. 4 CONTENTS Abstract 2 Contents 5 Chapter 1: An Introduction to the Research Topic 8 The growth of the mixed heritage population in the UK 8 Aims of the thesis 8 Reasons for conducting the research 11 Importance of the research 13 Methodological research and methods adopted 16 A note on language 18 The structure of the thesis 19 Chapter 2: A Review of the Literature 21 Introduction 22 ‘Race’ as identity 22 Mixed categorisation and Census data 24 ‘Misrecognition’ and group membership 25 Section One: The influence of social variables on the development of identity in mixed heritage children 26 Parental approaches to developing identity in mixed heritage identity 27 The family as a source of support in the face of negative perceptions 31 The lack of opportunity for some mixed heritage children to explore issues of identity in the family setting 33 Section Two: What experiences do mixed heritage children have at school? Introduction 35 The invisibility of mixed heritage children at school 36 Teachers’ perceptions of mixed heritage children and their lack of knowledge about how to support them at school 38 Lack of knowledge about how to support mixed heritage children in school 39 5 Teachers’ and parents’ expectations of mixed heritage children at school 40 The impact of social class, gender and ‘race’ on children’s educational attainment 42 The influence of the peer group on the school experience of mixed heritage children 47 Racism in mixed heritage children’s lives 49 The influence of the community on identity and school experience: the triangle of family, church and school 52 Summary and implications for future research 54 Chapter 3: The Research Strategy Introduction 56 Section 1: A research approach 58 Section 2: A research design 59 Section 3: The Three Stage Interview Process 63 Ethical Considerations 79 Analysis of the data 82 Chapter 4: Findings Introduction 86 Mixed heritage children and social class 86 The impact of personal circumstances on personal identity 93 Personal identity and mixed family heritage 99 Personal identity and gender 107 Age and personal identity 110 The work of the mother in shaping personal identity 113 Summary 117 Chapter 5: Findings Introduction 118 The invisibility of mixed heritage children at school 118 Teacher perceptions and expectations shape mixed heritage 121 6 children’s experiences at school 116 Mixed heritage children, their friendship groups and school experience 129 Summary 136 Chapter 6: An Analysis of resilience in mixed heritage individuals Introduction 137 The Case studies 139 An analysis of the case studies using Ungar et al’s (2007) model 170 Summary 177 Chapter 7: A Discussion Introduction 179 Section One: Mixed heritage children’s identities and the ways in which they are perceived at school 180 Section Two: Mixed heritage children’s experiences at school 188 Contribution to the research field 191 Importance of research findings 193 Educational implications of the research findings 195 Limitations of the research strategy 197 Areas for further research 200 Recommendations for schools and teachers working with mixed heritage children 201 REFERENCES 203 LIST OF APPENDICES 218 Appendix 1: Parental Consent Form 218 Appendix 2: Young Peoples’ questionnaire 219 Appendix 3: Interview Schedule (semi structured) 220 Appendix 4: An example of coding 222 Appendix 5: Capturing the Themes 224 7 CHAPTER 1: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH Growth in the mixed heritage population in the UK As the population in the United Kingdom becomes increasingly diverse in terms of ethnicity, race, religion and national identity (Song 2007), one of the fastest growing groups is people of mixed heritage. The mixed population was officially represented in the UK Census 2001 for the first time and it was estimated that there were 661,034 people who identified as mixed heritage. The largest of the mixed groups was the mixed white/ black Caribbean group, numbering 237,000, or 35.9% of the people who defined themselves as ‘mixed’. The mixed white/ Asian group numbered 189,000 or 28.6% and the white/ black African group were 79,000 or 11.9% (Owen 2007). The exact figures are set out in Table 1.1. Table 1.1 Census 2001: England and Wales: Numbers in categories of mixed people. Categories of mixed heritage people Census 2001 Numbers Mixed White/ Black Caribbean 237,420 Mixed White/ Asian 189,015 Other mixed 155,688 Mixed White/ Black African 78,911 Total 661,034 Yet despite its growing importance in demographic terms and its entry into ‘official’ data collection, Song (2007) suggests that relatively little is known about the life experiences of so-called ‘mixed’ people whilst Sims (2007) suggests that the growth of different mixed groups over time will add pressure on our understanding of the diversity of culture and experience within them. Aims of the thesis This thesis considers the experiences of mixed heritage children in the education system. It highlights a gap in existing research about the subject, and explores whether the 8 experiences that mixed heritage children have at school are understood through an overt focus on their skin colour. It examines whether this renders them vulnerable to a set of assumptions about their lived experiences, which bear little resemblance to the reality of their lives. It explores how these assumptions, and the ways in which children deal with them, shape their school experiences. Ali (2003) suggests that multiple affiliations of ‘mixedness’ make it difficult to define mixed heritage as one category. Similarly Wardle (2004) describes many different ways in which children’s mixed identities are developed through a range of ecological components which include their social class, family backgrounds, their peers, their schools and the areas in which they live. Such a variety of lived experiences cannot be represented by a narrow focus on their phenotype and the associated assumptions about their lives. Song (2007) suggests that for many, mixed heritage may not be central to their sense of identity, being secondary to a sense of nation, locality, religion or language. Yet it is within the context of an assumed ‘race’, based on their physical appearance, that mixed heritage children attempt to find a space for the reality of these experiences (Ali 2003). Such a focus on ‘race’ might also lead to assumptions that mixed heritage children are victims of a ‘culture-clash’ between two supposedly different ‘races’ with distinct lived experiences. Edwards et al. (2008) highlight how such assumptions are portrayed in the media where attempts to cross cultural barriers lead to emotionally difficult, and therefore short lived, relationships and lifestyles. In 2007, Trevor Phillips, the chair of the Commission for Racial Equality referred to children from ‘mixed’ relationships as ‘marooned between communities’. Yet such an emphasis on their ‘racial identity’ detracts from the role that social processes might play in children’s lives, suggesting that any challenges that children face in schools are a consequence of their mixed heritage, rather than the ways in which they are treated by others.

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