Focus Volume Media Journal XXXI University of California Santa Barbara

FMediaocus Journal 2010-2011

Department of Film and Media Studies in media res 2433 Social Sciences and Media Studies Building UC Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA 93106-4010

UCSB Film and Media Studies VOL. Undergraduate Journal XXXI Focus Media Journal Volume XXXI 2010-2011

Focus 1 2 Focus The Focus Staff

Editor-in-Chief George Davidovich IV

Copy Editors Derek Boeckelmann, Kelsey Brannan, Jedediah Demke, Riley Jauchen

Staff Advisor Joe Palladino

Graduate Student Advisor Maria Corrigan

Focus 3 About The Staff George DavidovichIV: Editor-In-Chief

George Davidovich is a third year Film and Media major. Since coming to UCSB, he has been involved in many undergraduate film productions. He enjoys trashy televi- sion (the trashiest), one man bands, public access television, and loves Xavier: Ren- egade Angel. He hopes to one day produce the most ridiculous Super Bowl commer- cial ever made, or pursue a career in enter- tainment law and sell the timeslot rights for each commercial. Kelsey Brannan: Copy Editor

Kelsey Brannan is a graduating senior in the Film and Media studies department at UCSB. She has played an integral role in the production of numerous digital media projects within the GreenScreen program, FLMST 106 class, and reel-loud festival. In the fall she will begin the Communica- tion, Culture & Technology Master of Arts program (CCT) at Georgetown University where she will explore the relationship be- tween changing technology and changing cultures, including research, government and media. She received a fellowship at the Center for New Designs in Learning and Scholarship (CNDLS) at Georgetown, where she will provide technical support for academic and professional media proj- ects. Kelsey plans to move into media cu- 4 Focus ration following graduate school. Website: www.kelseybrannan.com. Derek Boeckelmann: Copy Editor

Derek Boeckelmann is a third-year Film and Media Studies major at UCSB. De- spite being born stateside, Derek grew up in the small coastal town of Caloundra in Queensland, Australia. During his time at UCSB, he has been involved in several undergraduate film productions and fre- quently contributes to the Artsweek sec- tion of the Daily Nexus campus newspa- per. An aspiring screenwriter, Derek plans to continue his studies towards obtaining a Master of Fine Arts degree and hopes to one day write for television. Jedediah Demke: Copy Editor

Jedediah Demke is a 3rd year Film and Business/Accounting double major with a minor in Philosophy. His emphasis in film is screenwriting and he hopes one day to write and direct his own feature. Until then, he settles for writing in his spare time while taking a variety of University offered courses in his various major studies. Riley Jauchen: Copy Editor

Riley Jauchen is a third-year Film and Me- dia studies major. He enjoys reading comic books of all shapes and sizes and hopes to one day work in the comics publishing in- dustry. After graduating from UCSB, Riley may pursue an MA but is still weighing his options.

Focus 5 6 Focus A Letter From The Editor On behalf of this year’s Focus Media Journal, we would like to thank those who contributed their time and effort in making this journal pos- sible. It has been quite the journey, and we are beyond grateful to those who guided us along the way. We are so proud of this year’s journal, and we wish to extend our thanks to those who helped us most. Focus Media Journal XXXI contains some of the most creative under- graduate scholarship concerned with contemporary media studies. The constantly changing landscape of the media industry, due especially to evolving digital technology, is even more reason for acadamic inquiry into the media studies field. As with every year’s issue, we hope to encourage and foster thoughtful debate, and give undergraduates an opportunity to experience publication. This year’s focus is “In Media Res”, which literally means “in the middle of things” or “mid-point”. We feel that the contemporary media industry is in a middle-state of transition and great change, which has caused vast uncertainty within academia and the media industry. We have organized this year’s issue in three sections, as we try to make sense of what it means to be in media res. The cover image of Buster Keaton from Sherlock Jr. was chosen as he walks into a movie screen within the film, representing how Keaton is in the middle of two different worlds. In fact, all of the ar- ticles published in this journal are in media res, in that they all represent a “lens” at one moment within the grand scheme of time. In other words, these articles are all published in media res, as their content will be seen differently in the future, since ideas and opinions are always in flux. We would also like to thank the Film and Media Studies Faculty and Staff for all their support, especially Dana Welch, for some much needed layout advice. A special thanks to Maria Corrigan for her commitment to this journal, without her expertise, this journal could not have been pos- sible. Being this year’s editor has been a wonderful and challenging experi- ence, and it is with great enthusiasm that I am able introduce the 31st issue of Focus Media Journal. We are really proud of it and we hope you enjoy it! On behalf of myself and the Focus staff, I would like to personally thank Joe Palladino for his gentle support and every one who contributed their time and effort into making this journal.

Yours Truly, George Davidovich IV Editor-in-Chief 2010-2011 Focus 7 8 Focus Contents

Cultural Transitions: Media and Identity Politics

When Kids Began To Matter: Nickelodeon and Children’s Programming in the 1990s 13 Dara Edwards

Mass Communication and the Proliferation of Hipster Culture 20 Tony Ung

Gender, Sex, and G.I. Joe Sean Olenick 26

Doctor/Doctor: Exploring Slash Fandom Interpretations within House M.D. 33 Paula Ersly

NCMR Conference Report 41 Kristen Aguanno

Focus 9 Mobile Media in media res iRetail: The Taste of Apple 44 Kelsey Brannan

Growing Pains: Business Models, Twitter, and the Real-Time Web 58 Roslyn Hernandez

Netflix: The Free Trial That Changed Media Distribution 69 Kristen Aguanno

Conference Report 77 Tony Blahd

National Conflict and Digital Nostalgia

The Road To Cultural Identity in Wolf Creek 81 Derek Boeckelman

Stereoscopic Films Forgotten Past: Novelty in Three Dimensions 88 Tony Blahd

The Satellite Gaze in Global Crisis: From The War in 99 Bosnia to Hurricane Katrnia Nadia Ismail

10 Focus Cultural Transitions: Media and Identity Politics

Focus 11 12 Focus When Kids Began To Matter: Nickelodeon and Children’s Programming in the 1990s by Dara Edwards

Before the advent of cable television in the United States, broadcast chan- nels ABC, CBS and NBC allotted kids just a few hours per day of children’s programming in the mornings and af- ternoons. However, in the 1980s, as cable began to broaden its reach and companies began to strike up deals with various municipalities, the concept of children’s television began to change considerably. With the rapid spread of cable across the nation came an in- crease in the number of television chan- nels and the ability to reach increasingly specific audiences, thereby addressing “Nickelodeon began to conceive of the child more directly viewers’ personal inter- viewer as a complex, opinionated, and profitable ests. Kids suddenly had hours upon television consumer.” hours of programming to choose from It is important to note that this and entire channels completely dedi- niche marketing technique employed cated to their interests alone. Although by Nickelodeon during the ‘90s was by children’s television shows have been no means a new programming strategy. around since the introduction of televi- Niche marketing was a programming sion in the 1950s, no channel had ever tool pioneered in the 1970s with the addressed the child viewer in quite aim of bringing young, educated and the same way as Nickelodeon. Dur- affluent audiences—also known as the ing the 1990s in America, Nickelodeon “quality” audience—to advertisers. Net- reigned supreme in terms of children’s works such as CBS and NBC discovered programming, drawing kids away from that by airing programs that attracted broadcast channels. Most importantly, a particular type of viewer, advertisers Nickelodeon began to conceive of the would be willing to pay premiums for child viewer as a complex, opinionated ad spots, especially during prime time. and profitable television consumer. By In her article “MTM Enterprises: An implementing programming blocks Overview,” Jane Feuer points out that that targeted specific child demograph- “In 1970 CBS was threatened for the ics, as well as airing a variety of original first time by NBC. In pioneering the programming which spoke to children sophisticated ‘adult’ sitcom CBS was at- of various ages and sociological back- tempting to be in the vanguard in the grounds, Nickelodeon began to reeval- quest for the new demographic audi- uate the child’s role within larger so- ence of young, urban adults,” showing ciety and, as a result, wholly redefined that beginning in the 1970s, the previ- the child’s social and economic identity ous network strategy of airing the least in America. objectionable programming was slowly

Focus 13 being undermined.1 The outmoded ming schedule to kids, because kids least objectionable programming who had access to cable also had access theory developed by Paul Klein strove to some of the “deepest pockets” in the to air shows that would appeal to the nation. If advertisers could effectively broadest audience possible in order to send their message to kids, then kids avoid offending anyone into changing would relay that message to their par- the channel. But as Feuer argues and ents, who would in turn buy the given as such ground-breaking programming product that was originally promoted as The Mary Tyler Moore Show (CBS by the advertiser. In addition to this, the ’70-’77) and All in the Family (CBS ’71- 1990s in America is widely considered a ’79) reveal, this least objectionable pro- decade of prosperity. With the dot-com gramming theory was unable to hold boom and the overall economic afflu- up in a rapidly changing and ever ex- ence, consumers had ample disposable panding industry. With this in mind it income, thus giving networks further is important to consider that nearly two incentive to appeal to many Ameri- decades later, Nickelodeon further de- can households that had the money to veloped this niche marketing approach spend on consumer products. Unlike to programming and took it to a new broadcast channels, which were free to level. By appealing to a previously un- the public, cable was primarily available tapped niche market, Nickelodeon was to those who could afford it. Therefore, subsequently able to successfully rival Nickelodeon could assure advertisers the previously dominant broadcast net- that the viewers of Nickelodeon shows works in attracting child viewers. most certainly had money to spend. The next question one may ask is, With this said, it was not unreasonable ‘why kids?’ If networks’ primary con- that Nickelodeon’s principle effort was cern is appealing to an audience that in appealing to the child viewer. By ex- advertisers want to sell to, then how amining their programming strategies, did Nickelodeon expect to make a profit Nickelodeon recognized the unique op- from an audience that did not directly portunity in appealing exclusively to generate any disposable income? In a kids and, as a result, was able to attract New York Times article from 1992, Bill advertisers who otherwise may have Carter reports that “The reason chil- had a difficult time reaching such an dren are more and more favored con- age-specific audience. sumers among many cable executives In addition to appealing specifically is that they are increasingly perceived to kids, Nickelodeon implemented vari- as having access to deep pockets.”2 ous programming blocks throughout Furthermore, senior vice president of the day and was able to appeal to spe- Grey Advertising, Jon Mandel is quot- cific age groups ranging from toddler to ed in the same article as saying that teenager. Nickelodeon’s morning block “the children’s advertising market has of programming, launched in 1994 and grown 25% this year,” highlighting the titled Nick Jr., targeted toddlers and fact that children were becoming an preschoolers and aired at a time when increasingly profitable and highly ad- older children would be in school. With vantageous market for networks and this programming block all to them- advertisers to reach during the 1990s.3 selves, the tiniest viewers could enjoy With this it is clear that Nickelodeon shows such as Little Bear (’95-’01) and devoted practically its entire program- Gullah Gullah Island (’94-’95), which

14 Focus for Nick Jr. suggests that the appeal of various shows was just as much cen- tered on the child’s approval as it was on the parent’s (who were the ones pay- ing the cable bill, after all). If the par- ent disapproved of programming on Nick Jr. they would ultimately be the one in control of changing the channel or turning off the television. Program- ming on Nick Jr. also featured very few advertisements following a similar programming style as PBS, thus mark- ing Nickelodeon as a viable competitor for the public broadcast channel. Al- With an airtime when older children would though not completely innovative in its be at school, Nick Jr. targeted toddlers and preschoolers. approach to preschool programming, Nick Jr. addressed preschool-aged chil- addressed social issues and moved at dren and their parents at a time when a slower pace than most shows on TV. they would most likely be home, indi- In his article “Reading Nickelodeon: cating that Nickelodeon understood Slimed by the Contradictions and Po- the principles of tactful programming tentials of Television,” John Weaver strategies and strove to establish a loyal argues that: following early on in a child’s life. Starting around 1pm, after the older When Nickelodeon initially de- kids came home from school, Nickel- veloped its programming for pre- odeon shifted its programming to more schoolers, the shows were geared appropriate shows for the elementary toward social consciousness. Many and middle school-aged viewer. Pro- of the shows introduced preschool- gramming blocks such as Nick in the ers to a community of public ethos Afternoon (’95-’98) ran through the which demonstrated that the world middle of the afternoon and featured was much bigger than they were and game shows such as Double Dare (’86- that people were dependent on one ’93), cartoons such as the immensely another to create a sustainable envi- popular Rugrats (’91-’04), and sitcoms ronment.4 like Clarissa Explains It All (’91-’94), appealing to the more diverse interests Weaver thus emphasizes that with Nick of older children. In his article, John Jr., Nickelodeon’s primary focus was Weaver states that “in the sophisticated on education. Much like prevtious chil- programming for this [elementary to dren’s programming such as Sesame middle school] age group, the child as Street (PBS ’69-) or Mr. Roger’s Neigh- innocent disappears almost completely borhood (PBS ’68-’01), shows on Nick and the young person as sophisticated Jr. taught young children useful life les- individual and the child as consumer sons and, in turn, gave parents peace appear more prominently,” highlight- of mind that their child’s television ing this shift in programming between viewing was wholesome and beneficial. the earlier shows aired on Nick Jr.5 This Nickelodeon’s programming strategy afternoon programming block also re-

Focus 15 veals how Nickelodeon conceived of the night, where Nickelodeon had previ- older child viewer as a more complex ously run repeats of old network situ- and opinionated consumer. While Nick ation comedies, is to fill the void left by Jr. was primarily composed of nar- the broadcast networks, which have not rative formats, Nick in the Afternoon tried in recent years to attract children featured a variety of shows, including on Saturday nights,” drawing attention game shows, sitcoms and cartoons in to Nickelodeon’s strategy of reaching a an attempt to appeal to kids’ diverse previously unaddressed television au- and variable interests. If one child dience.6 In the evenings, most stations disliked game shows, he or she could aired adult-oriented sitcoms and dra- watch a cartoon. If another didn’t iden- mas, but tweens were very limited in tify with the strong female lead in Clar- their television programming choices. issa Explains It All, he or she might like However, with the great success of MTV the messy chaos of Double Dare. With (which happened to own Nickelodeon), such diversity Nickelodeon made it al- the value of the teenage consumer be- most certain that at some point in the gan to be recognized, and, as a result, afternoon a show of interest would air evening programming started to cater and a child would tune in. Unlike Nick to this previously unaddressed market. Jr., commercials and advertisements The shows featured during Snick were were much more prevalent during af- slightly different from those featured ternoon programming on Nickelodeon, on Nick Jr. and Nick in the Afternoon. mostly consisting of toy and food ads, These programs tended to embody a demonstrating advertiser’s desire to slightly more wry sense of humor and appeal to and profit from this older and engaged more edgy issues such as iden- more viable consumer demographic. tity and relationships. All That featured The contrast between programs aired a cast of kids of various ethnic back- in the morning and those aired later in grounds, and Kenan and Kel starred two the afternoon highlights the breakdown African-American actors. In each show, of demographic audiences, which Nick- however, race was rarely addressed elodeon employed in the 1990s in order as a critical social issue, ensuring that to appeal to the interests of various age the overall tone of each program was groups, as well as to appeal to an array light and still remained appropriate for advertisers. younger viewers. Nevertheless, Snick In the early evening Nickelodeon undoubtedly offered something differ- shifted the tone of its programming ent from Nickelodeon’s previous pro- yet again with the programming block gramming blocks, indicating that the entitled Snick, which began in 1992. cable channel recognized the different Appealing to an even older age group interests and tastes of teenage viewers (middle school to teenaged kids), Nick- and strove to provide a space on cable elodeon aired multiple programs, from television for such interests to be ad- variety shows (i.e. All That, ’94-05), to dressed. sitcoms (i.e. Kenan and Kel ’96-’00), Finally, in the last programming to the horror series Are You Afraid of block of the day (or rather night), Nick- the Dark? (’91-’96). In his article “In elodeon aired Nick @ Nite starting in Its Prime, Cable TV Gets Younger,” Bill 1985. This programming block would Carter argues that “The idea behind later become its own cable station, TV moving children’s shows into Saturday Land, in 1996. Nick @ Nite aired retro

16 Focus television shows including I Love Lucy (CBS ’51-’57), The Andy Griffith Show (CBS ’60-’68), and Happy Days (ABC ’74-’84). The sitcoms that were aired were never controversial or overly dramatic. For example, shows such as Roots (1977) and Amos ‘n Andy (CBS ’51-’53) were never a part of Nick @ Nite’s regular programming schedule. Nick @ Nite manager Rich Cronan is quoted in a 1993 L.A. Times article say- ing that “back when censors were so much tougher, shows were more whole- some so kids could watch, which also appealed to adults because they’d grown up with the shows and had strong emo- tional bonds to them” revealing that in airing retro programming during Nick @ Nite, Nickelodeon was able to appeal “With Nick @ Night, children could watch to adults, who would most likely be the shows along with their parents or parents could relish in a little childhood nostalgia ones awake in the household, while at once their own kids were sound asleep.” the same time continuing to air child- friendly content.7 Nick @ Nite ran be watching at night, highlighting the throughout the night on Nickelodeon cable channel’s principle programming until the early morning, when Nick Jr. strategy of appealing to the age group would start again. With Nick @ Night, that would most likely be watching the children could watch shows along with channel at any given time of day. their parents or parents could relish in After going to such lengths to ap- a little childhood nostalgia once their peal to various children’s age groups own kids were sound asleep. By appeal- and interests, the question remains ing to the parent’s inner child during whether Nickelodeon’s age-specific this programming block, Nickelodeon programming strategy was successful managed to draw an adult audience in attracting children viewers. Consid- and simultaneously capitalized on the ering that Nickelodeon is still on today broadcasters’ previous least objection- amongst a vast sea of cable channels able programming strategy. In doing devoted exclusively to children, it is so, Nickelodeon was able to ensure that probably safe to say that Nickelodeon nothing objectionable would infiltrate a was on to something in the 1990s. Dur- channel devoted predominantly to chil- ing the 1990s, broadcast stations were dren, and although Nick @ Nite mainly required by the FCC to air three hours appealed to an adult audience, it was of children’s educational programming still suitable for child viewers. Although per week; however, Nickelodeon pre- Nick @ Nite was a markedly different sented stiff competition, and ABC, NBC block of programming on Nickelodeon and CBS had a difficult time luring the than programming aired earlier in the youth demographic. In an L.A. Times day, it still managed to appeal to the article from 1996 Jane Hall states that adult viewer who was most likely to “Nickelodeon seems to be where many

Focus 17 of the networks’ lost children are turn- out the emergence of cable, it is un- ing up. The cable network for children likely that children would have found is up 12% overall this season among a channel devoted exclusively to their the 2 to 11 crowd and 30% on Saturday interests, and, in many ways, Nickel- mornings where it is beating ABC, CBS, odeon helped shape the identities of NBC and WB.”8 In essence, Nickel- America’s youth. By exposing kids to odeon’s programming strategy worked characters of a variety of ethnic back- extremely well during the 1990s when grounds, such as with Gullah Gullah children’s choice of television program- Island and All That, as well as present- ming was fairly limited. Now that kids ing strong female leads like in Clarissa had options of what to watch and when Explains It All, Nickelodeon helped to watch, they became more empow- kids envision a more diverse world and ered consumers and overtly voiced encouraged them to consider previ- their opinions by tuning into Nickel- ously unrepresented points of view on odeon over other, more limited, broad- television. However, there is also the is- cast channels. While broadcasters only sue that Nickelodeon was not a viable aired a minimal amount of children’s option for children of families in lower programming, Nickelodeon proved a socio-economic classes who could not more reliable entertainment outlet. afford cable. With its age-specific pro- Children would have to intentionally gramming blocks, Nickelodeon, as a tune in to broadcast channels at allot- cable channel, was inherently address- ted times during the week if they were ing a child of a particularly affluent eco- to watch programming to which they nomic standing, raising the question of could relate; however, Nickelodeon whether children without cable should took a new approach and became the have access to the same consistent loyal and ever-present friend. No mat- flow of child-oriented programming ter what time of day or which day of the as children of more affluent families. week, Nickelodeon always had some- In addition to viewing children as a vi- thing to offer kids. By honing in on one able consumer market, Nickelodeon particular demographic and breaking also catered to children’s developmen- that demographic down into different tal needs by exposing kids to a variety categories based on age and interests, of points of view and relatable issues Nickelodeon was able to corner one in a way that broadcasters had never area of the television market, leaving done. As a result of Nickelodeon’s im- broadcasters largely without children mense popularity during the ‘90s, it is viewers. important to consider how cable is able Nickelodeon’s programming strat- to serve the public interest in ways that egy during the 1990s reveals that along the handful of broadcast channels are with new technological developments unable to achieve. and new media formats, comes a new way of addressing the consumer. With-

18 Focus Works Cited

1. Jane Feuer, “MTM Enterprises: An 5. Ibid, 81. Overview,” in MTM: “Quality Televi- sion,” ed. Jane Feuer et al. (Ann Arbor: 6. Carter, “In it’s Prime, cable TV Gets BFI Pub, 1984), 25. Younger,” 13.

2. Bill Carter. “In Its Prime, Cable TV 7. N.F., Mendoza, “Nick’s Nites to Re- Gets Younger: A strong bid to lure member: [Home Edition]” Los Angeles children, and dollars, away from the Times, June 25, 1995. networks.” New York Times, July 13, 1992, 13. 8. Jane Hall, “Networks See Drop in Kids’ Audiences; Television: Four of 3. Ibid. five broadcast networks experience a Saturday morning slump as Nickelode- 4. John Weaver. “Reading Nickelode- on’s ratings climb: [Home Edition],” on: Slimed by the Contradictions and Los Angeles Times, October 15, 1996. Potentials of Television,” in Kinder- culture: The Corporate Construction of Childhood, eds. Joe Kincheloe, and Shirley Steinberg, (Boulder: Westview Press, 2004), 78.

Focus 19 Mass Communication and the

Proliferation of Mass Culture by Tony Ung

“When youth culture becomes is a young adult that listens to obscure monopolized by big business what are independent music and has an affinity the youth to do? Do you have any idea? for vintage style clothing. This definition, I think we should destroy the bogus however, is too general and fails to reflect capitalist process that is destroying address intersections of race, gender, and youth culture!” class. That said, someone who is straight edge, apolitical, buys clothes from Urban -Thurston Moore from Sonic Youth. Outfitters and American Apparel, rides a fixed gear bike, listens only to indie rock Bhaskar Sarkar, a Film and Media bands, and lives in the suburbs may be Studies professor at UC Santa Barbara, considered a Hipster, while at the same once asked his class, “Who here is a time someone who is an urban dwelling, Hipster?” To his expectations, no one vegan democrat, who likes electro music raised his or her hand. A majority of the and techno, and only buys clothes from students in the class, dressed in Urban thrift stores is also considered a Hipster. Outfitter attire, such as large-framed It is clear that these two individuals glasses and flannel shirts, did not identify hold distinguishable characteristics, yet as Hipsters. What is the explanation for this the mainstream would classify them as phenomenon? Why has a majority of the ‘Hipsters.’ The question is: how are these American youth formed an identity built seemingly different individuals related? on rejecting the mainstream, yet denies its The search for an identity outside of or membership to a unified counterculture? counter to the mainstream ‘Corporate’ This essay defines Hipster culture as a American culture, however, is what links teleological paradox that simultaneously these two individuals under the umbrella upholds anti-mainstream cultural term of Hipster. values, while maintaining the corporate Famous individuals that adhere to consumer practices it rejects. By utilizing mainstream American culture can usually cultural theory I argue that the Internet be classified as being generally successful and other forms of mass communication and well known among the general public. are the main reasons why Hipster culture For example, Taylor Swift, a famous has become a fruitful paradox in modern teenage country singer, who sells out America. international venues and is a household The broad definition of a ‘Hipster’ as name, would be considered a mainstream encompassing a majority of contemporary individual. Mainstream culture and trends youth culture is under much scrutiny. are easily accessible to consumers. For Although Hipsters are a demographic of instance, a film like Avatar was able to youth culture who may listen to the same gain maximum exposure by its dominant music, shop at the same stores, and even screening time in most commercially ride the same bikes, they are seeking to owned theaters across America. The be individuals – albeit not adhering to mainstream is commercially successful a label such as being called a Hipster. In and easily accessible to the masses. other words, the commonalities that unify Hipster culture is built on an them are too general to classify them aesthetic disposition. According to Pierre within a unified ‘Hipster’ subculture. Bourdieu, an aesthetizising disposition The stereotyped definition of a Hipster is defined by finding value in something 20 Focus Hipster culture is at the same time mocked and promoted by corporate interests. that is obscure and non-mainstream, cultural capital when its accessibility is yet respected among an elite circle of limited and a small elite assigns value to it, individuals, Hipsters. The esoteric value and loses its ‘Hipster’ aura when it is mass and knowledge applied to an object in produced. This leads to a major point this circle gives the object cultural capital. of criticism of Hipster culture. Hipster The cultural capital that Hipsters assign to culture is built upon being an individual obscure art art, music, and style contain that collects and wears objects distinct what Walter Benjamin would consider from the mainstream, yet when their “aura.” This “aura” which can be seen as an ‘unique’ vanity falls into mass appeal they object’s value, is formed by an acceptance no longer regard it as containing as much of an esoteric community. However, merit as before, regardless of whether or once this object is mass-produced and not the content of the object has changed. distributed to the masses, it loses its Hipster Culture is thus built upon a value and becomes “aura-less” object of perpetual paradox of consumption – the the mainstream. Therefore, an object, mainstream social phenomenon it hopes to whether it be a band or fashion style, gains reject. According to Andy Bennett, “Much Focus 21 of counter-culture’s oppositional stance gained mainstream acceptance. hinged on forms of expression articulated The ‘fixed-gear’ bike is an example of through commercially available products, one the ways in which Urban Outfitters such as music and style.”1 This speaks true takes ‘Hipster’ products and turns them for Hipster culture, which distinguishes into mainstream products. Praised for its itself from mainstream culture through “clean” look, the fixed gear bike are road its fashion sensibility and music taste bikes with one gear. What started as a style powered by expenditures. Whether of bike that came from the Velodrome and shopping at a local thrift store or paying to track racing has now been adopted by bike see a band, the Hipster remains stuck in messengers in cities, such as New York an endless circle of consumption in order City and San Francisco, and was eventually to distinguish her/himself from others consumed by Hipsters in stores like Urban through their individual purchases. Outfitters. Urban Outfitters also privileges In this process of shaping one’s identity those with higher-economic standing. through consumption, Marx’s theory Hipsters need to have the money to be of reification come to life. According to able to purchase a track frame or have Marx, the reification of an object in a the ability to convert a standard multi- capitalist society produces a distortion of gear vintage bike into a single speed. In consciousness, which attaches intangible addition, Hipsters need to know how meaning to objects that remove it from to ride a fixed gear bike properly. Fixed its original context. Hipsters’ purchase of gear bikes have no brakes and require an album or a shirt is not just to listen to the rider to continuously pedal due to the music or shelter the skin, but to exemplify rear wheel’s locked cog. Hipsters pride a state of mind and persona. Hence, the themselves on the cultural capital needed act of wearing a jacket from the 80’s is to create and ride a fixed gear bike. As more than a means of keeping warm, but more individuals purchased and created now stands as homage to the past and a fixed gear bikes, however, the demand reinterpretation of style that is an indicator rose and Urban Oufitters began to mass of the Hipster’s personality. According produce them for mainstream consumers. to Theodore Adorno, the accelerated Urban Outfitters also gives the consumer production of capital becomes the main the option to customize their bike, tapping goal behind cultural production. This is into the ‘unique’ fixed gear bike appeal. clearly demonstrated by companies that Rather than using a used bike frame from cater to Hipsters such as Urban Outfitters. dumpster diving, consumers now have Urban Outfitters is not only catering to the option to choose from three frames, Hipsters, but also shaping the culture with made in China, at Urban Outfitters. Urban its specialized selection of clothing sensible Outfitters is an example of a corporation to vintage fashion. Yet, there is something profiting off the exploitation of Hipster ironic about a store that mass-produces culture by taking away the cultural value products to consumers who build their from objects, such as the fixed gear identity on being individuals and one-of- bike, by making them available for the a-kind. Urban Outfitters’ production of mainstream public. As a result, shops such hipster culture represents a paradox. Their as Urban ride on the coattails of a group product line follows Adorno’s expectations that places itself against the mainstream. of cultural production and profit. Urban Although not all Hipsters shop at Urban has become a crucial driving force behind Outfitters, they cannot avoid being under Hipsters culture, taking note on what is in watch of such corporations looking for the at the moment, Urban, paradoxically, has next new style to exploit.

22 Focus Hipsters pride themselves on the cultural capital that is needed to build and ride a fixed gear bike.

The Internet is one way in which Jenkins describes their own self-demise Hipsters are targeted by style vultures. The as, “convergence culture,” a cultural Internet is a platform that has enabled and space where old and new media collide.3 fueled instant exchange of ideas of Hipster Hipster blogs and websites online have culture. Before the Internet, Hipster made Hipster knowledge and styles more culture was smaller and required a greater readily available to the public. Hipster degree of labor. Whether it was finding the Internet-users are thus becoming active next cool band or discovering a fashion participants in the exploitation of their that separated them from the ‘crowd,’ anti-mainstream culture and, ironically, a person would have to be more active, making their knowledge available to such as going to concerts in small venues mainstream consciousness. Jenkins states or scouring thrift stores, to portray the that since “there is more information ‘Hipster’ aura. Just as Marshall McLuhan on any given topic…there is an added said the mobility, speed, and accessibility incentive for us to talk among ourselves of communication has made people about the media we consume.”4 Hipsters more connected to one another, he notes expose their individuality to the masses that the population is moving back to a through personal blogs, public forums, “primordial tribe,” and as a result, people and even video sharing websites (e.g. are losing their individuality – a crucial www.mrhipster.com, www.diehipster. element that defines Hipster culture.2 wordpress.com) allowing for the formation The assimilation of Hipster styles of a collective aesthetic. The various into mainstream culture, however, discourses on Hipster media and fashion is not simply a result of corporations “creates buzz that is increasingly valued viciously monopolizing youth culture in by the media industry.” Henceforth, a a top-down fashion, but is also partially corporation such as Urban Outfitters does created by Hipsters themselves. Henry not need to find their way into the niche

Focus 23 community of bike messengers to find opposition to the mainstream. As Hipsters out what kind of bikes they are riding, exhibit and display why a particular object the clothes they are wearing, or the music (e.g. fixed gear bike) as having higher value they are listening to, they have access to than the mainstream, they consequently this information with the click of a mouse, create its mainstream appeal. ciphering through user generated content Thus, Hipster culture, which is based for ‘Hipster’ inspired styles. on an opposition to the mainstream, is The powers that shape mainstream creating the mainstream. This takes us culture in America are not exerting back to the recount at the beginning of control over Hipster culture, but rather this essay in which no one in the film participating in the same convergence and medias studies class would admit culture that Hipsters are using to create to being classified as a Hipster. What their non-mainstream lifestyle. In the the Hipster represents is a culture that “Southern Question,” Antonio Gramsci is self-destructive, bringing media and notes that the lower class, or subordinated fashion to the forefront of cultural appeal class, is dominated through a process of and dropping it the moment it enters the negotiation and articulation. In this case, mainstream arena, all the while facilitating ‘Hipster’ culture is monopolized and its rise to popular status. dominated by corporations such as Urban The mass communication facilitated Outfitters. According to Tony Bennett, “the by the Internet has allowed for a culture Gramscian concept of hegemony refers that builds its identity on unconventional, to the process through which the ruling esoteric aesthetics, as niche communities class seeks to negotiate opposing class online provide insight into their esteemed cultures onto a cultural and ideological lifestyles. Although Hipsters do not always terrain which wins for it a position of adopt the lifestyles that influence their taste leadership.”6 Mainstream culture can be in music or style, they are able to construct defined as the ruling class asserting their a pastiche individual identity comprised of power over the lower class (Hipsters) by several influences made possible through adopting the unconventional styles of their active consumerism. It is capitalist Hipsters and making them commercially society that allows for the reification of successful against the will of Hipsters. products, which is the foundation for The commercialization of Hipsters’ Hipsters to proliferate, finding identity individualism, however, is not a one-way through the products they consume. process that empowers the ruling class. It Ironically, the Hipster’s constant search is also enabled by the Hipsters themselves, for non-mainstream products renders who freely exhibit their lifestyle online and their culture teleological - that is, the belief on various public forums, allowing for a in progress and that media and styles of negotiation between the mainstream and all shapes and forms are on a perpetual the underground. incline of becoming popular. The paradoxical nature of Hipster In closing, aside from mass culture becomes apparent when the communication and the rapid transfer forces that allow for its cultural capital to of ideas making it possible for Hipster be created, become the same forces that culture to flourish in the modern age, I ultimately destroy it. In order for a media feel that Hipster culture is ultimately built or fashion to be regarded as hip and gain upon the desire of American youth to find cultural capital, it must create acceptance an identity of individualism, while at same and buzz among an esoteric community – time gaining the approval of their peers. something achieved through an object’s

24 Focus Works Cited

1. Andy Bennett, “Subcultures of Neo- 5. Ibid. tribes? Rethinking the Relationship between Youth, Style, and Music Taste,” 6. Tony Bennett, “Introduction: Popular Sociology 33(1999): 599-617. Culture and the Turn to Gramsci,” Popular Culture and Social Relations. 2. Marshall McLuhan, Quentin Fior, (Open University Press, 1986). and Jerome Agel. The Medium is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects. (San Francisco: HardWired, 1996).

3. Henry Jenkins. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. (NYU Press, 2006).

4. Ibid.

Focus 25 Gender, Sex, and G.I. Joe by Sean Olenick

The rhetoric of the current “War tect their women and children. The on Terrorism” plays on many well- rhetoric of the “War on Terror” plays rehearsed wartime themes including on these sentiments but also frames the good vs. evil, sacrifice and honor. How- figure of the terrorist in a very sexual- ever, the current “enemy” has dictated ized manner. Specifically, the field of a certain re-evaluation of these time- “terrorism studies” postulates the ter- less themes. The figure of the terror- rorist as a sexual deviant and, even ist, specifically, has necessitated this worse, a queer sexual deviant. Specifi- adjustment because he/she is hard to cally, Puar and Rai point to two models pin down. The terrorist is far more fluid of terrorism construction: the personal- than traditional “bad guys,” and his/ ity defect model, in which the terrorist her lack of national citizenship makes holds unconscious hatred towards the vilification a complicated process. As parents, and a sexual depravity model, Jasbir Puar and Amit Rai have writ- which focuses on the sexual motives of ten, the construction of the figure of the violence (the promise of 72 virgins for terrorist cannot be separated from sex. suicide bombers, for example).2 Both In fact, the idea of terrorism is built on models of terrorist studies reduce a sexual depravity.1 This is just one ex- complex and historically rooted figure ample of how the discourse of the “War to a simple, historical monster, act- on Terrorism” relies heavily on sex and ing out some depraved sexual fantasy. gender. The toy line, GI Joe, is a fasci- The backlash after September 11th il- nating site for this discussion, as it is lustrates this perfectly; for example, explicitly tied to gender: GI Joes are one poster depicted the Empire State dolls for boys. Thus, GI Joe: The Rise of Building sodomizing Osama Bin Laden. Cobra (dir. Stephen Sommers, 2009) Puar and Rai state, “American retalia- is also transfixed on sex and sets up a tion promises to emasculate bin Laden discourse where the handsome, white, and turn him into a fag. This promise… all-American male must protect his suggests that if you’re not for the war, country from the depraved wishes of a you’re a fag.”3 As we will see, all of these sexually frustrated villain. The “Cobra themes are well represented in GI Joe: Team,” the film’s antagonists, is not The Rise of Cobra. the only side implicated in these co- Opposite the terrorist is the male vertly sexual references, however, as patriot, wielding “an aggressive hetero- the “Joes” are also framed in a certain sexual patriotism.”4 Psychoanalytically sexualized manner. In this paper, I will speaking, the source of male power is discuss the construction of the terror- the phallus and, thus, military strength ist as sexual monster and argue that GI is derived from the penis. Women are Joe, in both of its incarnations as a film characterized as lacking the phallus, so and toy, plays on gender and sex in its they are also implicated in this rhetoric. creation of power structures. According to Jessica Glaser, “military War is a gendered construction. Tra- identity is centered on the notion of ditionally, it is framed in a way where the warrior: a term of identity that ex- the men go off to fight in order to pro- cludes women.”5 The military plays on

26 Focus stereotypically male attributes like ag- normal action figure. Thus, the GI Joes gression and strength, and these quali- becomes known more as dolls than ac- ties are only enhanced through training tion figures. The ideological implica- and combat. In fact, “in basic training, tions of the dolls were quite obvious. recruits are taught rather violently who According to Karen Hall, “GI Joe led they are and who they are not. There boys to fashion themselves after the are three main ‘others’ that the military same mold that Joe was cast in: milita- rejects in its identity: civilian culture, rized, masculinized citizenship, not of the enemy, and women and feminin- woman born but government issued… ity.”6 Interestingly, as discussed above, [they] put a trustworthy, amiable, the terrorist is framed as a feminine childlike face on the image of the US homosexual or, rather, a failed het- military”.8 However, the Joe doll repre- erosexual, and these notions obviously sents an interesting dichotomy; though contrast with the ultra-manly image of in one sense the toy is male, represent- the soldier. Thus, gender and sexuality ing the military and masculinity, in play huge roles in the rhetoric of war another it is female, as girls generally making: “The notion of the soldier is enjoy playing with dolls. Thus, in some very much caught up in being male and sense, GI Joe is transgender. not female.”7 Joe’s production history signals this This type of rhetoric creates a na- gender bending as well, and Hasbro tional story through which citizens un- went to great length to make Joe as derstand both themselves and the war masculine as possible. For example, machine. But this discourse is not in- the development team purposefully nate, and the media often functions as a left Joe’s face blank in an attempt to way to disseminate this gendered ideol- negate any femininity, but, in the pro- ogy. Thus, we can view GI Joe: The Rise cess, made the face look very robotic. of Cobra as this specific type of ideolog- According to Hall, a whole generation ical mechanism, helping to propagate of boys grew up associating masculinity the ideas of heterosexual patriotism with a certain “exaggerated numbness and homosexual terrorism. The GI Joe and stunted humanity.”9 Adding to the franchise, however, began as a toy line confusion of Joe’s gender is the fact that in the 1960s, and a discussion of this the doll has no penis. Apparently, with history is necessary to understand the production deadlines rapidly approach- broader implications of the GI Joe film. ing, Hasbro decided to forego the The GI Joe toy line is an interest- crotch. Ironically, as a military toy, Joe ing site of negotiation between gender was stripped of the symbolic power that roles. The toys became very popular im- the military wields: the phallus [you mediately upon their release by Hasbro could easily argue that he still has the in 1964 as the United States was still phallus (since it is symbolic), though he several years away from Vietnam, and lacks the physical penis]. Thus, the GI the glorification of the “Greatest Gen- Joe doll has a very complicated history, eration” still lingered. The first line of stemming not only from its distinction Joes were available in the four major as a doll but also its very body. As dis- branches of the military (the Army, Air cussed above, military discourse cannot Force, Marines, and Navy) and, at 12 function without sex and gender, and inches, measured much larger than a the same must be said about GI Joe.

Focus 27 Cast from left to right: Duke, General Hawk, Breaker, Scarlett, Ripcord.

GI Joe: Rise of Cobra is truly a prod- exceedingly handsome, and thus the uct of “War on Terrorism” rhetoric, and ideal choice to play Duke, the physical many of its characters represent the embodiment of American military per- archetypes discussed above. The film fection. Beyond his appearance, Duke had a successful box office run in 2009, psychologically represents the roman- grossing $150 million in the United ticized soldier, appealing to both male States and $151 million in 14 interna- and female audiences; though manly tional markets, illustrating the film’s and able to kick major ass, Duke is also huge global reach. Thus, millions of vulnerable and scarred from a failed viewers worldwide were introduced to past relationship—wild yet tamable. the gendered ideology discussed above. Even his name serves a purpose, link- Rise of Cobra exists in a semi-fictional ing the character to the American hero world where a top-secret military or- who tamed the Wild West: the Duke, ganization, the Joes, defends freedom John Wayne. In some sense, George from a nation-less organization, Cobra, W. Bush played this role during his two who would like nothing more than to terms as the “terror president,” often take over the world. The parallels to the dressing in a cowboy hat or, famously, “War on Terror” are obvious, and the in an Air Force flight suit just prior to film banks on a type of “ripped from the his announcement of “Mission Accom- headlines” appeal. plished” in 2003, to link himself with Channing Tatum stars as Duke, the the iconic imagery of past American soon-to-be leader of the Joes. (The film heroes. is an origin story.) Tatum is the per- Duke’s main adversary is James sonification of American astmasculin- McCullen, played by Christopher Ec- ity: tall, physically imposing, white, and cleston. McCullen fits Puar and Rai’s

28 Focus description of the terrorist who exists structure of various Western powers. outside of history since he isn’t fighting Throughout the film, he is repeatedly for a country and seems to have no rea- asked why he would do such a thing, son for what he is doing. The narrative and he never gives anything but generic not only neglects to convey McCullen’s answers beyond his wish “to strike fear origin but also makes every attempt to into the hearts of every man, woman, hinder the audience’s ability to deter- and child.” Since the character has been mine it. For example, he speaks with a completely stripped of history or cause, very ambiguous accent (possibly Scot- we begin to attribute all of his acts to a tish) but also seems to know French. He mere hatred of freedom. The media and also states that he sells arms to “both Bush Administration used this rhetoric sides,” but never specifies the sides often in describing everyone from Al- themselves. It is not only McCullen’s Qaeda’s members to Saddam Hussein origin that is confusing but moreover to opponents of the Patriot Act. his sexuality, as he displays signs of The film continues to play on the both deep sexual frustration and gender theme of mindless evil throughout. This bending. Specifically, he is in love with is a rehearsed “War on Terror” line, and one of his henchmen, or more accurate- Rise Of Cobra invokes it often. Spe- ly a henchwoman, named the Barron- cifically, McCullen’s scientist ally, Rex ness (Sienna Miller). Not only does she (Joseph Gordon-Lewitt), uses nano- recoil at McCullen’s touch, she yearns technology to create an army that “feels for the more rugged and sexually ap- no pain, has no morality, and is com- pealing Duke, in one scene even staring pletely obedient.” Not surprisingly, the at Duke while McCullen kisses her. The soldiers Rex describes all look ambigu- audience is thus cued to understand ously non-white. that Duke would fulfill the Barroness’s Perhaps the most fascinating char- sexual needs more readily than Mc- acter in the film is Zartan, played by Cullen, and this is one reason why we Hollywood’s go-to terrorist actor, Ar- root for him. McCullen’s penchant for nold Vosloo. Zartan is a member of jewelry visually links him to femininity the Cobra team, but since he is Arab, and further cements that he is a sexual he must be even more ruthless than deviant who should be feared. the other villains and seems to have no Besides existing outside of history, conscious at all. For example, he breaks the McCullen character fits into - an a well known rule of war by stealing other categorization of the terrorist: and wearing an enemy combatant’s seemingly mindless, he has no reason uniform, and later impales a female Joe for what he is doing, neither wanting with a sword, whistling while he kills. nor demanding anything. According to After murdering the woman in cold Puar and Rai, terrorist studies attempts blood, another Cobra member gives to “reduce complex social, histori- him a dirty look, to which he replies, cal, and political dynamics” to various “Oh that’s right, you don’t kill women.” personality glitches, and this is exactly With these two acts, the film has set up what happens in Rise of Cobra.10 In a power structure where, even amongst the film, McCullen plans on shooting other villains and murderers, the Arab a nanite-filled warhead at major cities, member is the worst, and the other bad an act that, we are told, would not only guys look down on him as despicable. kill millions but also cripple the infra- Halfway through the movie, Zartan

Focus 29 undergoes a procedure that makes both the male characters in the film him look like the US President, and, and the audience, made up primarily by the end of the film, he kills the real of teenage boys. The point seems to president and takes over power. Since be that if a woman wants to be in the he looks like the man, no one notices, military she must dumb herself down, but, in the film’s last shot, he begins to and she better remember that she is in whistle, and the audience realizes that a man’s world. Thus, despite her ap- America’s worst fear has come true: an parent smarts, she is relegated, like the Arab is now the President. Obviously, wives of US soldiers in Iraq, to hoping the Joes will have to deal with this in that her man will come home alive. the sequel. Ironically, Nicols, the actress who plays To complete our understanding of Scarlett, seemed to realize the utter the film’s power structure, we must also weakness of her character. In a telling discuss Joes who are black males. Mar- promotional interview, Nicols acknowl- lan Wayans plays Ripcord, Duke’s Af- edged that Rise of Cobra is a “male rican-American sidekick and the film’s dominated film,” though not without a comic relief. He displays the same phys- dose of “girl power.”11 Unlike the dolls ical ability and heroism as Duke but, of the 1960s, there is no questioning the because he is black, he is relegated to misogynistic nature of this new-school second-in-command. An actor named interpretation of GI Joe. The character Adewale Akinnuoye-Agbaje plays the hierarchy further illustrates this: Duke Joe’s other black member, Heavy Duty, stands at the top as the embodiment and this is the character who is tasked of the American military spirit, while with training Duke and Ripcord early the male black members, Ripcord and in the film, as he is already an accom- Heavy Duty are his subordinates, and plished member of the team. Despite Scarlett, as the woman member, is rel- his seniority, however, Duke eventu- egated to the bottom. ally supercedes him as the leader of Besides determining the character the team; Duke looks American while hierarchy in the film, the phallus ap- Heavy Duty is black and speaks with an pears often in the composition. Phallic ambiguous African accent. Obviously, imagery plays an important symbolic Duke will become more important role in the film’s main fight scene, for based on this fact alone. example. McCullen decides to fire a The team also features a woman, warhead on Paris, and the Joes race Scarlett (Rachel Nicols), but she is, against the clock to stop him. The set- quite clearly, at the bottom of the power ting of this sequence is odd, however, hierarchy. Though we are told that she as Paris seems to have nothing to do graduated college at 12 years old and is with the rest of the film, and France has the smartest member of the Joes, she nothing to do with the Joes at all. Even- nevertheless needs constant saving by tually, the villains are able to launch the men in the film. Even worse, she the missile, which hits and knocks serves as a sex object by the end of the down the Eiffel Tower. Immediately film, giving in to Ripcord’s constant following this Paris sequence, the nar- flirting and essentially promising him rative jumps to Washington D.C., and sex if he returns from his last mission the camera tilts down the Washington alive. Also, her outfits often reveals monument, yet another phallic world enough of her body and breasts to tease monument, signaling the change in lo-

30 Focus Paris has been castrated, as it’s phallus, the Eiffel Tower, has been destroyed, while the United State’s phallus stands erect and powerful. cation. These consecutive shots serve a to forcibly influence the behaviors of definite purpose in the narrative, but other nations. Soft power, conversely, the symbolism also works for a certain is more menacing and involves using purpose. France is targeted first be- co-operation to make others want what cause its symbolic castration is not as you have.12 Soft power works through colossal as America’s since France is of- the mechanism of cultural imperialism, ten framed as feminine and weak; while whereby the media of a powerful nation Paris’ Eiffel Tower, has been destroyed, creates a discourse to promote Western the United State’s phallus stands erect, ideals and broadcasts it to less powerful powerful, and impervious to foreign at- nations.13 In theory, the less powerful tack. nation should begin to buy into the ide- Upon its release in August 2009, als of the more powerful one, rendering most film critics and reviewers wrote hard power unnecessary. GI Joe repre- off GI Joe: Rise of Cobra as a mind- sents soft power. It is a type of media, less Hollywood action flick. This read- seen throughout the world, which cre- ing of the film, however, downplays its ates a particular vision of democracy more insidious accomplishments, and and terrorism. In this light, GI Joe: Rise the ideological implications serve a of Cobra is nothing more than propa- greater purpose when put into the con- ganda, helping to create a particularly text of soft power. According to Joseph gendered (and all-powerful) vision of Nye, power works in two forms: hard the US military and foreign policy. and soft. Hard power involves using military power or economic coercion

Focus 31 Works Cited

1. Jasbir Puar and Amit S. Rai, “Mon- 7. Ibid, 1. ster, Terrorist, Fag: The War on Terror- ism and the Production of Docile Patri- 8. Karen J. Hall, “A Soldier’s Body: GI ots,” Social Text 20(2002): 117. Joe, Hasbro’s Great American Hero, and the Symptoms of Empire,” Journal 2. Ibid, 124. of Popular Culture 38(2004): 35.

3. Ibid, 126. 9. Ibid,, 43.

4. Ibid, 118. 10. Puar & Rai, 124

5. Jessica Glaser, “Insurgencies: Gen- 11. Tony Toscano. Interview. Talking der Roles, Performances, Bodies, and Pictures TV. August 3, 2009. the Construction of Identity in the United States Military during the War 12. Richard De Zoysa and Otto New- on Terror.” Conference Papers-Inter- man, “Globalization, Soft Power and national Studies Association Paper the Challenge of Hollywood.” Contem- presented at the annual meeting of the porary Politics, 8(2002);187. ISA’s 49th Annual Convention, Bridg- ing Multiple Divides, Hilton San Fran- 13. Ibid, 189. cisco, CA, USA, Mar 26, 2008;6.

6. Ibid, 7.

32 Focus Doctor/Doctor: Exploring Slash Fandom Interpretations within House M.D. by Paula Ersly

From Star Trek to Buffy, Starsky more presently with shows like Firefly and Hutch to Firefly, the “cult” of fan- or Supernatural. But sci-fi is not the dom has been a recurring phenom- only genre with a devoted base of fol- enon. Wherever there is good television lowers. Ranging from Glee to The Big or good literature (or even bad televi- Bang Theory, all varieties of modern sion and bad literature) there are dedi- TV have found their own fandom niche cated fans responding to and challeng- on the internet, on sites like fanfiction. ing the presented texts. Fans take what net, livejournal, or even facebook and they see on screen and they use it as a twitter. While sci-fi and fantasy still launching point for their own specula- dominate the most popular ranks of tion about the characters or direction fandom, a prominent genre has begun of the show. This can manifest itself to pull its weight among these super- through community discussion of epi- stars—the medical drama. On the list of sodes, character studies, artwork and top 20 most popular fandoms on fan- computer graphics centered around the fiction.net, House M.D. ranks 8th with show, or fan fiction, which is defined as over 19,000 “fanfics” associated with written works by fans using the charac- it, and Grey’s Anatomy ranks 19th with ters and universe of the show. These ac- 10,000. Further down the list appear tivities are undertaken as a hobby, and General Hospital (#33), ER (#37), and not for profit.1 Fan fiction is a way of even Scrubs (#81). reading between the lines of what is on Many theories have been proposed screen and playing with the possibili- to explain why science fiction has gen- ties left there. Within this definition of erated such a strong base of slash fan- fandom, there is a large number of so- dom and fanfiction that can also be called “slashers”, or fans who support, applied to the medical drama and to read, write or otherwise create works House in particular. Constance Penley centered around homosexual, often argues that science fiction is ripe for subtextual pairings within the text. I slash because it is a genre that deals plan to use House M.D. (2004-present) with issues of sexual difference and to explore the motives of these slash relations by “fusing political concerns readers and writers. Fans, and espe- with the playful creativity of the imagi- cially slash fans, use the text to inter- nation.”2 Science fiction is a world that pret their own ideas of ideal gender re- largely marginalizes the role of women, lations onto the shows they watch. The but it is also often categorized as depict- medical drama provides a unique arena ing utopian societies where anything for the construction of queer subtextual can happen. This mixture allows for all readings. In this essay, I demonstrate kinds of creative opportunities. Penley how queer readings exist within the states, “writing a story about two men House episode, “You Must Remember avoids the built-in inequality of the ro- This,”(season 7, episode 12). mance formula, in which dominance Fandom has been most associated and submission are invariably the re- with the sci-fi genre in the past—with spective roles of men and women.”3 texts like Star Trek or The X Files, and Science fiction is a world dominated by

Focus 33 “House himself is highly masculinized; he is characterized as abrasive, never clean-shaven, and sexually vulgar.” men and often marketed to men, and entific (medical) knowledge, and rejects when female fans rearrange this patri- subjective, experimental knowledge. In archal structure, they subvert the male House, the majority of physicians are dominance of the sci-fi realm and the male, and the majority of patients are relationships portrayed therein. But female, this gendered male (doctor) to how does any of this apply to the medi- female (patient) relationship privileges cal drama? ‘masculine’ knowledge over ‘feminine’ The world of medicine, like the knowledge.”4 Slashers of Star Trek world of science fiction, is geared fiction solve this problem of differ- around science and technology, two ing intellects and intuition by pairing fields of interest that are often - under Kirk and Spock, the two more power- stood as the specialties of men, not ful and balanced characters together. women. Because medicine is such a Similarly, slashers in the House world gendered world—populated largely by pair together the two heads of medi- male doctors and female nurses—it cine—Diagnostics head Gregory House, offers the same possibilities as sci-fi and Oncology head James Wilson—as a for exploration and deconstruction way to balance out this gendered world, by women in the form of slash fiction. where all the female characters are sub- Renee Kyle writes in Introducing Phi- ordinates of House. losophy Through Pop Culture that, Lisa Cuddy is the only exception “traditionally, the doctor-patient rela- to this—she is in fact both House and tionship grants authority based on sci- Wilson’s superior as the Dean of Medi-

34 Focus cine, but unlike House and Wilson, she of House and Wilson. My poll appeared has a familial and gendered tie to her on a general House fandom newslet- young daughter. She is not presented ter the next day (house_md_news), as just another medical equal, but very and the results reflect the wide range much as a woman. By assuming the of House fans that participated. Of role of House’s girlfriend, moreover, the 305 people who participated, 278 she threatens the stability of the ro- (91%) were female, and 201 (66%) were mantic pairing of House and Wilson. heterosexual. The results were split al- House constantly questions her judg- most exactly in half over who preferred ment in relation to her emotions, espe- House/Wilson versus House/Cuddy, cially when it comes to patients that are despite the fact that House/Wilson has young children, and reminds her that never been overtly cast as a sexual rela- because she is the administrative dean, tionship on the show. Also, 25% of the she’s not a “real” doctor, thus setting people who responded to the poll over her apart—and somehow below—the at the “house_wilson” slash community two men. were bisexual (a larger number than at In the episode “You Must Remem- the “house_cuddy” community) and ber This”, Cuddy appears a powerless the only people who declined to state figure, despite her authority. In two of their gender were users from the slash the scenes, she argues with House and community. These results suggest that tells him to stop meddling in Wilson’s to slash fans, things like gender and affairs. In one scene, she is asleep and heteronormativity may be outdated spooning with House, and in another concepts. Thus, slash fiction reveals she is doing paperwork and, again, the variety of sexual relationships that bickering light-heartedly with House, mainstream TV fails to address. who ignores her. In one of four such House himself is highly masculin- scenes, she has just gotten out of the ized; he is characterized as abrasive, shower and is half-naked. She does never clean-shaven, and sexually vul- not practice medicine in any of these gar. He also prides himself in avoid- scenes, nor does she do anything of ing patient care and social interaction, particular import, apart from being the type of work nurses (ergo women) House’s girlfriend. This is not exactly should be doing. In “You Must Remem- an honest or satisfying portrayal of a ber This,” House takes Wilson out to female character. a bar for a “guys night out.” The scene Most fandom scholars like to point opens with House’s very male gaze at out that fandom–and slash fandom in the center of attention; as the camera particular—is composed of primarily pans around the bar, pausing to hov- heterosexual women. The House fan- er on various women along the way, dom is no different from most other House’s voiceover narrates his subjec- fandoms in terms of gender composi- tive judgment of these women: “too fat, tion and sexual orientation. I conduct- too thin, too desperate, not desperate ed a survey on two House fan commu- enough…” When Wilson fails to chime nities on livejournal: “house_cuddy”, a in, House quips, “if you objectify them community dedicated to House’s rela- now you’ll feel more comfortable when tionship with the female administrator you tie them to a table in your basement Cuddy, and “house_wilson”, a commu- later… or whatever.” This dialogue is nity dedicated to the slash relationship inherently misogynistic and while it is

Focus 35 approached in a humor- ous manner through- out the show (Wilson’s reticent objectification includes the complaint “too… armpit fat-y”) there is no denying that, well, House is a pig. He is the exact man a woman generally wants to avoid, and yet he is the protago- nist of this show and the character the audience is meant to support and identify with. So how can female fans deal with this dichotomy? One method has been to reinterpret the world of House as a world in which House and Wilson are gay and attracted to one another. If that is the case, then House’s objectification of women seems less callous and offensive, and more like a deeper defense mecha- nism. It gives House a “One method has been to reinterpret the world of House as layer of insecurity and a world in which House and Wilson are gay character ambiguity and attracted to one another.” that he otherwise lacks. Constance Penley makes the case that the public sphere by imaginatively dem- many Star Trek Kirk/Spock fans use onstrating how it could be improved fanfiction and the characters of Kirk through making it more answerable to 6 and Spock as a method of “retooling” women’s interests.” This is precisely masculinity.5 The same can be said of what these slash fans try to do. House/Wilson fans, who seek to under- Slash fans structure their fiction mine House’s sexist streak by placing through the gaze of the characters. The him in a relationship with another man, fans rely on “looks” and body language his equal--someone he cannot objectify to structure their case. The slash fan’s through reckless comments about fe- goals is to find the queer elements in male anatomy. The work of slash writ- a heterocentrist text. Alexander Doty ers, according to Penley, “embodies the notes, “basically heterocentrist texts same impulse as the female nineteenth can contain queer elements, and basi- century popular novelists: to transform cally heterosexual, straight-identifying

36 Focus people can experience queer moments… ever as Doty points out, “the queer of- and these people should be encouraged ten operates within the nonqueer, as to examine and express these moments the nonqueer does within the queer.”9 as queer…”7 Slash fandom is therefore A queer reading of this scene provides a niche in which this kind of interpre- a completely alternate explanation for tation is cultivated and encouraged on the respective looks Wilson and House the daily. A closer look at House’s “You project off-screen. The song playing Must Remember This” episode reveals as the shot of Wilson fades into the that slash thinking is rooted in the cin- shot of House is called “How to Fight ematographic elements of the show. Loneliness” by Wilco. The two shots At the opening of the episode, Wil- mirror each other so closely that they son has just recently broken up with create very strong parallels between his ex-wife Sam. A large portion of this the two characters. The camera pans episode focuses on House trying to get up Wilson from left to right, and when Wilson back into the dating world. The the shot fades into Cuddy and House, ending sequence of shots sparked huge the camera pans once again from left debate among slash House/Wilson to right to House’s face. While Wilson fans, including comments such as the pets Sarah, the cat, House is notably following from livejournal user “foxke_ caressing Cuddy’s elbow in a similar lafra”: “woah, just me, or is the slash manner. Throughout the entire epi- back? …That last interaction between sode, House teases Wilson that a cat is House and Wilson, and the looks they a sign of spinsterhood and loneliness— were sharing… I firmly believe that they obviously Wilson is not in love with the were lying awake thinking about each cat. Based on the similarities already other at the very end” (anonymous).8 mentioned, as well as the overlying The sequence in question is a pairing of song about “fighting loneliness”, it is these two shots back to back at the close possible that Cuddy is House’s version of the episode, one of Wilson awake and of the cat—a mere stand-in to tempo- petting his cat, and one of House awake rarily stave off his loneliness and that and cuddling his girlfriend. he is not in love with her either. The Given the context of the episode, the linking of these two shots in cinemato- “concerned” looks of Wilson and House graphic style, with the sound bridging could mean two different things. Wil- them together, could lead the viewer to son admitted to House that he wasn’t extrapolate that House and Wilson are, ready to go back into dating and that in fact, lying in bed thinking of one an- he was still hung up on Sam, and so he other. Their gazes off-camera could be is lying awake thinking of her. Cuddy interpreted as longing and, while they earlier pointed out to House that he’s can’t see one another, the last shot of trying to get Wilson back into dating Wilson’s face shows his eyes veering off because House feels guilty that he—the into the top right corner of the screen, unstable jackass—is in a happy rela- and the final shot of House’s face shows tionship for once, whereas Wilson— his eyes veering into the bottom left the kind bleeding-heart—is not. Ergo direction of the screen, as if at each House is awake meditating on his own other. Conversely House/Cuddy fans happiness and wondering if he really did not focus so much on these paral- does deserve this relationship. How- lels, but chose to emphasize instead

Focus 37 the fact that House—a notoriously bad riphery objects of House’s vision. It is sleeper—closes his eyes and appears also notable that once Wilson leaves to relax at the end of the shot. Look the bar, there are no more House POV at how comfortable they [House and shots, even if he lingers in the bar to Cuddy] are together, these fans said, order a round of champagne for every- look how happy! And this wouldn’t be one before he himself exits. The camera a wrong assumption either; the scene does not center on House, but leaves works both ways—in queer and non- a space to House’s left—where Wilson queer contexts. Slash fans are aware of was standing before—which accentu- sexual differences in the real world and ates Wilson’s absence. A reading of the see the nuances of this world built into scene in this manner sets up a reading an otherwise often over-simplified and of the episode’s final scene in which heteronormative TV drama world. House and Wilson are thinking of (and The scene where House and Wilson subconsciously looking for) each other. are at the bar also has slash connota- At the end of the episode, Wilson also tions. The scene opens on House be- admits he did not sleep with the woman ing a chauvinist with the camera aiding from the bar—that he couldn’t. He does in his wandering gaze, but by the end not give an overt explanation why (the of the scene something flips. Wilson assumption is that he is not over his spots a woman he knows at the bar, and ex-girlfriend yet) but it is possible that House encourages him to approach her. House, or a love for House, is the true When Wilson crosses to the bar, House reason. remains. Fandom, fanfiction, and slash are The scene cuts back and forth be- all a means of exploring the multitude tween a close shot of House’s face as of possibilities a show can develop off- he watches Wilson speak to the woman screen. By looking at the phenomenon at the bar and a medium range shot of of slash fandom through the academic Wilson at the bar from House’s point lens of a queer reading it becomes ap- of view; Wilson and the girl are slightly parent that, “queer readings aren’t ‘al- off-center, nothing they are saying can ternative’ readings, wishful or willful be heard, and the heads of strangers misreadings, or ‘reading too much into cross in and out of the frame much like things’ readings. They result from the in the initial shots of House scoping out recognition and articulation of the com- the bar. This time, however, Wilson is plex range of queerness that has been the focus of House’s almost affection- in popular culture texts and their audi- ate gaze. When Wilson leaves with the ences all along.”10 This kind of specula- girl, he pauses to whisper to House, tion restructures and recasts the world and then House’s gaze (and the cam- in which the characters live in order to era) stays on Wilson until he exits the create new forms of gendered power bar. While the narrative purpose of this relationships. Like science fiction, the scene is to get Wilson to go home with medical drama is a conflicting arena a girl, the scene itself showcases House of structure and chaos. Medicine in- and Wilson’s close relationship. Wilson volves rules, theories, strict doctor/pa- is the object of House’s more mean- tient protocol—and yet a hospital with ingful gaze—a focused gaze—whereas its E.R. is an inherently tumultuous the women from the opening shot of place. This polarity provides the perfect this scene flit in and out merely as pe- framework for the challenging of un-

38 Focus derlying societal—and sexual—rules, a task slash fans are eager to take on.

Works Cited

1. Susan Clerc, “Estrogen Brigades and 7. Alexander Doty, “There’s Something ‘Big Tits’ Threads: Media Fandom On- Queer in Here,” in Out of Culture, eds. line and Off.” WiredWomen, (1996) 78. Corey Creekmur and Alexander Doty. (Durham: Duke University Press: 2. Constance Penley. Nasa/Trek Popu- 1995), 72. lar Science and Sex in America. (New York: New Left Books: 1997), 103. 8. Lafra Foxke, “Episode Post-Mor- tem: 7x12 You Must Remember 3. Ibid, 125. This”. Feb 14, 2011. http://house- wilson.livejournal.com/4383581. 4. Renee Kyle, “Cameron’s Ethics html?thread=54697821#t54697821 of Care.” Introducing Philosophy Through Pop Culture. (Oxford: John 9. Ibid, 73. Wiley & Sons Inc: 2010), 222. 10. Ibid, 84. 5. Ibid, 127.

6. Ibid, 134.

Focus 39 40 Focus Conference Report: Free Press and the Debates on Net Neutrality by Kristen Aguanno

The National Conference for Media Reform (NCMR) presented by FreePress, took place in Boston, Massachusetts from April 8 – 11, 2011. Media produc- ers, academics, lawmakers, and activists attended the conference to discuss the current state of American media, including the potential loss of a free and open Internet and the dominant control of news, entertainment, and communication platforms by media conglomerates. At NCMR, one of the major topics of discussion was net neutrality, which is the principle that establishes the right for open access and online creativity (e.g. personal blogs) without corporate and government discrimination and interven- tion. Ironically, on the first day of the NCMR the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill stating that they do not that did not support the Federal Communi- cations Commission’s (FCC) regulation to protect net neutrality. The approval of this bill made it clear to the conference participants that the loss of free Internet is not only possible, but also an imminent threat to Internet users unless the public speaks out. The discussion about the loss of Net neutrality also addressed the concern about the lack of diverse perspectives in mainstream news media. Independent journalists from Democracy Now! and Free Speech TV are encouraging indepen- dent journalists to present alternative perspectives and stories onscreen because they do not have to be concerned about following corporate policies or govern- ment approval. For the activists at NCMR, media and communication consolidation is a major concern. Mobile phone companies are beginning to implement policies that limit the first amendment. For example, Verizon™ has the power to block text messages, which impedes our first amendment right to speech and to organize a peaceful political demonstration if they disagree with the cause. Some presenters at the conference argued that people who dislike Verizon’s policy should choose an alternative phone service. However, as we see with AT&T™ merging with T Mobile™, the trend is moving towards conglomeration. Unless we tell our gov- ernment to step in and protect the free market, there will no longer be a choice. In most college level Film and Media Studies programs, undergraduate stu- dents learn about how the history of American media industries has been one of consolidation and closure, with the government standing in the way of creative and independent control. With this in mind, it is surprising that the student attendance at the conference was small. If we want to keep net neutrality, foster more competition, and maintain creative and diverse perspectives, we need to continue knowledge production in order to make our government act. This does not mean scholars and students in the fields of media need to drop their books to become activists, but it means that the most powerful thing they have to fight with against the mountains of industry dollars is the number of those in support of media reform. For more information about net neutrality and other media is- sues visit: FreePress.net.

Focus 41 42 Focus Mobile Media in media res

Focus 43 iRetail: The Taste of Apple by Kelsey Brannan

Apple retail began on May 19, 2001. beyond the luxurious ‘face’ of Apple to On this day, two Apple Stores opened - investigate the organizational strate- one in Tyson’s Corner, Virginia, and the gies and professional codes which make other in Glendale Galleria, California. Apple retail an attractive place to work. Since then, over 323 Apple Stores have My methodology involves three modes opened around the globe. The stores of analysis: (1) ethnographic field op- offer customers a local and personal erations on the Apple store sales floor meeting point to not only purchase and Back of House (BoH), (2) inter- computers, but also receive Apple ser- views with Apple store employees, and vice care. The popular geographic loca- (3) textual analysis. From these meth- tions and the high-tech architecture of ods I look at two aspects of Apple’s pro- Apple stores produce a taste of luxury duction culture that structure the flow that appeal to a middle and upper class of Apple employee communication: (I) lifestyles. For example, the Apple Store Apple’s interactive training programs in Paris, France is located in the glass and communication strategies (i.e Mar- corridors of the Carrousel du Louvre.1 ket Core Training, Retailme, Apple Cre- The luxurious space and “cool” aesthet- do, Retail News Network) implemented ic design of the Apple store becomes a by Apple Corporate to fetishize the re- place where customers and Apple fans tail space as a “fun” workplace, and (II) can exercise popular production and the ubiquitous computing and m-com- consumption practices. For example, merce strategies designed to increase a ‘Youtube auteur,’ iJustine, has ac- customer satisfaction. By deconstruct- cumulated millions of fans by visiting ing Apple’s taste of luxury and perfor- Apple Stores to record fan videos with mance culture, I expose the negative Apple’s ‘Built-in-iSight’ cameras.2 The implications of m-commerce on retail combination of luxurious architecture space and employee communication. and popular consumption engenders a paradox. The Apple Store becomes I. Apple’s Professional Train- a luxurious space requiring a taste of ing and Corporate Strategies popular necessity.3 The habitus of Apple retail employ- “Innovation is a part of our DNA”6 ees must also match Apple’s taste of luxury. Williams and Connell note, “Re- At the point of sale (POS), Apple em- tailers with “cool” brands are success- ployees simultaneously perform mobile ful at attracting workers because they communication and advertise their 4 appeal to their consumer interests.” In products as an attractive and necessary other words, the ideal employee for Ap- mode of communication. Bourdieu re- ple is a youthful Apple consumer that ferred to this performance as conjur- identifies with the potential of Apple ing up a taste of “amor fati.”7 He says, products. An Apple employee notes, “Taste is amor fati, the choice of des- “You’d be surprised how similar we all tiny, but a forced choice, produced by 5 are.” In the following analysis I move conditions of existence which rule out

44 Focus An Apple Store in Paris, France, located in the glass corridors of the Carrousel du Louvre. all alternatives as mere daydreams and This college student was influenced leave no choice but the taste for the by her mother’s initial attraction to necessity.”8 Wearing seasonal Ameri- Apple, which was based on the way in can Apparel Apple shirts and carrying which Apple constructs their products Easypay mobile cash register devices, as being helpful and beneficial to the Apple employee’s produce a taste of ‘middle-class’ quotidian family lifestyle. luxury that appeals to its customers and This employee’s response embodies the employees. A college student, age 21, taste of Apple, a taste that manufac- decided to work at Apple because she tures retail fetishism, attracts youthful thought the vibe at Apple was “cool”: enterprise, and family oriented life- styles. This ‘taste,’ however, is not just BRANNAN: What is your back- a natural part of Apple, but assembled, ground in retail? How did you reinforced, and maintained through the choose to be a part of Apple? implementation of interactive organi- zational strategies by various actors in APPLE SPECIALIST: I always Apple Corporate. I have identified five liked the vibe at Apple and that essential strategies: (a) Market Core people were friendly and actually training, (b) Retailme, (c) RNN and the seemed to care and after my mum ‘Daily Download’ language, (d) Apple started working there I saw how Credo and (e) store quarterly meet- much she enjoyed it and wanted to ings.10 do the same.9

Focus 45 A. Market Core Training room stage of training, the new hires engage in mediated activities that code The following Apple training pro- and define each role, action, and task in gram analysis is based on field notes the Apple Store. On the first day of Mar- taken during Southern California’s Ap- ket Core training new employees learn ple Market Core training. There were about the history of Apple (i.e. 1976 Ap- a total of six employees in the training ple release first computer) by watching class between the ages of 19 and 22. and interpreting Apple television com- Five of the employees in the training mercials. In between these lessons, the program were hired as part-time Apple mentors introduce various team build- Specialists, one was hired as a part- ing activities. In one activity - the “Ap- time Genius, and the other was hired as ple description activity” - the trainees full-time Specialist. The mentors who define and describe Apple with words. facilitated the Apple Market Core train- The trainees described Apple with ing program claim that the knowledge words such as, innovation, immediacy, and skills acquired during Core training creativity, revolutionary, new age, and is not only useful for Apple retail prac- design.14 This catalogue of words exem- tices, but useful for quotidian practices plifies the way in which organizational as well.11 The first page of the “Market strategies code and mediate Apple with Core Training Participant Guide” reads: language and symbolism that appeals to youth and creative lifestyles. There’s work and there’s your life’s On the second day of training, train- work. The kind of work that has your ees are given large sheets of paper to fingerprints all over it. The kind of draw an “Apple Ecosystem.” The eco- work that you’d never compromise system is intended to map Apple’s spa- on. That you’d sacrifice a weekend tial (i.e. red zone, family room, genius for. You can do that kind of work bar) and hierarchal distinctions (i.e. at Apple. People don’t come here to Managers, Geni, Creatives, and Spe- play it safe. They come here to swim cialists) (see Figures 1 and 2). Trainees in the deep end. They want their are encouraged to be creative in this work to add up to something. Some- training activity. One group of trainees thing big. Something that couldn’t produced a human body diagram as a happen anywhere else.12 metaphor for the Apple ecosystem, in which the brain represented a Genius, The training guides’ opening state- the heart represented Apple product, ment shows how Apple structures retail and the blood represented the Special- work as valuable life-work. Although ists.15 This activity, among others, rais- Apple advertises the retail store as a es creative employee commitment to space where creative innovation can be Apple, but also creates the illusion that practiced, the mediated organizational Apple’s work flow is flexible and fun.16 strategies detract from individual agen- Williams and Connell note, “some up- cy. scale retail stores require applicants to Similarly to the organizational strat- perform creative tasks during the job egies practiced in Taylorism, Apple’s interview...once hired, however, many Market Core training methodologies retail workers find they are given no op- use technology to scientifically manage portunity to use their creative talents.”17 employee practices.13 During the class- Training activities like the “Apple Eco-

46 Focus Figure 1. The Apple Ecosysytem.

Figure 2. The spatial design of an Apple Store.

Focus 47 system” give employees the false im- tious taste of Apple becomes a natural pression that Apple will continue to let work ethic that invades the lifestyles of them be creative on the sales floor.18 For employees. example, the visuals team, responsible for updating the visual design of the B. Retailme store, may feel as if they are creatively contributing to the spatial design, but Apple retail training does not end in they are actually restricted to follow- the classroom. Apple designed an inter- ing Apple corporate’s visual script. As active media program called Retailme Bauldy and Hallier note, the shifting to keep employees informed about new products and interior spatial arrange- product releases and software updates ment of the Apple store “has paralleled on a daily basis. Retailme is an online the overt dissemination of a workplace portal where Apple employees can learn ‘fun’ culture.”19 more about Apple’s systems, processes, The third day of Core training is and products. The retail back of house based on mastering Apple’s steps of ser- is set up with multiple iMac computers vice (A, Approach, P, Position, P, Probe, that provide access to Retailme courses. L, Listen, E, End with a Fond farewell) The interactive interface of Retailme and learning how to provide custom- is designed to make training appear ers with the “complete” Apple solution. as a familiar and popular activity. For The complete solution is a sales pack- example, the aesthetic design of the age consisting of an Apple Product ac- Retailme homepage closely resembles companied with Apple Care Protection the iTunes layout. Rather than hosting Plan, a MobileMe account, and a One to playlists, music, and movies, however, One Membership. The trainers tell the Retailme provides its users with a li- employees that the complete solution brary of training courses. The courses was designed to ensure that Apple’s on Retailme are divided into the fol- customers have protection, proper lowing categories: accessories (e.g. training, and back-up systems for their Headphone training guides), business, products. These solutions, however, hardware, operations, people (e.g. grow are designed to promote a taste of lux- your own genius), services (e.g. Apple ury as necessary. It is also a fetishized Care Protection Plan training, Apple way to control the store’s daily attach- Store Application), software (e.g. Ado- ment goals (60% Apple Care sales, 20% be CS5 training), and systems. To en- One to One sales, and 15% MobileMe). courage employees to take the courses, Apple’s steps of service shapes the cus- quarterly quizzes are installed into Re- tomer’s lifestyle to fit Apple’s luxurious tailme. Receiving high scores on these taste of necessity. quizzes result in prizes ranging from The focus on ‘life-work,’ creative Apple software to third party products. activities, and customer service dur- Retailme training software also func- ing Market Core deprive employees of tions as a social networking site; em- the essential software and hardware ployees can upload a profile photo to knowledge needed to correctly inform Retailme or enter his/her interests and customers about their products. Thus, favorite Apple products. The aesthetic a majority of Apple employees end up and interactive design of Retailme as learning about hardware and software well as its content and social network outside of store with the illusion that it features frame retail work as fun, inter- is not labor. In other words, the infec- active, and desirable.

48 Focus C. RNN and The Daily Download lifestyle. New hires are not given the definitions of Appletalk, but are ex- RNN, the Apple Retail News net- pected to learn them as they gain more work, is an online digital interface to experience. Credo awards are given to keep employees up to date with new employees that exemplify outstanding products, software, and policies. Dur- application of Appletalk and Apple ser- ing the Daily Download, a fifteen min- vice on the sales floor. ute informational meeting that occurs at the stores opening, a manager or D. Apple Credo expert will brief the Apple team about store updates and the daily store goals. Performing Appletalk and practicing In order to maintain confidentiality, Retailme courses are not requirements Apple management informs the em- for Apple employees, but are encour- ployees that if they are faced with cus- aged through the Apple Credo value tomers inquiring about new releases or system and the stores daily attachment Apple rumors, they should say, ‘If it is goals. The credo system recognizes peo- not on Apple.com, then it is probably ple who live up to the Apple steps of ser- not true.’20 This statement is reiterated vice at a ‘star’ level and turn prospective during most meetings. Apple owners into Apple promoters. The Daily Download is also a time Every month employees vote on who where Apple employees practice abbre- they believe deserves the “Living the viated language or ‘Appletalk’ to com- Credo” award. Store leaders also con- municate with one another. Appletalk, sider positive customer feedback when created for easy input into mobile de- choosing the Credo award winner. This vices and computer databases, is a use- feedback and reward system is one of ful and easy way to facilitate fast com- the many organizational strategies used munication on the sales floor and to to manufacture retail fetishism. organize the daily schedule. The daily schedule assigns and codes the spaces E. Quarterly meetings of the store with Appletalk (i.e. red zone, family room, easy-pay, ipod wall). “Apple’s most important resource, our An employee noted that Appletalk is soul, is our people”22 easy to use, but ambiguous: According to Chris Baldry and Jerry BRANNAN: In what ways does the Hallier, any company whose “ideol- Apple language structure employee ogy” enforces that the people are the to employee communication? “strongest asset must appear to back this claim by provision of quality work- APPLE SPECIALIST: Well, it ing surroundings...”23 Apple creates a makes it very “Top-Secret” oriented, fun and quality working environment Making you feel like part of the little through store quarterly meetings. The club. But at the same time. It made it meetings begin with a store dinner in easier to say quickly then the entire the Back of House (BoH), and then the word. But I still have no idea what Apple team moves to the sales floor for RNN and NFR stand for...21 a meeting consisting of store updates, recognition awards, keynote presenta- Appletalk is naturalized as a neces- tions, and games. At the beginning of sary component of the Apple employee the store meeting store leaders cheer,

Focus 49 clap and encourage the Apple team to new employees, she mentioned that the perform the ritual store chant - the Ap- Apple store reproduces privileged hier- ple store’s name/location. An employee archies and manufactures a superficial noted that the store chant and perfor- sense of community: mance of the quarterly meeting often made her feel uncomfortable: BRANNAN: In what ways are the Apple employees like a family? BRANNAN: How would you de- scribe the ‘Habitat’ of Apple? APPLE SPECIALIST: I found my few good co-workers at Apple, and APPLE SPECIALIST: A cult. I yes, they were like family. Besides don’t know if any other Apple stores that, it felt like high school all over around the world are like [this] one, again. You had the ‘nerds’/’bottom but it is a very interesting vibe. I feel level’ = specialists. You had the like some of the employees are ac- ‘cheerleaders’ = experts. The popu- tually brainwashed. I did, however, lar kids that everyone liked = cre- find some fellow co-workers that felt ative team. And then the jocks who the same way I did, but they were (most of) were complete jerks. too afraid to do anything about it. (Okay, I really only had a few co- They are really nice people (most workers be really rude to me and be- of them), but I did find that some little me, so I guess that is an unfair of them think they are way better/ assessment of all of them, but they smarter than others. I feel it wasn’t still were jocks.)26 what Apple stood for, especially the few that would get fed up from an- The Market Core training program, other employee asking for help.24 Retailme, RNN and abbreviate lan- guage, Apple Credo system, and quar- There is a significant lack of fidelity terly meetings are all strategies used by between Apple’s attractive performance Apple to create the illusion that work- culture and employee habitus. The life- ing for Apple is fun. The focus of all style, once perceived as attractive, be- these strategies, however, is not to en- comes one that not only alienates the sure quality working conditions for the employees from one another, but from worker, but to please the customer and the customer. This alienation is rein- create more revenue. The training pro- forced through the Easypay mobile de- gram is designed to facilitate and orga- vice communication on the salesfloor, a nize the busy working environment. point I will get to later in this paper. In order to manage the high amount The store meeting is also a time of customers that come into the store, where the store leaders remind the Apple designed mobile machines, employees that they are unique and Easypay devices, to perform expedited creative people. At the 2010 winter m-commerce. The interactive comput- quarter meeting, a store leader said ing systems installed on Easypay de- that the uniformity of the Apple shirts vices produce the technologically de- is not meant to make everyone look the terministic notion that technology can same, but designed to “frame” and en- manage and solve customer problems. hance the creativity of the employees’ But when Apple employees attempt to face.25 In a conversation with one of the apply the ‘life-work’ lessons from Mar-

50 Focus ket Core and Retailme courses to the (c) Runner and Radio system manage- mobile devices, a disruption between ment. I will first describe the function- personal and technological communi- ality of these modes and then describe cation surfaces. The reliance on ubiq- the negative implications they have on uitous computing makes the sales ex- the communication flow of Apple retail. perience impersonal and virtual. This mobile system, originally designed to A. Easypay speed up sales, results in network mal- function and store operation delay. The mobile wireless check-out devic- Apple employees are cast into a virtual es that Apple Specialists are required to and digital enclosure where their sense wear are called Easypays. The Easypay of scale and locality is redefined in vir- is an iPod touch equipped with a re- tual terms.27 In the following analysis chargeable battery-pack inside a hard I introduce the complications and em- plastic gray shell with grip texture. A ployee fragmentation produced from magtripe card swiper is on the back side Apple’s digital enclosure. of the device and a barcode scanner is installed on the top of the device. The II. M-Commerce and scanner can read price tags and make Ubiquitous Computing returns by scanning the receipt bar code. The Easypay can look up customer The Apple Store provides a variety information with either the customer’s of support services for customers: Ap- email or by swiping their credit-card. ple store personal set-ups, one to one To complete transactions, the customer trainings, genius bar appointments, will sign the EasyPay screen with their and personal shopping appointments. finger-tip and have the option to have These appointments can be made on- the sales receipt emailed to them (see line outside the store or in-store using Figure 3). The Apple Store also regis- what Mark Andrejevic calls “U-Life” or ters Easypay devices to ‘mobile’ cash Ubiquitous Computing.28 The Apple drawers on display tables over a wire- Store relies on m-commerce to orga- less IP network. If a customer is paying nize the flow of “U-Life” in the store. by cash an employee can walk the cus- The digital devices that execute m- tomer over to the display table, with the commerce produce a digital enclosure. built-in-register, to complete the sale. Andrejevic describes the digital enclo- These are all strategies used by Apple sure as a “process...whereby place and corporate to produce what Apple calls activities become encompassed by the “Wow” moments, moments that adver- monitoring embrace of an interactive tise technological liberation. Anna Mc- (virtual) space.”29 Apple organizes the Carthy wrote, “Point-of-purchase video store around this digital enclosure in serves these final brand identification order to monitor what people are do- goals, creating miniature, branded en- 31 ing and their location in the store.30 vironments on the sales floor.” The These devices not only perform the convergence of Apple products, point of basic function of communication, but sale purchases, and marketing into one also carry out surveillance operations. device has revolutionized the speed and This digital surveillance is comprised scale of retail consumption. Apple has of three modes of digital computing: also added another application to the (a) Easypay devices, (b) Concierge, and Easypay, Concierge.

Focus 51 B. Concierge on his or her mobile screen requesting that the customer and employee ‘meet The Concierge App manages cus- up.’ tomer appointments wirelessly. The This system of m-commerce elimi- application features an employee com- nates face to face communication. An- munication positioning system (similar drejevic forecasted this virtual form of to GPS) where employees can make customer-employee relation; he wrote: themselves “available” in particular spaces of the store (i.e. red zone, genius “We won’t have to remember de- bar). This positioning system manages tails of conversations, directions, and tracks employee availability and lo- or scheduling, or even out own con- cation within the Concierge App. sumer preferences, because vari- When a customer comes into the ous smart devices will keep track of store, the greeter - holding an iPad at them for us…over the next 20 years the front of the store - approaches the computers will inhabit the most customer and asks how they can as- trivial things: clothes labels (to tack sist him/her. If the customer has an washing), coffee cups…light switch- appointment, the greeter checks the es…and pencils”32 customer as ‘here’ and inputs a generic physical description of the customer This mobile process of the “iQueue” into Concierge. This will then alert the is difficult to manage when the store is genius bar that the customer is ‘here’ for busy. The customer descriptions en- their appointment. If a customer walks tered into Concierge are often generic into the store to purchase a product, and imprecise, and sometimes politi- the greeter uses Concierge’s “iQueue” cally incorrect. Customer’s reactions to feature to put the customer on the wait- ‘ubiquitous computing’ can be negative ing list - the queue.’ The greeter inputs as well. People do not like to provide the customer’s first and last name, personal information for a simple ap- the product they are looking for, and pointment. For example, in order to the customer’s physical description. make a genius bar appointment, the Meanwhile, the next available Special- Apple employee must get the custom- ist on the floor will log into Concierge er’s full name, phone number, email, as “available” and locate the customer and address if possible. Thus, Con- based off the greeter’s description. cierge acts as a form of narrowcasting Concierge is also designed to work and surveillance which track the de- with the Apple Store App developed by sires and needs of Apple customers. Apple for consumers. Downloadable for iPads and iPhones, this ‘free’ Apple C. Radio and Runner Store App allows customers to conduct m-commerce without the help of an em- The radio system enables Apple ployee. Upon entering an Apple store, a employees to communicate via in-ear customer with the Apple Store App on walkie-talkies. Employees are required their iPhone will be be alerted by their to wear these radio devices in order to mobile device to make an appointment. communicate with management and Once the customer creates an appoint- back of house operations. Many em- ment, a push notification with a photo ployees believe that radio communi- of the next available employee appears cation is disruptive when talking with

52 Focus of runner requests from the floor.

Implications of Tech- nological Surveillance

Apple’s personal shop- ping appointments allow customers to reserve hour long appointments with Specialists to talk about or purchase a product. With the advent of Concierge, however, Apple stopped booking personal shop- ping appointments with the notion that Concierge would be able to mobilize “Personal Shopping Expe- riences” with every cus- tomer. Ironically, Apple’s reliance on technological computing makes the cus- tomer experience at the Apple Store less person- able. An employee notes, To complete transactions on the Easypay, the customer “Our process of commu- signs the screen with their fingertip. nication is no longer per- sonal...we no longer have customers.33 An employee notes that face to face interaction, it’s instead of hearing what the customer like screen to screen action.”34 had to say, she would overhear a Genius The Easypay device, Concierge, and inquiring about a poor description in radio/runner are not only fragmenting the Concierge queue. The combination customer to employee communica- of signal traffic over the radio and the tion, but also employee identity. In The inaccurate Concierge descriptions leave Organizational Culture Handbook, many employees fragmented. Eisenberg and Riley note that technol- Another element of Apple’s ubiq- ogy is having a major impact on the uitous computing is the “Runner Sys- future of organizational culture. They tem.” This is a product request system claim: used when a customer is ready to make a purchase. An Apple Specialist logs “The future of many organizations... into runner and which requests the will thus be largely characterized by products from BOH (Back of House). flexible learning through instanta- During busy periods, however, custom- neous communication...We ought er dissatisfaction arises when BOH spe- to investigate the cultural practices cialists cannot keep up with the amount that will be critical not just for or-

Focus 53 ganizational effectiveness but also APPLE SPECIALIST: Yes. I the individual management of iden- wouldn’t find it a problem if they tity...”35 worked, but there many hiccups and unsolved problems that it is The organizational strategies de- a headache....The new Easypays ployed in the Apple store are modeled limited the amount of communica- on digital interfaces rather than on the tion between employees too. I don’t natural and human relationships in know how many times I was yelled the store.36 Employee identity is deter- at through the walky-talkies for talk- mined by how well they are able to use ing to an employee about a new cos- Easypay devices and follow the digital tumer, instead reading it on the easy guidelines. Based on an employee’s po- pay. I feel like costumers like to see sition and how long he/she has worked us talking with each-other, and fig- there, the employee will have a greater uring out who is next. They put their knowledge on how to work the vir- name in the queue, so they want to tual system. With wires around their see that we are going up to the per- ears and their EasyPays at their belts, son that put them in, and then find- Apple Store employees often refer to ing them. Just looking at device and themselves as machines operating as running over to a person isn’t going part of a broader digital communica- to show a person who to go to to seek tion system. Rather than reporting to help. - its a very confusing system.39 work in person, employees are reduced to a statistic within a virtual GPS ‘con- Apple’s ubiquitous computing is cierge’ system; they are marked as transforming the way retail space oper- ‘here.’ Apple communication devices ates. M-commerce systems are making are material forms of what Andrejevic communication exchanges completely calls ‘smart clothes,’ the wired uniform electronic. The Apple Store App and m- that employees wear (e.g. radio and commerce system are based on a taste Easypay devices) to facilitate digital of luxury - a taste that segregates cus- communication.37 Andrejevic describes tomers who do not fit the Apple Store the implications of smart clothes, he ‘habitus.’ Thus, Apple privileges cus- says, “once the external world becomes tomers that can afford the luxury of wired - overlaid with an interactive in- Apple’s mobile devices. terface - individuals moving through it The Apple Store is advertised as a will need to be equipped with devices local space to help customers find their that can interact with the smart world, technological needs. But as m-com- even if they remain oblivious to the merce strategies dominate the sales electronic conversations taking place floor, the experience of being local is around about them.”38 Most Apple em- compromised. These modes of ubiqui- ployees, however, are conscious of the tous computing are creating “new pat- electronic conversations around them. terns of work [produce] implications One employee expressed her dislike of for our theorizing about what it means the communication devices: to be “local.”40 The virtual scale of lo- cality in the Apple Store underscores BRANNAN: Do you find it hard Deleuze’s theory of the “dividual.”41 when the structures of communica- Apple employees are divided into two tion are always changing? people - their physical self and their

54 Focus digital other within the store’s position- making reality live up to the promise of ing system. Easypay devices produce democracy mobilized by the promoters what Andrejevic calls, “the emergence of interactivity...”43 I encourage Apple of the informational doppleganger of to reconsider how their methods are the consumer-worker.....a subject split negatively impacting employee com- between its physical manifestation and munication and unfairly privileging the digital profile that emerges from people with a taste of luxury. its interaction with data-gathering de- vices.”42 Similarly to the invention of Acknowledgements the airport’s self check-in kiosks, with the advent of m-commerce, retail work- I would like to thank Lisa Parks and ers may soon be replaced by automated Ryan Fuller for their support and in- self-check in devices. sight for the project. I am also grateful Apple’s strategic use of interactive to all the feedback received from the training, quarterly meetings, and m- members of UC Santa Barbara’s gradu- commerce strategies produce a retail ate Television and New Media Seminar, culture based on technological modes Fall 2010. of surveillance, which in turn compro- mise employee communication and Declaration of Conflicting creative labor. The fun aesthetic and Interests “wow” moments, however, encourage an enthusiastic employee mindset de- The interviews and information spite the context of an alienated job. gathered for the article is completely Apple corporate maintains a taste anonymous and was used for research of luxurious necessity by implementing purposes only. This paper is intended the same professional codes and strat- to (de)construct the ways in which egies across all Apple Stores. In televi- Apple’s technology is interfering with sion and new media studies, it is impor- sales floor communication and custom- tant to examine how mobile commerce er service. strategies are fragmenting employee identity and transforming the dimen- Interview Strategies sions of locality in retail space. Apple’s Concierge App is moving the digital en- The Handbook of Feminist Research closure beyond the walls of the Apple inspired my ethnographic interview Store into personal mobile devices in process. The interviews were set up as order to monitor the desires and neces- an encounter between Apple employ- sities of the customer base. Concierge ees with common interests, who could is also compromising the experience share similar knowledge. For example, of personal connections by relying on I (a former employee) would confide in retail computing devices to solve and them my own personal information, in manage customer needs and desire. hopes my interviewees would respond Mark Andrejevic notes that today’s with their own authentic personal re- challenge for new media scholars is “to flections. My method of interviewing counter the assumption that concepts was similar to Dorothy Smith’s notion like interactivity, freedom, and democ- of discovering “lines of fault.” Marjorie racy do not overflow the experiences to L. DeVault and Glenda Gross wrote, which they refer with an insistence on “Her method of inquiry-“institutional

Focus 55 ethnography” was built on the notion ber 2, 2010, http://www.youtube.com/ that women could report on their ev- watch?v=sMi-rGmU9qw. eryday work, and the researcher could examine their reports and map the lines 7. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction, p. 178. of fault they reveal.” Similarly, Apple employees reported their everyday 8. Ibid. work, and I would examine their “re- port” and find how their lines of fault 9. Anonymous Apple Employee inter- line up with new media theory. The view, emailed to author, December 4, interviews was just one part of my sus- 2010. tained immersion; most of my informa- tion was gathered through participant 10. Eric M. Eisenberg and Patricia Ri- observation. ley, “Organizational Culture,” in The New Handbook of Organizational Communication: Advances in Theory, Research, and Methods, eds. Fredric M. Jablin and Linda Putnam (Thou- sand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2000), p. 317. Works Cited 11. Field notes, noted by author, Sep- tember 13, 2010. 1. Perceval McElhearn,“Apple opens first retail store in France,” Accessed 12. Apple HR, “Market Core Training: Oct. 25, 2010. http://www.macworld. Participant Guide v.3.4,” Apple Corpo- com/article/143720/2009/11/ap- rate, September 15, 2010. plestoreparis.html. 13. Ulrich Jurgens, Thomas Malsch, 2. “Apple Store Dance,” iJustine’s Web- and Knuth Dohse, Breaking from Tay- site, accessed December 2, 2010, http:// lorism: Changing forms of work in ijustine.com/apple-store-dance/. the automobile industry, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 3. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A So- 20. cial Critique of the Judgement of Taste (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 14. Fieldnotes, noted by author, Sep- 1984), p. 178. tember 14, 2010.

4. Christine Williams and Catherine 15. Ibid. Connell, “Looking Good and Sounding Right: Aesthetic Labor and Social In- 16. Williams and Connell, “Looking equality in the Retail Industry.” Work Good,” p. 373. and Occupations. 37 (2010), p. 371. 17. Ibid, 371. 5. Apple Employee Anonymous Inter- view, skype interview with author, No- 18.Ibid, 373. vember 4, 2010. 19. Chris Baldry and Jerry Hallier, 6. “Apple Retail Store Leader Program “Welcome to the House of Fun: Work Recruitment Video,” accessed Decem- Space and Social Identity,” Economic 56 Focus and Industrial Democracy 31 (2009): vember 10, 2010. p. 151. 34. Anonymous Apple Employee Sky- pe Interview with author, October 15, 20. Fieldnotes, noted by author, Sep- 2010. tember 14, 2010. 35. Eric M. Eisenberg and Patricia Ri- 21. Apple Employee Anonymous In- ley, “Organizational Culture,” in The terview, e-mail message to author, No- New Handbook of Organizational vember 20, 2010. Communication: Advances in Theory, Research, and Methods, eds. Fredric 22. Apple Credo Card, collected during M. Jablin and Linda Putnam (Thou- field notes, September 15, 2010. sand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2000), p. 315. 23. Baldry and Hallier, “Welcome to the House of Fun,” p. 153. 36. Donna Haraway, A Manifesto for Cyborgs: Science, Technology, and 24. Apple Employee Anonymous In- Socialist Feminism in the 1980s. (San terview, e-mail message to author, No- Francisco: Center for Social Research vember 20, 2010. and Education, 1985), p. 22. 25. Field notes during quarterly meet- ing, gathered by author, November 15, 37. Andrejevic, “iSpy,” p. 122. 2010. 38. Ibid, 112. 26. Apple Employee Anonymous In- terview, e-mail message to author, No- 39. Anonymous Apple Employee Inter- vember 20, 2010. view, emailed to author, November 1, 2010. 27. Mark Andrejevic, iSpy: Surviel- lance and Power in the Interactive Era 40. Eisenberg and Riley, p. 316. (Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 2007), p. 2. 41. Andrejevic, “iSpy,” p. 108.

28. Ibid, 95 42. Ibid. 29. Ibid, 2. 43. Andrejevic, “iSpy,” p. 268. 30. Ibid, 105. 44. Sharlene N. Hesse-Biber, Hand- 31. Anna McCarthy, Ambient Televi- book of Feminist Research: Theory sion, (London: Duke University Press, and Praxis. (Thousand Oaks: Sage 2001), p. 165. Publiciations, 2007), p. 178.

32. Andrejevic, “iSpy,” p. 111.

33. Field notes, gather by author, No-

Focus 57 Growin Pains: Business Models, Twitter, and the Real-Time Web by Roslyn M. Hernandez In today’s world, where nearly every book, on the other hand, channels con- screen carries Web content and nearly sumers to advertisers through the use every website carries advertisements, of demographic information, interests, how does a primarily Web based social and “likes”. The more a user interacts networking company stand out from with the Facebook platform, other us- the rest of the Web in order to secure ers, and pages by commenting and “lik- advertisers? This is the big question ing,” the more Facebook knows about Twitter has faced in the past years. their interests. Through these interac- With the two major established com- tions, this model can be analyzed as us- panies - Google and Facebook - already ing both the search and tag elements. It in the lead in the advertising front, how keeps track of what users look for, want does Twitter differentiate itself in terms and need through the search element. of platform and business model in or- Liking can be seen as a repurpose of the der to compete in the Web advertising tag. As users like specific pages or prod- market and become profitable? ucts the user account, not the content, What are the existing advertisement is tagged with those keywords, products models and how do they work? Google and interests, efficiently grouping users implements a Web search model , which for target advertising and gathering presents advertisements to users based information about that demographic. on the keywords they type on the Google In this way, users are more likely to search engine. These advertisements see advertising that pertains to them. are usually in the form of text. They are Through the use of such platform ca- either prioritized by being highlighted pabilities, each of these companies has and placed as the top results to a search found a successful business model. The or featured by being placed to the right well-established and expanding Google of the results list. Google also employs makes and average profit of $5 billion this model to YouTube by placing pop- per year2, while the younger Face- up advertisements on videos, playing book had an advertisement revenue of commercials prior to videos often re- $1,860 million in the year 2010.3 lated to the content of the videos, and How will Twitter compete with these placing ads on its homepage and at the advertising giants? How will it use its top right hand corner of other pages. very specific platform capabilities to The relationship between the ad and monetize? These and many other ques- the video is determined through the tions have been daunting Twitter Inc. title of the video as well as by the key executives and employees over the past words used to describe the video, called years, however, in the process of growth “tags”. While advertisements on Google and evolution, Twitter Inc. has created search tend to be relevant and relatively and maintained certain principles and inconspicuous, advertisements on You- priorities essential to the success of the Tube are overlaid on the content or take company and the network. In the ef- large portions of the site’s realistate, forts towards becoming a viable com- making them very noticeable. Face- pany, Twitter Inc. has redefined Web

58 Focus Twitter has come a long way from a city-wide status update that the creator had in mind. advertising and has provided a direct developer system.9 channel for consumer-provider rela- However, this successfully expo- tions. Through its experimental and nential growth of registered accounts platform specific business model it has and interactivity has come with the refined target advertising, benefiting constant pressure to create profit from advertisers and companies while also the platform.10 With advertising giants managing to create and sustain plat- Facebook and Google already in the form value for its users. Web advertising lead, Twitter Inc. has taken the task of creating a new type Twitter Inc. of business model and experience with its dynamic platform and real-time as- What is Twitter? The ubiquitous pect in mind. But what is Twitter, ex- micro-blogging social media platform actly? What are the specifics of Twit- known as Twitter that we know today ter’s platform and technology? In the has come a long way from the city-wide broadest of terms, Twitter is a micro- status update that Jack Dorsey, Co- blogging social networking tool. What founder of Twitter Inc., had in mind this means is that it connects individu- back in 2001, and even 2006.4 Twitter als to other individuals, organizations, was primarily conceived as an SMS and companies, products, services and in- Web based system in which individuals formation11 while limiting the commu- would be able to “report” where they nication to 140 characters12 - thus the were and what they were doing via text micro-blogging aspect. Another impor- message or Web, and would be able to tant feature of Twitter is the real-time receive real-time reports from other in- aspect. On Twitter, information is gen- dividuals. Since its birth five years ago erated, published, and consumed - and on March 13, 20065, Twitter has grown thus becomes part of the social conver- in number of users and evolved as a sation - almost instantaneously13. Twit- platform and ecosystem. It has grown ter’s ability to provide users with this from 21,000 users on January 20076, type of format and technology connects nine months after its birth, to an ap- consumers with the right content at the proximate 175 million users as of Janu- right time. Based on these two general ary 20117, with an average of 460,000 characteristics alone, Twitter has the new accounts per day.8 As an ecosys- potential to generate numerous busi- tem, Twitter has evolved from an SMS, ness models to choose from. or text messaging and Web system, to Possible monetizing models in- a multi-device and open-source multi- clude charging users per registered

Focus 59 accounts, charging users for extra fea- is exemplified by Evan Williams’ com- tures14, charging advertisers for market ment on The Charlie Rose Show, “there research, and charging companies and is an informational component to Twit- advertisers for advertising. While there ter that makes it less of a social commu- has been much speculation about Twit- nications tool, and information seeking ter‘s take on the advertising business, activities are easier to monetize.”18 they disclosed in early 2010 that their Biz Stone commented, “What we’ve advertisement model would be simi- done is follow this model that we like lar to Google’s search model.15 It was to call value before profit and that is not until April 13, 2010 that Twitter building a system, a network that is announced the incorporation of their of value to people around the world first attempt to monetize the platform: and then applying a business model to Promoted Tweets. Biz Stone, one of the that.” Whether this was the exact think- three co-founders of Twitter Inc. wrote, ing process or not is not definitive, but “Over the years, we’ve resisted intro- Stone’s comment brings up several pos- ducing a traditional Web advertising sible questions: How do people use the model because we wanted to optimize platform already? How do they find for value before profit.”16 value in the platform? How can we make the least amount of changes and The Search for a Business Model use the least amount of capital to mon- etize what we already have? How have Twitter’s hesitation in monetizing the users created value in the platform, the platform comes from the complex and how can we monetize from their al- dynamics of the network. One issue it ready exiting habits? What is the least faced was the task of finding the right intrusive way to sell their attention to way to make the most of Twitter’s advertisers so that the user will not stop unique real-time Web technology. How using the platform? What will be the did Twitter executives arrive at the format of advertisements? Fortunately business model they are implement- for Twitter, the company’s second mon- ing today, and what types of questions eymaking advertising idea has proven did they ask in the process? In 2009, a more successful than its first venture, @ number of internal Twitter documents earlybirds, which was an “e-commerce were leaked. These documents were account that offered daily deals.”19 brainstorming notes on how to mone- tize the platform. Of the many concepts Monetizing the Twitter Ecosys- outlined in the documents, one note tem: Twitter’s Business Model exemplifies a very important character- istic of the business model: “What does Dick Costolo, the current CEO of a completely relevant product look like Twitter Inc., has said the following for a billion people?”17 The main attri- about the success Twitter is having bute of Twitter is relevance; it is con- with Promoted Products: “We feel like necting people to the right information we’ve cracked the code on a new kind at the right time. The main issue was of advertising –advertising that starts how to structure an advertising system out as organic content.”20 Jack Dorsey that delivers advertisements at the right responded and added to Costolo’s com- time while staying within the param- ment in an interview with Charlie Rose, eters of the platform. The company’s “Cracking the code not just on advertis- awareness of the value of information ing but also the human behavior, a way

60 Focus to communicate, a way to spark inter- of the Tweet, by retweeting the Promot- action.”21 Organic content and human ed Tweet (republishing the Promoted behavior are the two most important Tweet using one’s own account), and by elements that are taken into account responding to the tweet.24 If a Tweet is in Twitter’s Promoted Products Suite. not successful, it is removed. Biz Stone These two elements seem to be Twit- reported on NPR, “What we have also ter’s keys to success, and they answer created is what we call the resonance the questions posed throughout the algorithm and that measures whether process of finding the right business or not the tweets are resonant with us- model. When all the questions are unit- ers, whether or not they are interesting ed into one, the ultimate issue is how to users, whether or not people are en- to include ads in the platform in a way gaging with these tweets. If they are not that encourages users to interact with we remove them because the advertiser them. doesn’t want the tweet in the system Twitter’s advertising program, called and people don’t want to look at them. Promoted Products Suite, is comprised We are constantly measuring the level of three components—the Promoted at which tweets are resonating with us- Tweet, the Promoted Trend, and the ers.”25 Promoted Account—and has been in- The second phase of the Promoted troduced in three phases. Promoted Products is the Promoted Trend. “Reg- Tweets, the first phase of the program, ular Twitter trends are generated by was introduced April 2010. Promoted an algorithm that identifies topics that Tweets start at the bottom and most are talked about more at the moment basic level of Twitter, the tweet. They than they were previously. Topics break are tweets generated by advertisers and into the Trends list when the volume of companies in the same format as ev- tweets about a specific topic at a given ery other tweet: 140 characters or less, moment dramatically increases.”26 Pro- with ability to add a link to an image, moted Trends are an extension of the a video, or a Web page. This is what Promoted Tweet and the regular trend. Costolo refers to when he states that A Promoted Trend is a topic that may ads are part of the content, not separate already be trending but has not caused from it. Promoted Tweets are displayed enough Tweeting to be featured in the alongside the many tweets generated Trending list. An advertiser would pay by normal users. In the experimen- to have the topic featured in the Trend- tal stage, Promoted Tweets were only ing list and would also pay for the Pro- shown as the top tweet in results to a moted Tweet, which would be the first search only through Twitter.com.22 Due tweet in the search result carried out to the campaign’s popularity, Promoted by clicking on the Promoted Trend. Tweets have also been released as top By buying a Promoted Trend advertis- results on searches conducted via mo- ers can make sure that their Promoted bile devices and have been featured Tweet is more visible. Instead of hav- on the user Timeline (the main tweet ing the tweet be visible only for direct feed and home page of every user).23 searches, their Promoted Tweet will be Twitter advertisers pay fees that vary visible every time a user clicks on the depending on how many users interact Promoted Trend. Promoted Trends are with their advertisements. There are like insurance for priority placement three ways to interact with a Promoted and maximum exposure for their ad. Tweet: by clicking on a link that is part They sell “for as much as $100,000 for

Focus 61 a single 24-hour campaign.”27 to be widely visible must purchase a On October 04, 2010, Twitter keyword/topic for Promoted Trends or launched the third and final phase of buy a Promoted Account to build a fol- the Promoted Products, Promoted Ac- lower base. counts.28 This is the most direct, and least exposed, level of the Promoted Advertisers and Companies Products on Twitter, but perhaps the most valuable. When an advertiser As expressed by Evan Williams on decides to promote an account, the ac- The Charlie Rose Show, “Some com- count is featured in “Suggestions for panies are waking up to the idea that You.” Accounts are suggested in two they may have a built in constituency major ways. The first suggestion occurs to test things.”32 Companies and adver- as a user sets up an account on Twitter. tisers that have not previously used the Twitter introduces the user to various Web for advertising are responding to accounts by prompting him or her to the rise of social media. Big companies choose from a list of topics in which he which use television as their major form or she is interested. These topics may of advertising (such as Colgate-Palmol- include, for example, gardening, films, ive, Unilever, and Coca-Cola) are tak- comic books, celebrities, news, etc. ing company trips to Silicon Valley to Next the user is given a list of accounts visit Web companies including Google, (some of which are Promoted) that are Facebook, Apple and Twitter, among related to the topics that he or she se- others. The Web companies are given lected. Promoted Accounts are also information about the issues advertis- present on the home page of every user, ers are facing, “with hopes that the Web opposite the Timeline in the “Who To companies will present them with vi- Follow” section.29 Promoted accounts able technological solutions to their will be at the top of the list clearly la- advertising problems.”33 Other smaller beled “Promoted.” Advertisers pay any- companies are responding in a more in- where from $1 to $3 for every user that tegrated approach. “Across the country follows their Promoted account.30 companies such as Petco and FedEx are Although Twitter’s Promoted Prod- going through a two-step process. First, ucts are successful as a whole and when they scramble to hire social media of- coupled with each other, Promoted ficers. Second, they figure out what it is, Tweets have not been as effective as was exactly, that social media officers do.”34 initially expected.31 So far, Promoted These companies are starting to recog- Tweets are greatly reliant on Promoted nize the power customers have through Trends and Promoted Accounts, be- the Web. Specifically, they are realizing cause those are the most effective ways that they need “social media strate- of finding them. The original plan for gies”35 in order to collect data about Promoted Tweets is, much like Google’s the way in which their products are re- word search ads, tied to keywords typed ceived by the customers, foster brand into the search bar. There is a setback, loyalty, humanize the company, and ul- however; Twitter’s search archive is timately influence consumer decisions. not nearly as sophisticated as Google’s. These companies are learning from This situation may change as soon as the negative experiences of companies Promoted Tweets are launched in user such as United Airlines, which did not Timelines. Currently, however, adver- having a social media strategy geared tisers who want their Promoted Tweets toward understanding public opinion,

62 Focus promoting their brand, and “appeas- do all of this in real-time; it did not have ing” tech-savvy consumers. to wait for statistics that only tell them Virgin America Airlines, Audi, how many people were watching the and Best Buy exemplify companies that commercial. have successfully engaged with the Best Buy uses Twitter and other so- Twitter Platform. Virgin America Air- cial media platforms in order to learn lines is one of the most successful en- about the public opinion of its products tities to have engaged directly with the and brand. “CEO Brian Dunn, talks Twitter platform. Virgin uses Twitter openly about the monitor in his office as a one-on-one communication tool to showing the social activity of the brand, provide specific customer service. “The its clear to Best Buy that social is more airline responds to in-flight tweets, than conversation –it’s a critical pace in re-books customers who tweet about how the executive team runs the busi- missing flights and provides updates ness and that’s reflected in the health of on flight schedules via text, e-mail, the brand.”40 Facebook, and Twitter.”36 The company Media companies are also using does not have to go out of its way to as- Twitter in interesting ways to engage sist customers on an individual, nearly users. NBC will soon be integrating first name, basis, but by providing this Twitter into its programming by invit- type of service the customer feels more ing a number of Twitter users to com- cared for and is more likely to remain ment on news topics on a segment loyal to that brand. Virgin has also been called “The 20”.41 NBC hopes that the successful using Twitter’s Promoted followers of these Twitter users will Products. Virgin used promoted tweets tune-in to watch the person they fol- to advertise a sale called Fly Forward, low on Twitter give their opinion on Give Back. The result was the com- live-television. In this way, the network pany’s fifth most profitable ticket sales will be using the already established day ever.37 following of those invited to the seg- In February, ‘06, Audi aired a com- ment. The network plans to feature mercial during the Super Bowl which live events which allow Twitter users contained a hash tag so people could to watch broadcasts while providing comment and follow the conversation feedback via Twitted responses. NBC about the ad on Twitter.38 “Audi bought thus hopes to gain viewership by fea- the keyword #progressis as a promot- turing already popular Twitter users. ed trend and bough the top promoted Additionally, NBC will build the users’ tweet. As a result a Super Bowl ad, authority and reputation by showcasing which is usually difficult to measure in them on television and affiliating them terms of input, because you have to wait with the network. “The 20” can thus be until the Nielsens to come out etc. they seen as a more interactive and conver- were able to turn an ad into a conver- sational mode of newscasting. sation that to this day is still going.”39 Through this Promoted Trend and Pro- Conclusion moted Tweet, Audi was able to raise awareness about its product as well as Twitter has refined Web advertising track the user response to the adver- through the concepts of relevance, res- tisement, user opinion on the model of onance, and real-time. Twitter technol- the car, and user opinion about Audi. ogy is able to target its users by track- Additionally, the company was able to ing their personal interests as well as

Focus 63 the accounts that they follow. Twitter tising model has provided the company is also able to calculate the relevance with the ability to create a win-win-win of topics around the world in real-time. situation. Twitter is becoming profit- Thus, Twitter is aware of its users’ gen- able as the advertisement program pro- eral interests and how those interests gresses, advertisers are provided with develop over time. Resultantly, Twitter more value than just “eyeballs,” and us- is an excellent tool for gauging consum- ers are able to get the information they er interest, and it is therefore a prime want, when they want it, and are able to resource for companies hoping to de- interact with the platform in the same velop strategies for advertising aimed way that they did before there were ad- at certain demographics. (For example, vertisements. research could potentially be based on user conversations about products.) In Further Research terms of reach, “Twitter ads deliver val- ue for any business, large or small, by Although Twitter Inc. is still rela- giving them new ways to amplify their tively young, further research concern- existing Twitter presence and acceler- ing the company may lead to interest- ate awareness and conversations about ing and insightful conclusions. It is a their products.”42 leading figure in the redefinition of me- While Twitter is able to generate dia and technology, and further study an immense amount of information of its many dynamic and innovating for companies and expose those com- aspects may provide media scholars panies to all of its users, it also gives with an understanding about the future a lot of power to the user. The public of media, politics, and society. A few of and real-time aspects of Twitter gives the many interesting topics that raise users a level playing field with big com- questions about Twitter’s involvement panies who might not otherwise feel in various aspects of human life are: threatened by or listen to individual, Twitter as a possible model of the com- angry consumers. Through respond- mons, Twitter as a political tool, and ing to company tweets, users can make the implications of Twitter and social sure that the company is getting their media ubiquity. message; there is no need for the com- The commons, a topic explored monly used line “can I talk to your in media studies, is often applied to boss?” Through Twitter, the users are more than one type of medium, yet it heard, but they do not have to watch always seems to be little more than a advertisements in which they are not theory, myth, or unreachable utopian interested. Promoted Tweets and Pro- hope. Twitter’s interesting open-source moted Trends, as advertisements, are stance and practices, however, once nearly invisible in the sense that they again call attention to this concept of do not look like advertisements and the commons. Among the many po- are not intrusive. Users have the abil- tential research questions involving ity to either engage with or ignore any Twitter and the commons are: What particular Promoted Trend, Tweet, or is the exact stance of Twitter Inc. on Account. Twitter Inc.’s business model, its currently open-source platform? based largely on real-time reporting How is Twitter Inc. strengthening or and tracking user activity, has proven threatening its commons-ness? Why to be successful on many levels. This in- has Twitter Inc. chosen to be an open- novative and platform-oriented adver- source company? How is the company

64 Focus currently benefiting from being open- of this platform for journalistic purpos- source, and how does it expect its open- es suggest about our society? Lastly, I source platform to help it in the future? propose a topic that questions the ubiq- What is the company’s relationship uity of Twitter and other forms of social with third-party software developers? media in a more critical manner. What Why has Twitter taken reprehensive is the role of mobile media devices and action in regards to some third party social media in social construction and developer companies?43 For how long interaction? How are different gen- will Twitter Inc. continue to be an erations reacting and using Twitter48, open-source company?44 Twitter’s use mobile media devices, and other social of crowd sourcing is another potential media platforms? How is a Twitter Inc. research topic that I have encountered targeting mobile devices such as the in my study.45 Twitter Inc. has openly iPhone, iPad, Android, Blackberry, and asked its users to help the translation Windows Phone? How are users re- of its website into other languages.46 It sponding to the software interfaces for could be very interesting to follow Twit- those devices?49 What are the positive ter’s stance on open-source as it grows and negative repercussions of the rise into a more profitable company. of social media? These are only some of All around the world Twitter has the topics and questions related to the been used to organize uprisings47, a future of media and Twitter as a media research topic which could potentially company and as a platform. It would provide insight into the way in which also be interesting to compare Twitter’s users appropriate media to use as a economic development to other popu- political tool. How is Twitter used to lar social networking Web companies organize protests? How is it being used such as Facebook, Blogger, or LiveJour- by the public for citizen journalism? nal.50 How is amateur use of this medium af- fecting professional journalism? What does the active and self-motivated use

Focus 65 Works Cited 12. Boehret, Katherine. “Birds of a Feather twitter Together,” All things 1. Auletta, Ken. Interview with Lou- Digital, December 02, 2008,accessed ise Kelly. All Things Considered. Marc 04, 2011, . php?storyId=130518412> 13. Talbot, p. 54. 2. Ibid. 14. Williams, Evan. interview with 3. Learmonth, Michael. “Study: Twitter Charlie Rose. The Charlie Rose Show. Ad Revenue Grow to $150M in 2011” PBS. 14 Aug. 2006. . cessed March 06, 2011, . ruary 26, 2010, accessed March 04, 2011, . Jan. 2011. . 16. Stone, Biz. “Hello World,” Twit- ter Blog. April 13, 2010 (12:01 a.m.). 5. Dorsey, Jack. “Five Years Ago To- . ter.com/#!/jack. 17. Talbot. 6. Talbot, David. “Can Twitter Make Money?” Technology Review 113, no. 18. Williams. 2: 52-57. Military & Government Col- lection, p. 56. EBSCOhost (accessed 19. Miller, Claire, “Twitter Introduc- March 04, 2011). es New Types of Ads” The New York Times Bits Blog, August 28, 2010, ac- 7. Learmonth. cessed March 06, 2011, . ter Blog, March 14, 2011(11:38 a.m.). . 21. Dorsey. 9. Talbot, p. 56. 22. Miller, Claire. “Twitter’s Advertis- 10. Ibid., p. 54. ing Plan Could Be Paying Off,” The New York Times Bits Blog, January 24, 2011, 11. Costolo, Dick. “The twitter Platform” Accessed March 06, 2011, . off/>.

66 Focus 23. Graves, Matt. “Promoted Tweets: 31. Kafka, Peter. “Inside Twitter’s Sales Testing in the Timeline.” Twitter Blog, Machine: A Secret Guide for Advertis- November 01, 2010 (12:00 p.m.). ers (Video)” All Things Digital, Feb- . 2011, . Street Journal Digits Blog, March 01, 2011. . 33. McMains, Andrew. “Clients Go Direct to Tech” AdWeek, Febru- 25. Stone, Biz. Interview with Terry ary 13, 2011, accessed March 06, Gross. Fresh Air. NPR. 16 Feb. 2011. 2011, . to Trend” Twitter Blog, December 08, 2010 (3:57p.m.). . no. 4188 (July 19, 2010): 64-67. Aca- demic Search Complete, EBSCOhost 27. Guynn, Jessica. “Twitter Tries to (accessed March 4, 2011). Turn 140 Characters Into Money.” Los Angeles Times, January 30, 2011, ac- 35. Ibid. cessed March 04, 2011, . On Why Twitter, Facebook Are More Important than TV.” Advertising Age, 28. Penner, Carolyn. “Promoted Pro- February 09, 2011, accessed March motions” Twitter Blog, October 04, 04, 2011, . tions.html>. 37. Ibid. 29. Miller, Claire, “Twitter Introduces New Types of Ads.” 38. Stelter, Brian. “TV Industry taps Social Media to Keep Viewers’ Atten- 30. Kafka, Peter. “Twitter Tells Ad- tion.” The New York Times, Febru- vertisers to Dig Deeper: “Promoted ary 02,2011, accessed March 06, 2011, Trends” Get a Price Hike.” All Things . March 06, 2011, . 40. Engler, Glenn. “Look at Your Social Media. You’re Seeing the Future of Your

Focus 67 Brand.” Advertising Age, March 3I, 45. Wortham, Jenna. “Twitter Wants to 2011, accessed March 04, 2011, . cessed March 06, 2011, . ter’s Talking Heads= NBC’s ‘the 20,’”All Things Digital, February 09, 2011, ac- 46. Kamdar, Jinen. “Translating twit- cessed march 04, 2011, . twitter-into-more-languages.html>.

42. Efrati, Amir. “Twitter Big on Small- 47. Stone Biz, interviewed by Terry er Advertisers.” The Wall Street Jour- Gross. nal, March 02, 2011, accessed March 04, 2011, . York Times, August 26, 2009, accessed March 06, 2011, . Violating Policies.” All Things Media, February 18, 2011, accessed March 49. Kafka, Peter. “Twitter’s ‘Quickbar 06, 2011, . com/20110305/twitters-quickbar- uprising-is-nothing-wait-till-the-ads- 44. Segall, Laurie. “UberMedia Wants really-show-up/>. to be the Epicenter of the Twitterverse economy.” CNNMoney, February 17, 50. Kopytoff, Verne G., “Blogs Wane 2011, accessed March 04, 2011, . 2011, B1.

68 Focus Netflix: The Free Trial That Changed Media

Distribution by Kristen Aguanno

In 1997, the business model for Net- the distribution industry transition- flix was designed to distribute DVD ing into the digital age (which requires rentals to people’s homes. Today, it has much less infrastructure and invest- grown to be one of the largest digital ment), the studios now have the oppor- subscription companies in American tunity to bypass Netflix altogether. media distribution. This newly devel- Before Netflix started its digital oped digital distribution business mod- distribution service, their acquisition el, derived from the success of its film of content was as easy as going to the and television “long tail” collection, re- nearest retailer and buying DVDs. In quires both the acquisition of content American copyright law, there is a limi- from studios and networks and the dis- tation on ownership referred to as the tribution of that content through an ad- First Sales Doctrine which allows legal- vertisement-free flat rate subscription ly obtained content to be lent, rented, service that offers unlimited streaming or sold regardless of the original owner of all its available content. Looking to consent. When a person buys a DVD, the future, Netflix faces many challeng- they are buying the license to do what es, from distribution licensing negotia- they want with it; this is why there is tions to competition from formidable a market for pre-owned DVDs. Digital businesses, but its ability to use new distribution, on the other hand, has a media and innovative business prac- different legal process that requires the tices to break into the entertainment content to be licensed by the copyright distribution industry has all but estab- owner for legal distribution. Herein lies lished a place for itself in the future of the problem for Netflix: to get digital media distribution. distribution licenses, they need to nego- tiate with the copyright holders who are Acquisition of Content: The trying to compete for an audience with Medium is the Mess their own digital distribution services.2 This problem, however, is probably not Netflix has a problem. As the inter- one that will last into the future. net makes it possible for companies From Netflix’s digital acquisition like airlines to sell their tickets directly perspective, it has two separate prod- to customers instead of going through ucts: films and television (referred to a travel agent, the need for the middle- here and further as the episodic enter- man is nearing an end.1 Unfortunately tainment, not the physical box distribu- for Netflix, their business model of tak- tion). Despite mostly being owned by ing content from studios and distribut- the same six conglomerates, both in- ing it to its over 20 million customers dustries have their own traditions and makes them a middleman. This was not stakeholders that influence Netflix’s a problem when their distribution was ability to acquire digital content differ- solely DVDs, since none of the copy- ently. right holders had the infrastructure The main concern with licensing necessary to compete. However, with films is windowing, or the act of giving a

Focus 69 Netflix has shifted from a home distribution company to one of the largest digital subscription companies in American media distribution. property enough time to make as much it had to wait to rent films until they money as it can before being sold and were released for home viewing. But distributed by a different means. Netf- with digital distribution, it now has the lix has had a difficult fight getting the opportunity to negotiate for rights to rights for popular titles because studios distribute at any time. Although Net- are afraid that they will lose DVD reve- flix has had little success with this so nue if people can rent their films instead far, Disney and Warner Bros. have al- of buying them; for example, Warner ready begun negotiations with Video Bros. would only sell DVDs to Netflix On Demand cable providers for early at a low price if they bought them af- distribution, so there is the possibility ter a window of 28 days from the DVD Netflix will eventually be able to take release.3 It is true they might lose some advantage of this.6 revenue this way, but the other concern Television uses a different form of is that if they do not make their content windowing. Where a film property is available for streaming, customers will distributed as a single product all at choose alternative and illegal means to once, a television property is distrib- get it.4 They are also not licensing their uted over time (both in a single season content for free; Netflix is willing to pay and over the life of a series). The goal is enormous amounts of money for con- not to have the customer buy the prop- tent rights, so it is likely that any rev- erty once like a DVD, but to consume enue lost from DVD sales could easily every episode and every season, which be made up for in licensing fees. requires a more constructive use of win- Since studios accepted home videos dowing. One major concern with digital as a means of profit, they have had an distribution is that it will take audienc- agreement with theaters that they will es away from cable distribution; but in not sell films for domestic viewing be- some cases, as with NBC’s decision to fore a 120 day window.5 Since the rise of sell The Office on iTunes, making previ- digital distribution, however, this prac- ous seasons available for viewing online tice is no longer the standard. When has encouraged live viewing because it Netflix was solely a DVD distributor, offers potential audiences the ability to

70 Focus catch up on missed episodes and adver- sub-licensed Disney content previously tizes the show’s return.7 licensed to STARZ.11 Even though this is CBS, however, has a different win- a large hassle for Netflix, the company’s dowing strategy: they license their army of lawyers and negotiators try library of retired shows to Netflix to to make the process move as fast and stream, but withhold all shows that are smoothly as possible. still producing new content. This de- Despite all these barriers to get con- cision will not only fail to draw more tent licensed, Netflix is in a good place viewers to their current shows, but also heading into the future. Netflix is un- will not encourage viewers to move doubtedly a competitor to the studios away from watching first run broad- for many consumers, but it also offers casts.8 Although this is a great new an opportunity to the studios to reach revenue source for the content owners new consumers, particularly with its of old shows, Netflix’s move to stream “you may also like...” feature. Even syndicated content has cable networks though the content owners are trying squirming. Turner Broadcasting CEO to figure out how to thwart Netflix’s Phil Kent, whose holdings include cable distribution of their own content, as channels that rely on syndication, said will be outlined below, Netflix’s busi- that he is concerned about Netflix’s im- ness model is proving to be a force to be pact on cable syndication and is willing reckoned with, and content owners are to lower his company’s bids, or even slowly buying in. withhold buying rights altogether, un- less there is a stipulation that the con- Content: Netflix’s ‘Long Tail’ tent will not be licensed to Netflix.9 Wags Happily Furthermore, since these cable compa- nies are owned by the rights holders of The success of Netflix’s business the content being discussed, it seems model is not based on its distribution as though it could also be in their best of the occasional blockbuster, but on interest to syndicate only to the cable the distribution of “the long tail.” This channels and not encourage competi- term, coined by Wired Editor-in-Chief tion by licensing to Netflix. Chris Anderson, refers to a distribution Netflix is also plagued by the fact model that takes advantage of wide and that television properties are often con- varied demand for less popular niche trolled by multiple stakeholders and products.12 A company’s ability to ex- interests that have “complicated profit ploit the long tail has become feasible sharing arrangements and intellectual only recently because of the Internet’s rights issues.”10 This became particu- ability to provide an unlimited amount larly apparent in 2007 when the WGA of content at little cost. For Netflix, the went on strike over residuals for online offering of film and television titles such distribution. When Netflix buys distri- as Modern Times (dir. Charlie Chap- bution rights, much like the syndication lin,1936), Joyeux Noel (dir. Christian rights on which the guilds rely for resid- Carion, 2005), and The X-Files (1993- uals, a question remains as to how they 2001) to very different niche audiences are shared between the studios and the gives them the ability to capitalize on producers. Furthermore, when Netf- blockbuster hits. In his blog, The Long lix was licensed the rights to STARZ’s Tail, Anderson discusses a study done content, they also had to negotiate for on Netflix’s use of this model where

Focus 71 Anderson’s study on Netflix’s “Long Tail”. he concluded that their success can be households, it was a vanguard project correlated to its shift in distribution whose only real competition was video towards the tail of the graph. Compar- rental stores like Blockbuster and Hol- ing data from 2000 and 2005, Netflix’s lywood Video. History has proven that rental demand of the most popular 500 CEO Reed Hasting’s idea was a good titles went from being over 70% of its one, since both competitors have filed rentals to less than 50%. Congruently, for bankruptcy despite their attempts there was a large increase in demand for to come up with a competitive service. the variety of titles that were 3,000th in Despite the company’s movement to- popularity and below (titles that could wards digital distribution, Hastings be- not be carried in rental stores because lieves that Netflix will continue to mail of physical limitations), which made DVDs into 2030 because there will still 15% of its total demand.13 be a demand for them.14 There are a few With all these titles to offer, Netflix reasons why he might be right, the first had to figure out a way to get their sub- being that Netflix will only stop ship- scribers to notice these “tail” films and ping DVDs when every title they want television. Their answer was to offer a to carry will be available for instant smart algorithm that suggests titles to streaming. The second reason is that, subscribers based on their interests. as he believes, it will take that long for When someone starts a Netflix account, DVDs to become obsolete; he assumes the website asks them to rank what that the future of DVDs will follow the films they like and do not like, and the CD decline.15 The problem with this log- algorithm then predicts titles from its ic is that when CDs were being replaced library the user would like. by MP3 players, the concept of digital distribution was in its infancy; consum- Distribution of Content (DVDs): ers are now more comfortable with it Leaving No Survivors and this increasing ease might acceler- ate the transition. When Netflix began mailing DVDs to

72 Focus Distribution of Content (Digital): tal Distribution Thomas Gewecke, the Let the Best Model Win flaw in this model is that consumers do not differentiate between streaming Even though Netflix was not the first content online and buying it digitally. company to stream content online, they Therefore, consumers are more likely are leading the new online digital distri- to simply watch something online ei- bution market with their advertisement- ther through an unlimited subscription free, unlimited streaming subscription where the payment is directly with- business model. The first major online drawn, or for free on Hulu.17 content distributor was iTunes, which Hulu has been doing well financial- used a pay-per-show model because ly since it implemented Hulu Plus. Its it “was easiest to implement amidst a problem is that it still runs advertise- complicated array of rights and royalty ments even with its subscription ser- agreements...[and] the industry was vice. It has tried to make the experience unlikely to try an advertising model less of an inconvenience by offering an because the networks needed to first ad tailor so it can target ads to the view- illustrate value for advertisers.”16 Once er, but the experience is certainly less- this value was established, the net- ened by this emphasis on advertising. It works (first FOX and NBC, then ABC) is hard to believe that when future con- launched their own online distribution sumers are comparing the Hulu Plus business called Hulu, which provided subscription with Netflix, this would ad-sponsored, free streaming of cur- not be a major deterrence. However, rent television shows. In 2010 Hulu it has the great advantage over Netflix launched its subscription service called and all the other competitors because it Hulu Plus which offers access to more is able to stream content the day after content in addition to what is available it airs on television for free. As long as for free and can be used on multiple it maintains this power, it will have an devices such as the iPhone. The com- audience well into the future. petitor that comes closest to Netflix’s Amazon streaming is still in its in- business model is the newest entry into fancy but there is much speculation as the online streaming market, Amazon, to how it will compete with the rest. Its which also has a subscription service streaming subscription service is tied in for unlimited streaming. In addition, it with its Amazon Prime service, which offers two-day digital rentals on films offers free two day shipping for $79/ ordered by non-subscribers so they can year (about $17/year less than Netf- watch their film instantly instead of lix). Right now it cannot compete with waiting for it to come in the mail (a very the others because it has poorer video good move from a company fighting an quality, a smaller content library, and increasingly impatient client base). The is not on other platforms yet, but all question is: Which of these digital dis- of these can easily change in the near tribution models will be the most suc- future.18 Although Amazon has not re- cessful? leased actual numbers, Business Insid- iTunes will continue to have a cus- er reported that it is estimated to have tomer base of people who would rather 10 million subscribers--already half of pay $3.99 for one rental a month than a Netflix--and will most likely increase.19 subscription fee from which they might Amazon also has the advantage of hav- not get their money’s worth. Accord- ing an established income outside of ing to Warner Bros. President of Digi- its subscribers so it can spend more on

Focus 73 licensing. All of this makes Amazon a Works Cited formidable competitor to Netflix. At present, Netflix is the company 1. Kaihan Krippendroff. “Will Netf- to beat because it has by far the most lix Break My Heart?” Fast Company, reach of any online distribution com- January 13, 2011, accessed March pany. Last year, Netflix surpassed 20 12, 2011, http://www.fastcompany. million subscribers, which means it com/1716839/will-netflix-break-my- has the second largest subscriber base heart. for media distribution in the United States, trailing Comcast by less than 3 2. Daniel Roth. “Netflix Everywhere: million.20 It also has the widest distri- Sorry Cable, Your History.” Wired Is- bution over platforms (like the iPhone, sue 17 (2009): 13. Xbox, Wii, etc.). As for its subscription service, having unlimited streaming for 3. Daniel Frommer. “Netflix Bends to $7.99 a month (which goes largely un- Warner Bros., Wont Rent DVDs for 28 noticed because of automatic withdraw- Days After They Go On Sale,” Business al) and access to the largest content li- Insider: Silicon Ally Insider, January brary for niche entertainment makes it 6th, 2010, accessed March 10, 2011, the leader of online distribution. Netflix http://www.businessinsider.com/net- also has the advantage of market iner- flix-bends-to-warner-bros-wont-rent- tia; because so many subscribers have dvds-for-28-days-after-they-go-on- already bought into Netflix, those sub- sale-2010-1. scribers will more likely than not stick with what they have, unless its quality 4. Serra Tinic,“Compensation and Cre- of service is well surpassed.21 Finally, ative Labor.” Net Worth: Media Distri- because of its current dominance, Net- bution in the Digital Era. Presentation flix just announced a partnership with at Conference. UCSB. February 18th, Facebook to make the content viewing 2011. experience social; this alone seems like a free pass into the future.22 5. Thomas Schatz, “Digital Strategies of Media Conglomerates.” Net Worth: The End is Far Media Distribution in the Digital Era. Presentation at Conference. UCSB, Netflix has many hurdles to- over February 18, 2011. come going into the future, but so far it has done well surmounting the ones 6. Ibid. it has already confronted. In a market that has long been controlled by an 7. Amanda Lotz. The Television Will Be oligopoly of studios and networks, the Revolutionized. (New York: New York company’s great ingenuity and initia- University Press, 2008), 137. tive made it rise to a position not only to negotiate with the oligopoly, but to 8. Brian Stelter, “In Deal with Netflix, challenge its control over distribution. New Revenue for CBS.” The New York As the internet matures and compa- Times. Accessed February 23, 2011, nies like Google and Facebook settle http://mediadecoder.blogs.nytimes. into dominance, Netflix will more than com/2011/02/23/in-deal-with-netflix likely be right there with them, fully in- -new-revenue-for-cbs/. tegrated into their systems.

74 Focus 9. Andrew Wallenstein, “Turner Chief 17. Thomas Gewecke, “Digital Strate- Explains How Industry Will Neutral- gies of Media Conglomerates.” Net ize Netflix.” Paid Content, January 5, Worth: Media Distribution in the Digi- 2011, accessed March 10, 2011, http:// tal Era. Presentation at Conference. paidcontent.org/article/419-turner- UCSB. February 18, 2011. chief-explains-how-tv-industry-will- neutralize-netflix/. 18. Dan Rayburn, “Amazon’s Prime Streaming will DEFINITELY Disrupt 10. Lotz. The Television Will Be Revolu- Netflix: Heres How.”Business Insider: tionized, 141. Silicon Ally Insider, February 23, 2011, accessed March 8, 2011, http://www. 11. Peter Kafka, “Its Official, Epix, businessinsider.com/amazon-prime- Netflix Announces Multi-year Deal streaming-disrupt-netflix-2011-2. for Streaming Movies.” All Things Digital, accessed August 10, 2010, ac- 19. Ibid. cessed March 10, 2011, http://medi- amemo.allthingsd.com/20100810/ 20. Megan, O’Neill, “How Netflix Ban- its-official-epix-netflix-announce- crupted and Destroyed Blockbuster,” multi-year-deal-for-streaming- March 1, 2011. movies/?mod=ATD_search. 21. Kevin Berk, “Seven Reason Why 12. Chris Anderson, September 24, Netflix Will Soundly Beat Amazon 2009 (5:01 p.m.), comment on longtail, in Online Video.” Seeking Alpha, “Netflix Data Shows Shifting Demand February 25, 2011, accessed March Down the Long Tail,” The Long Tail: 8, 2011, http://seekingalpha.com/ Chris Anderson’s Blog, September article/255042-7-reasons-why-netflix- 24, 2009, http://www.longtail.com/ will-soundly-beat-amazon-in-online- the_long_tail/2009/09/netflix-data- video. shows-shifting-demand-down-the- long-tail.html. 22. Liz Gannes, “Netflix Gets Social: ‘Ex- tensive’ Facebook Integration Is Com- 13. Ibid. ing.” All Things Digital. Jan 27, 2011, accessed on March 8, 2011, http://net- 14. John Paczkowski and Drake Marti- workeffect.allthingsd.com/20110127/ net. “Netflix CEO Reed Hastings: We’ll netflix-gets-social-extensive-facebook- Be Shipping DVDs Until 2030.” All integration-is-coming/.workeffect. Things Digital. January 8th 2010. allthingsd.com/20110127/netflix-gets- social-extensive-facebook-integration- 15. Ibid. is-coming/.

16. Lotz, 139.

Focus 75 76 Focus Conference Report: Lost and Found: Nostalgia and Media by Tony Blahd

The title for this year’s NYU Cinema Studies Student Conference was “Lost and Found: Nostalgia and Media”. Though the call for papers was offered to under- graduates, graduate students, and alumni, I found that the majority of the con- ference attendees were either MA or PHD candidates predominately from NYU’s Cinema Studies department. There were a few participants from San Francisco State University and the University of Southern California, although the only other undergraduate in attendance, beside myself, was a graduating senior from Brown University. Despite the lack of scholarly diversity, nearly every presentation was unique and distinctive. The conference consisted of 18 papers, by 17 different presenters, grouped in four panels of three by theme: (i) Nostalgia of Genre, (ii) Nostalgia and Cinematic exhibition, (iii) Queering/Querying: Nostalgia Revisited, and (iv) Politics of Nostalgia: Cinematic Challenges to Conservatism. The opening panel, Nostalgia of Genre, was one of the best groupings of the weekend; my favorite of the panel was Russell Sheaffer’s (MA, NYU) “Sex in Text: The Inter-Titles of Silent- Era Stag Films.” Sheaffer cites Linda Williams and our department’s own Con- stance Penley as the preeminent scholars on pornography studies, yet he chose to concentrate on a close textual analysis of stag film inter-titles, which is, according to Sheaffer, an element of pornography studies that has yet to come into academic discussion. In his research, Sheaffer traveled to the Kinsey Institute in Blooming- ton, Indiana where he was able to comb an immense archive of silent pornography and collect a multitude of screenshots from the films to include in his presentation. Sheaffer presented examples of films that have almost no inter-titles, as well as a film entitled “The Janitor,” in which the inter-titles comprise more of the film’s running time than the pornographic images themselves. The role of the inter-title in silent pornography varied deeply, but was mostly predicated upon genre. Inter- titles were comprised of “how-to’s,” poems, dialogue, and dirty jokes. It is common for inter-titles from one film to be spliced into another by the exhibitor as a means of boosting the production value of a film. Sheaffer’s presentation is the beginning of an exciting research project to be added to the discourses within pornography studies. Following Sheaffer on the panel was Kartik Nair’s (PhD Candidate, NYU) “Nos- talgia as Nightmare: The Case of the Ramsay Brothers.” This paper delved into the low budget horror niche in Bombay cinema in the late 70s and 80s. The Ramsay Brothers were prolific filmmakers, yet were forced into cult obscurity by the high production values of the Bollywood film industry. These films can be considered the “other” Asian horror film; they offer the thrills of horror film, yet still rely on the conventions of the Indian cinematic tradition, such as the inclusion of song and dance. Nair claims that this hybridity has a deconstructive effect on the horror genre. These films have resurfaced as part of the Mondo Macabro horror film com- pilations, which has spread the cult popularity of the Ramsays’ films throughout Europe and the United States. Nair closed his presentation with a clip from one of the Ramsay’s films, which I found extremely entertaining; it was, as Nair posits, a

Focus 77 precise mixture of global camp and local kitsch. The Nostalgia of Genre panel was received with much discussion from audience and panel members, but this was a unique experience for the weekend. A major- ity of the panels generated little or no discussion from audience members. The lack of participation and debate can be attributed to the overabundance of analysis confined to overly specific and often overly obscure texts. The Queering/Querying: Nostalgia Revisited panel featured close readings of Brokeback Mountain (Ang Lee, 2005), Boys Don’t Cry (Kimberly Pierce, 1999), Sink or Swim (Su Friedrich, 1990), and Hide and Seek (Friedrich, 1996). The Politics of Nostalgia: Cinematic Challenges to Conservatism panel featured close readings of The Dreamers (Ber- nardo Bertolucci, 2003), Together (Lukas Moodysson, 2000), Amadeus (Milos Forman, 1984), and Broadway Danny Rose (Woody Allen, 1984). Though many of these papers offered unique readings of the text(s) in question, they limited discus- sion and audience participation. The specificity of the presentations was generally detrimental to a participatory conference environment. The second panel, which I was on, Nostalgia and Cinematic Exhibition was followed by sufficient discussion following the presentations. The panel opened with Caitlin Hammer and Erik Piil’s (MA Candidates, NYU) “Digital Facsimile and the Knowledge of Film Experience,” which examined the nostalgic novelty of “the vintage look.” The paper brought into question the value of the “film look” in modern digital media and its significance. This was followed by a presentation by Matt Barry (M.A., NYU), which meshed very well thematically. Barry’s paper, “Nostalgia as Historiography: Robert Young- son and the Compilation Film,” looked at Youngson’s compilations as a cultural practice of writing history. His focus on the compilation of media brought in a relevant contemporary context, in much of the same way that Hammer and Piil’s presentation did. Though this was the first and only conference I have attended, I am fairly cer- tain it was a success. The conference was well organized and intellectually stimu- lating. I enjoyed the panel discussions and came away with new trajectories for further research, and on top of it all, spent a great weekend in New York City.

78 Focus National Conflict and Digital Nostalgia

Focus 79 80 Focus The Road To Cultural Identity in Wolf Creek by Derek Boeckelmann

Since the beginning of the genre, is how Wolf Creek combines both the horror films have always utilized the American models of the road movie and road within their narratives, typically the horror film to address issues cultur- as either a plot device (i.e. how the ally specific to Australia. In this essay protagonists ended up in a dangerous I will briefly outline the history of the locale) or a setting apparatus (where road horror sub-genre, before shifting the horror is taking place). As the genre my focus onto the road horror film in progressed over the years, the road be- Australian cinema. I intend to discuss came an increasingly important and Wolf Creek’s classification as a road- prevalent aspect of the horror film. It is horror film and the film’s uses of the therefore hardly surprising, that as the road to address issues of foreign pres- road became a vital and popular subject ence in Australia and the crisis of Aus- in horror films, the distinguishable lines tralian masculinity. between the horror genre and the road One of the many reasons for the movie genre, in some instances, became horror genre’s continuous popularity blurred – resulting in the creation of, with audiences around the world is the what Ballard labels, the “road horror” genre’s ability to “tap into the cultural sub-genre.1 In the road horror movie, moment by encoding the anxieties of the road tends to act as a space between the moment into their depictions of civilized and uncivilized worlds. It is be- monstrosity.”2 Horror films are con- cause of this space that it occupies that stantly evolving to address the fears the road is primarily used as a setting of contemporary society. In their ever- in such films where contemporary anxi- evolving state, horror films also have a eties about civilization and society can tendency to “mate in inimitable ways be simultaneously embodied and ad- with other” popular movie genres, such dressed. Unlike the road movie, which as the western or “the detective noir.”3 is a typically American genre, the road It is largely because of these aforemen- horror is a common international sub- tioned reasons that the road-horror genre with entries appearing in the na- sub-genre was created. The road-hor- tional cinemas of France, Belgium, and ror was initially created to address the New Zealand (to list a few). The road age-old fear of “unknown space” that horror has garnered this attention from came with America’s fascination with international cinemas largely because discovery and exploration.4 Following the anxieties about civilization that decades of cultural products that de- these films tend to address are univer- clared the “wilderness . . . a source of sal, rather than nationally specific; and fascination” and automobile travel “a therefore, they can easily be translated transcendental voyage of discovery and across national boarders. One of the of escape from the urban”, a low-budget more significant international entries film by Tope Hooper in 1974,The Texas into the road horror genre is that of , an Chainsaw Massacre, effectively dis- independent Australian film released in torted these ideals and gave the road a 2005, directed by first-time filmmaker more fearsome quality.5 The success of Greg McLean. Particularly noteworthy The Texas Chainsaw Massacre spurred

Focus 81 many other films with similar narra- by funding dozens of local productions, tives in the years that followed, from and particularly sought out Australian Wes Craven’s The Hills Have Eyes in versions of foreign film genres with 1977 to The Children of the Corn (Ki- pre-established financial success. The ersch) in 1984. The popularity of the result of this funding initiative, which road horror film began to decrease in still exists today, were films like Mad the 1990s but later saw a resurgence in Max (Miller 1979) (an Australian ver- 2001 with the success of Jeepers Creep- sion of the post-apocalyptic war film), ers (Salva) which led to both new road Razorback (Mulcahy 1984) (an Austra- horror franchises like Wrong Turn lian version of the animal-horror film), (Schmidt 2003) and House of 1,000 and Priscilla: Queen of the Desert (El- Corpses (Zombie 2003), as well as re- liot 1994) (an Australian version of the makes of original road horror films like road movie), which found their way The Texas Chainsaw Massacre (Nispel onto Australian screens. It is these de- 2003), The Hitcher (Meyers 2007), and velopments that ultimately paved the The Hills Have Eyes (Aja 2006). It is way for the national and international during this “post-millennial revival” success of Wolf Creek. that Wolf Creek was developed.6 Wolf Creek is clearly heavily influ- Released in 2005, to both critical enced by the American road-horror and financial success, Wolf Creek – films of the 1970s, seen through both unlike many of the other films already the film’s narrative and the old 1970s cited – is not an American film, but Ford vehicle that the characters drive (a rather an Australian production par- 1970s American cultural product, like tially funded by the Australian govern- the road horror films themselves). Fur- ment. Initially, this might be surpris- thering Wolf Creek’s construction as a ing as the road movie is typically an hybrid American/Australian film (an American cultural product; however, Australian version of the iconic Ameri- further investigation uncovers the cul- can road movie), the protagonists come tural overlap between the two nations. across the Australian equivalents of Following the conclusion of World War many classic American road movie II, “power [had] shifted away from characters. The gang of ‘bikie’ figures Europe” and as a result, “Australians that Ben and the girls cross paths with, began to turn their cultural interests is the Australian equivalent of the away from Britain and increasingly American motorcycle gang (a recurring towards America.”7 In adopting many character group in the American road facets from popular American culture, film) and Mick is the Australian equiva- American and Australian cultures be- lent of the American killer-redneck fig- came increasingly entwined. One of ure (prominently featured in both clas- the many cultural imports was that of sic road films likeDeliverance and road the drive-in movie theatre which found horror films like Wrong Turn and The enormous success in Australia. It was Texas Chainsaw Massacre). Essen- through this cultural device that Aus- tially, Wolf Creek is an American road tralians were introduced to “the Ameri- movie placed in an Australian context. can horror film” which quickly became The entire first half of the film acts “the most popular import on Australian as road movie, void horror’s primary drive-in screens.”8 At the same time, elements; however, many of the nar- the government began to place a focus rative and visual elements borrowed on developing Australian film content from the road movie are laced with

82 Focus The wide shots of the film create a sense of hopelessness after highlighting the characters’ freedom from civilization. double-meanings that foreshadow the in the outback. film’s ultimate shift from a road movie The film frequently uses long wide to a horror film. The film begins with shots that in the beginning of the film, the purchase of a used car. The open- highlighting the freedom each of the ing sequence that follows effectively characters are experiencing away from foreshadows the invasion of the manu- the constraints of society and civili- factured and unnatural into the natu- zation. However, when the film later ral, with shots of the sun rising on the moves into the territory of the horror beach shore (symbols of the natural) genre, these long, wide shots emphasize juxtaposed with shots of the car being the isolation and dislocation of the pro- serviced by a mechanic (symbolic of the tagonists, creating a sense of hopeless- manufactured and the unnatural). Just ness rather than freedom within both as the car being fixed does not belong the characters and the audience. beside images of the ocean, the tourists Furthering Wolf Creek’s fabrication and the car they occupy do not belong as a road movie is the fact that auto-

Focus 83 mobiles or signs of auto-mobility are dom it grants him. Ironically, having prevalent in almost every scene of the this freedom allows Mick to kill Ben’s film – even scenes not set on the road friends and dozens of other tourists. or inside a car. At a party scene before In Wolf Creek, freedom is constructed the characters head on their road trip, as a dangerous thing to possess, as the there is a cake with a toy car located on laws of our society are sometimes the top with the phrase, ‘Happy Travels’, very things restraining us from acting iced above it. A scene where the char- on primitive impulses – murderous or acters decide to camp outside on the otherwise. Here, an individual with too first night of their road trip is saturated much freedom is the most dangerous with allusions to the road and the au- villain of all. tomobile. There are caravans displayed As a road movie, the automo- prominently behind the characters as bile plays many crucial parts in Wolf they sit around the campfire and even Creek’s narrative. In the first act of the the campfire story being told - where film, the car is a site of comfort and joy a lone motorist encounters a UFO - is as the characters are seen sleeping, re- heavily focused on the road and its po- laxing and singing whilst driving across tential dangers. the country. During these early scenes, In the film’s first act, the road signs the car acts as a site of familiarity, while the protagonists pass foreshadow the the characters are displaced from their events that will occur later in the nar- usual cultural and geographical sur- rative. In one instance, the camera roundings. This is evident in the car watches the characters driving down providing the characters with food, mu- the road through a bullet hole in the sic, and cigarettes during their journey. kangaroo’s eye of a ‘Kangaroo Crossing’ Once the car breaks down, it becomes sign – eerily alluding to the fact that a site of protection, as the characters an iconic Australian cultural entity (an await help. It shelters them from heat, Australian ‘okka’ figure rather than a rain, and eventually a storm. When the kangaroo) is watching them from afar. characters see something approaching The last road sign the characters pass in the darkness, Ben assumes that dan- before they are abducted – a sign with ger is imminent and encourages every- the word ‘Goodbye’ printed on it – is one to remain in the car – reinforcing substantially less subtle in its foreshad- the its distinction of being a safe place. owing of later events. However, the car can only protect the However, the film does not just play characters from natural threats, not on and subvert the stylistic and nar- other humans. rative conventions of the road movie, After providing the characters with but the ideological customs as well. Al- familiarity and safety in the film’s first most every American road movie places two acts, the car in the third act only emphasis on the concept of ‘freedom’: brings about the demises of the pro- from Easy Rider to Thelma and Louise. tagonists. Between the second and In these films, freedom is something third acts, the automobile becomes that is sought out for with positive as- aligned with Mick instead of the pro- sociation. In Wolf Creek, freedom is tagonists. This is recognized when Liz represented a little differently. Ben, the and Kristy make attempts to use a car male protagonist, openly envies Mick’s to escape from their violent pursuer, lifestyle because of the amount of free- both of which attempts end horribly:

84 Focus Liz is stabbed in a car that she has just tion. Mick traps tourists by sabotaging managed to start while, in a separate their only modes of transport and then car, Kristy is rammed off the side of the taking them away from the road. In a road and shot. Mick uses their reliance later scene, Mick reveals his disdain for on the automobile to kill both of them. foreigners when he calls Liz and Kristy, Ben, the only one of the protagonists (both of whom are British females), not to rely on a car for his escape, ends “foreign cunts” who are “weak as piss.” the film as the only survivor of Mick’s Mick also makes it a point to dispatch attacks. the two foreigners before going after Like any horror film, Wolf Creek – Ben. at its core – is interested in addressing Mick is not the only narrative ele- and embodying contemporary cultural ment lending itself to this discussion of anxieties within its narrative world. foreign presence within Australia. This The main anxiety that the film ad- anti-foreign stance is also embodied in dresses is the issue of foreign presence the vehicle that the protagonists drive. within Australia. It is a long-standing The car that ultimately fails the char- issue for the nation and one that is cur- acters is a Ford, with its ‘Ford’ brand- rently the cause of much controversy in ing prominently displayed in several the country. scenes. The Ford Motor Company is In his characterization, Mick acts as an American car company that is not the voice of many Australians unhappy highly regarded in Australian culture, with the heavy foreign presence within because supporting the company sends the nation. Before Mick reveals his money and jobs overseas. Australian murderous intentions to the protago- car companies like Holden however, nists, he admits to killing hundreds of are significantly more popular and re- kangaroos. He speaks to the fact that spected within Australian culture be- kangaroos are everywhere in the Aus- cause of their ability to offer employ- tralia, and if someone doesn’t cull them ment opportunities to thousands of they could overrun the outback and Australians. In his decision to support destroy the natural balance of things. an American company rather than an However, there are implications during Australian company in the purchase of the conversation that Mick might not the car, Ben becomes a representation be talking about kangaroos in actual- of the passive Australian (a citizen who ity, but tourists. Tourists are constantly shows no interest in preventing this in- visiting the area and threaten the very creasing foreign presence), as opposed lifestyle that Mick cherishes, so – simi- to Mick – a representation of the proac- lar to his reason for killing kangaroos - tive Australian (who actively takes part he must keep their numbers controlled. in foreign prevention). In an ironic twist, the very things that Of the film’s three protagonists, the allow tourists to regularly access and two foreigners die while Ben, the sole invade Mick’s territory (the road and Australian protagonist, survives the the automobile) are the very things that ordeal. Oddly enough however, it is Mick uses to ensnare his victims. The a group of foreigners that find an un- introduction of the road and the au- conscious Ben on the side of the road tomobile provided these tourists with and save his life. It seems that in the easy access to the outback, which was end, McLean might be alluding to the largely inaccessible before their institu- fact that the very thing that locals don’t

Focus 85 want – more foreigners intruding in automotive-savvy) counterpart. If hor- their living spaces – is the very thing ror films are meant to “reflect” and keeping the nation’s economy alive, as “address”, as Cherry suggests, social the tourism industry is one of the most “anxieties that are of great concern to financially successful industries in the contemporary society”, then the road in country: collecting thirty-two billion Wolf Creek acts as a space where this dollars in revenue in 2004 alone.9 struggle of masculine identity can be Wolf Creek also uses its characters successfully mediated.10 The road is a and road setting to discuss the evolu- space that both the past and the present tion of the Australian male and address representations of masculinity can tem- anxieties around Australian masculin- porarily occupy, but not coexist upon ity. The character of Mick acts as an (i.e. Ben and Mick can both live at the embodiment of the traditional Aus- end of the film, but to do this they must tralian male, while Ben represents his exist in separate spaces – the city and contemporary counterpart. In choosing the outback). Interestingly, both incar- to walk away from a fight in the begin- nations of the Australian male survive ning of the film, Ben shows that he is the film, but the contemporary Austra- non-confrontational and apprehensive lian can only survive with the help of – the complete opposite of Mick, an foresaid foreigners. Ben suffers from uncivilized and violent figure capable dependency and is not a survivalist in of horrific acts of brutality. Mick isa the same way that Mick is. metaphorical embodiment of the anxi- It is the film’s heavy focus on auto- eties surrounding traditional Austra- mobility, territorial invasion, and the lian masculinity, which allows the film road itself that allows Wolf Creek to to reflect on some anxieties about the be classified as a road movie, while its kindness of strangers. An earlier victim ability to use the road to “reflect” and of Mick’s assures his sceptical wife and “address” contemporary social anxiet- two young daughters that Mick must ies allows the film to be classified as have good intentions, when offered horror. Combining the two film genres, his help, because “country people are Wolf Creek uses the automobile and the nice.” The man’s stereotypical assump- road - the fixtures of any road movie - tion that Mick must be the conventional to address and engage in the discus- docile and friendly okka, is ultimately sion of contemporary anxieties about what brings his family to their doom. Australian civilization and society. It The film is deeply interested in the is through this combination that Wolf evolutionary concerns of Australian Creek is able to successfully establish masculinity: that the traditional Aus- itself as a respectable international film tralian male is threatened by the new of the road horror sub-genre. metropolitan, techno-savvy (but not

86 Focus Works Cited

1. Finn Ballard, “No Trespassing: The 7. Graeme Harper, “Drive-In Horror Post-Millennial Road-Horror Movie.” Across the Outback: Surf, Sand, and Irish Journal of Gothic and Horror Sisters in 1970s Australia,” in Horror Studies. 2008, accessed 28 February At the Drive-In: Essays in Popular 2010, pg 1. . 2003), pg 25.

2. Brigid Cherry, Routledge Film 8. Ibid, pg25. Guidebooks: Horror. (London: Rout- ledge Publishing Group, 2009), pg 11. 9. Australian Bureau of Statistics, “A Statistical Overview of Tourism,” Aus- 3. Magistrale, Tony. Abject Terrors: tralian Economic Indicators, January Surveying the Modern and the Post- 2006, accessed 2 March 2010, http:// modern Horror Film. (Washington www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTA TS/abs@. D.C.: Peter Lang Publishing Group, nsf/featurearticlesbyCatalogue/56DEE 2005), pg 13. BA1C966180ECA257122001AC52D?O penDocument. 4. Ballard, “No Trespassing: The Post- Millennial Road-Horror Movie.” , pg 1. 10. Cherry, pg 11.

5. Ibid, pg 1.

6. Ibid, pg 2.

Focus 87 Stereoscopic Films Forgotten Past: Novelty in Three Dimensions by Anthony Blahd

The 3-D, or stereoscopic process has project on the history of 3-D film. This been popular since the mid 19th cen- expansive text traces the stereoscopic tury, decades prior to the advent of cin- process from its pre-history in the mid ema; a synthesis between stereoscopic 19th century to its boom in the ‘50s. imagery and cinema was inevitable. Moreover, the book provides an abun- Many regard the 1950s as being both dance of information regarding the 3-D the starting point and peak of the 3-D phase of the 1920s. After reading these movie. However, 3-D film underwent a sources and combing through newspa- small, yet notable stretch of popularity pers, magazines, trade journals and ar- in the 1920s. I would like to answer a chives, I have arrived at the conclusion series of questions regarding this short- that the stereoscopic film movement’s lived 3-D fad of the 1920s. What was demise can be attributed to its inherent the technology involved in stereoscopic inability to exit the realm of novelty. production and exhibition and how did Stereoscopic films were never able to it evolve or change? What kind of ste- become truly popular due to problems reoscopic movies were being made, and with the invention itself, the content who was making them? Where were and exhibition practices ill-suited for these movies being shown, and how its audience, and an inability to suc- were they received? What were indus- cessfully monetize the trend via distri- try conceptions and predictions regard- bution strategies. ing stereoscopic filmmaking? How did stereoscopic film making gain popular- High Hopes ity, and why did that popularity wane at the end of the decade? These are all The first big wave of stereoscopic questions that have fueled my research. motion pictures came to the United Since the 1950s are widely consid- States in the early 1920s. Several mem- ered to be the birth of the 3-D film, bers of the film industry were outspo- there is very little written regarding the ken about their high hopes for the new 1920s stereoscopic movement. R.M. technology. Fox studios had a mount- Hayes’ book 3-D Movies: A History and ing interest in stereoscopy throughout Filmography of Stereoscopic Cinema is the decade. In a late 1926 press release, in-depth in its history and chronology Fox treasurer J.C. Eisle forecasted 1927 of 3-D from the 1950s onward, yet only as the year in which Fox would focus devotes around ten pages to the topic of more attention and funds on the ste- 3-D in the 1920s. Nevertheless, the ten reoscopic process.1 Passages of Eisle’s pages actually devoted to the ‘20s are press release were quoted in the Wall highly informative and provide a great Street Journal: “Outstanding develop- starting point for my research. The ments to be expected include…the in- only other secondary source regarding troduction of the stereoscopic process, the stereoscopic film movement of the to give pictures depth as well as breadth 1920s is Ray Zone’s Stereoscopic Cin- and height.”2 Eisle’s forecast is of inter- ema and the Origins of 3-D Film. This est in that it demonstrates how studios book is truly a seminal and decisive conceived stereoscopic cinema as a fis-

88 Focus picture at all… I do believe that the man who invents a means of produc- ing a perfect stereopticon motion picture will have accomplished the greatest achievement since the first of the motion picture.3

Lloyd’s high hopes present an interest- ing dichotomy; while the 1920s were a time of technical development for cin- ema, he believed there was only room for one true major development. His hyperbolically enthusiastic interview contrasts sound with the stereoscopic process and, thus, juxtaposes the po- tential of each. Stereoscopic cinema all but died out by the end of the ‘20s, yet this sense of optimism during the early part of the decade was a sentiment shared by other important members of the film industry as well. D.W. Griffith, the highly influen- A Plastigrams advertisement addressing the spectator. tial and popular film director seemed to share Lloyd’s position. Griffith’s at- cal opportunity. However opportunistic titude was made clear in a November Fox may have been, there is no evidence 1922 interview with The New York I have found suggesting that the studio Times: “… motion pictures will never followed through with their forecast; realize their ideal effectiveness until Fox didn’t develop a stereoscopic appa- they are stereoscopic.”4 However, with ratus in 1927, nor did they produce any Griffith’s prophecy came a few ob- stereoscopic films. Fox’s interest in ste- stacles. The interview continued with reoscopic cinema was too little, too late; this amendment by Griffith: “We are, three years after the press release, the of course, in what will be called the advent of the Great Depression stymied early experimental stage of such de- stereoscopic development for decades. velopment. Where the effect depends Interest in stereoscopic filmmaking upon individual mechanism for each was not just arising from the studios, spectator, it is of course a complicated but from filmmakers as well. Slapstick arrangement, and difficult to reduce comedian Harold Lloyd was quoted in from a novelty to popularity.”5 Griffith’s a 1923 Los Angeles Times interview as interview indicates that he was hope- follows: ful for the future of stereoscopic film- making, yet aware of the tribulations it I think the screen’s greatest step faced. The “complicated arrangement” forward will come through the stere- of the mechanism refers to the exhibi- opticon picture. I do not believe the tion apparatus necessary for stereo- synchronizing of voice and picture, scopic projection. Much like the 3-D on which a number of scientists are glasses of today, the apparatus referred now working, will help the motion to by Griffith is a small personal viewer

Focus 89 required for the audience to experience decipherable patent consisting of four the 3-D effect. The novelty mentioned pages of hand written drawings for a by Griffith refers to the pre-history of design featuring close to 200 individual stereoscopic film, in which the stereo- moving parts.9 Thomas Edison worked scopic process was more commonly on a stereoscopic apparatus for nearly associated with optical toys. Contrary twelve years before giving up.10 For the to Griffith’s hopes, the stereoscopic sake of analysis and an attempt at brev- process never was able to forego the ity, I will only focus this paper on a se- cumbersome yet necessary viewing ap- lect few American inventors, on whom paratus. Also in adherence to Griffith’s I was able to find the most information. prophecy, stereoscopic cinema, regard- Laurens Hammond of New York, less of efforts from within the indus- credited with the invention of the Ham- try, was never able to lose its twinge of mond Organ, was also a stereoscopic novelty. These obstacles prophesized pioneer. His first patent, in 1921, was by Griffith were in fact hurdles that the the design for his shadowgraph sys- medium was never able to surpass, and tem. This was a vaudeville-style live major contributors to its demise. act, which featured dancers behind a translucent screen. The images of the A Period of Invention dancers were illuminated from the rear with red and green light.11 In conjunc- The development of the motion tion with the shadowgraph act, Ham- picture was a raucous affair, with mul- mond also developed the Teleview. The tiple systems, formats, inventions, and “Teleview used a twin strip 3-D camera inventors in various countries around with two lenses 2 and 5/8ths inches the globe. Nevertheless, by the 1920s, apart, dual projectors, and a revolving the cinematic apparatus was essen- electrical shutter affixed to the armrest tially standardized. It was at this point of each spectator’s seat.”12 The design in which the stereoscopic apparatus of Teleview was solid and effective, but emerged. The arrival of stereoscopic “No doubt plagued with technical dif- filmmaking mimicked that of cinema. ficulties.”13 Hammond combined the Inventors and inventions surfaced fre- Teleview technology with the shadow- quently, but it wasn’t until the 1920’s graph act in order to create the Teleview that the major players would emerge. program, an early instance of publically Though often rumored otherwise, displayed stereoscopic projection that I no devices emerged which did not re- will elaborate upon later in this essay. quire a specialized viewing apparatus.6 The Plastigram was the second ste- However, this is not to suggest a lack reoscopic invention. Jacob Leventhal of inventions. On the contrary, inven- and Frederic Ives, along with their cin- tions came from France, Britain, Spain, ematographer William T. Crespinel, Germany, and the United States (New placed two cameras side by side, which York and Texas in particular).7 To add provided optical centers for lenses of to the confusion, the inventions were roughly three inches in length, each incredibly complex. Wilhelm Salow, of lens with a prism in front of it. The two Germany incorporated two rectangu- cameras were hinged together with a lar, equilateral prisms in his design to common drive shaft to work as a unit. produce consecutive images.8 North H. They then created anaglyphic motion Losey of Indiana submitted a nearly in- pictures prints by using red/blue dyes

90 Focus with double coated, yet single strip ema of attraction. Elements of the cin- motion picture film.14 The Plastigram ema of attraction constantly reappear process allowed for an exaggerated 3-D throughout film history. The 3-D trend effect in which the image seemingly of the 1920s exemplifies a reemergence jumped out at the audience. Leventhal of Gunning’s cinema of attractions. and Ives utilized the exaggerated ste- Stereoscopic cinema was unable to reoscopic effect to their advantage by adhere to the popular trends of the Hol- marketing their films for novelty value; lywood system. The more successful this too will be discussed in depth later stereoscopic films were not features, or in the paper. even multi-reeled for that matter. The industry seemed to incorporate older Content and Exhibition strategies, in order to integrate the new stereoscopic technology. Laurens Ham- Developed in the 1910s, Classical mond’s Teleview process had a short Hollywood Cinema (CHC) polished the run of projection at the Selwyn Theater continuity editing style by the 1920s. in New York City. A 1923 review from The dominant trend of this highly pop- Variety describes the program, ularized film style became an emphasis on narrative and the diegetic absorption The Program opened with an ordi- of the spectator. The emergence of this nary picture followed by ‘Teleview’ new trend is easily juxtaposed against studies. The studies consisted of “A what Tom Gunning refers to as the Bottle of Rye,” “A Hole in Space,” “cinema of attractions,” a term which “Circles” and “A Dragon.” The sub- Gunning uses to describe early cinema, jects were increased and dimin- roughly before 1906.15 He identifies the ished in size at the will of the pro- contrast between these two styles: “… jector, giving an effect of distance early cinema was not dominated by the and proximity, unusual in a normal narrative impulse that later asserted its picture house. Scenic studies next in sway over the medium.”16 Narrative cin- natural colored “stills” with views ema is distinguished from cinema of at- of Hopi and Navajo Indian life in tractions via its spectorial relationship. motion pictures followed by an or- The “cinema of attraction” is defined dinary picture, viewed without the by the way it “directly solicits spectator instrument. A shadowgraph dance attention, inciting visual curiosity, and by Jeanette Bobo, Helen Cronovo, supplying pleasure through and excit- and Elly Roder was staged behind ing spectacle–A unique event.”17 The a white drop in “one.” The effect dichotomy between cinema of attrac- obtained was novel. The silhouette tion and Classical Hollywood Cinema seemingly came right out over the is simplified to that of, “exhibitionist audience when viewed through the confrontation rather than cinematic “Telescope.” “M.A.R.S.,” a “Teleview absorption.”18 With the rise of Classi- play” taken with the special camera cal Hollywood Cinema came the rise and featuring Grant Mitchell and of the feature film; this was the ideal Mitchell and Margret Irving in their vehicle for diegetic absorption. How- picture debut proved a fanciful com- ever, Gunning is careful to make clear edy, draggy in spots.19 that the birth of Classical Hollywood Cinema did not signify the death of cin- The review is presented almost entirely

Focus 91 in full, because I feel it will be helpful ple akin to Gunning’s cinema of attrac- to analyze the entirety of a typical night tions model of understanding early film of a stereoscopic program. Let us begin history. A shadow-gram performance, with the Teleview studies: these were as previously discussed, was a dance single shot films of a particular item, for performed live and behind a screen. instance a bottle of rye. The effect was The dancers were silhouetted by col- astounding for first time viewers who ored lights, which allowed the audience had never experienced such depth of to perceive the 3-D effect of the danc- image. Another reviewer remarked, “A ers’ shadows when looking through jug marked ‘Rye’ was extended out into the viewing apparatus.22 This notion of the audience, and the temptation was to multimedia programming mixing both reach out and seize it.”20 These individ- film and live performance is a remind- ual stereoscopic shots were interesting er of a vaudeville or early nickelodeon for their novelty value and are compa- style of exhibition. Gunning notes that rable to early 2-D short subject films. cinema of attractions commonly con- Lumiere’s The Arrival of the Train sisted as a series of “unrelated acts in (1896) or Workers Leaving a Factory a non-narrative and even early illogical (1895) received similar reactions by succession of performances. Even when surprised patrons, however these prim- presented in the nickelodeons that were itive shorts were examples of display emerging at the end of this period, rather than story and unable to com- these short films always appeared in a mand a long-term audience once the variety format.”23 During reel changes novelty wore off. Stereoscopic display or between shorts in Nickelodeon the- pictures, were, in subject matter, no aters, programmers would fill the gap different than earlier non-stereoscopic with live music, dance, or theater. This shorts, and therefore easily categorized mixed style of entertainment detracts as cinema of attractions. from the possibility of diegetic absorp- The second part of the film pro- tion. Once features rose in popularity, gram, featured scenic films. Before the and multi projector systems became the emphasis on narrative took rise in the norm, live interludes fell out of favor. transitional period of cinema, the scenic The shadow-gram dances are a remind- was a popular genre during Gunning’s er of the nickelodeon era and therefore cinema of attraction period and even a relic of cinematic novelty. has roots in the magic lantern tradi- The final portion of the program tion. Bordwell and Thompson note, “In is perhaps its only section that would days before airplane travel few could have been more appropriately linked to hope to see firsthand the exotic lands contemporary cinema than to the cin- they glimpsed in static view in books of ematic past. Labeled by the Variety re- travel photographs… travelogues would viewer as “draggy,” M.A.R.S. was obvi- bring the sights of far flung places, with ously a longer film, but not necessarily a movement, directly to the spectators’ feature. According to Hayes, the night’s hometowns.”21 Scenics and travelogues presentation in total ran no more than offer little if any narrative, but rather eighty-five minutes.24 Allowing time adhere to the spectacle and novelty val- for other parts of the show, it is doubt- ues commonly attributed to the cinema ful M.A.R.S. ran longer than one hour. of attractions. Similar to the Variety review, The New The third part of the program, the York Times reviewer described the film shadow-grams, are yet another exam- to be “drawn out to a tedious length.”25

92 Focus tion of feature films? The answer is not simple, but it was mostly a problem of exhibition and audience reception. Wil- liam T. Crespinel, cinematographer be- hind the short stereoscopic novelty film series Plastigrams, discusses length in relation to the stereoscopic film:

[T]he audience became affected with eyestrain, dizziness, headache and nausea, the reason being that the eyes are subjected to an unnatural vision of (1) looking through com- plementary coloured glasses and (2) having the eyes focus on a distant object which is suddenly brought to a few inches of the eyes in a matter of a second or so. The screening time of our films was no more that five minutes. Thinking in terms of a film with a projection period of almost an hour just won’t work.26

Crespinel’s critique of the feature length stereoscopic mimics one of Griffith’s aforementioned obstacles facing the stereoscopic process. The stereoscopic Plastigrams advertised with D.W. Griffith viewing device was essential to the pro- film,Way Down East. cess, yet at the same time detrimental in M.A.R.S. seems an attempt to escape that it forced the stereoscopic process the realm of novelty and conform to the to remain within the realm of novelty. guidelines of the classical Hollywood Some stereoscopic filmmakers toyed cinema; this attempt however, was with the notion of the stereoscopic fea- problematic. Shorter than a traditional ture in a more hybridized way. Hayes feature, yet decidedly too long for most discusses an attempt by French film- audiences, M.A.R.S. is emblematic maker Abel Gance to create a partially of the way in which stereoscopic film stereoscopic epic about Napoleon struggled with length. M.A.R.S., and Bonaparte. “[Napoleon (1926)] was to the Teleview program as a whole em- be a showcase of all available film tech- phasize the stereoscopic film as a pur- nologies, and Gance felt it obligatory to veyor of solely novelty content, and an include 3-D.”27 Though the 3-D aspects inability to escape the realm of attrac- of the film were lost, the anecdote of its tion based cinema. production and exhibition still remains. Gance shot only one major scene of the The Stereoscopic Feature? film with a stereoscopic camera rig, with the rest being shot on standard 35 What about the stereoscopic process mm. Hayes writes, was so unforthcoming to the produc-

Focus 93 Gance screened his movie in rough Leventhal and Ives were aware of the cut form, apparently only in a pri- limitations associated with the stereo- vate situation, and immediately scopic process, yet were extremely wise decided to discard the dimensional in the way they approached and nego- material…much to the filmmakers tiated those limitations. Due to their displeasure, he discovered his test short length, the Plastigrams needed to audience were so overwhelmed by be coupled with other films in order to the 3-D footage, they found watch- fill a program. To solve this issue, they ing the flat segments… anticlimactic didn’t create a program of their own like after the excitement of stereo-vision. Hammond with his Teleview program; This, of course, was unacceptable instead, Platigrams were presented as and the only course was removal of part of a double feature. For example, the ‘offending’ material. Napoleon the Plastigrams were marketed with was never publically exhibited with D.W. Griffith’sWay Down East, yet the the 3-D scenes (or scene).28 Plastigrams though shorter in length are the foreground attraction. Also no- Gance’s displeasure with his hybridized tice the text occupying the box in the approach to the stereoscopic feature is bottom left of the image, “YOU WILL indicative of the stereoscopic process’ THRILL! – SCREAM AT THIS WON- incongruence with the institutionalized DER NOVELTY. SPECIAL GLASSES style of feature filmmaking. Neither au- ABSOLUTELY ESSENTIAL.”30 The tonomous nor part of a larger non-ste- advertisement is highlighting the spec- reoscopic work, the 3-D feature seemed tacle and novelty of the film viewing unfeasible in the 1920s. experience, not the film itself. They em- brace the special glasses as a welcome Spectacle! addition to a sensational experience, not as an element detracting from the With the possibility of the feature an- film’s narrative; the technology is just nihilated, the industry began embrac- another aspect of the Plastigrams’ nov- ing the novelty value of the stereoscopic elty value. Rather then attempting to film. Jacob F. Leventhal and Fredrick adhere to the guidelines of the classi- Eugene Ives eagerly implemented this cal Hollywood cinema, Leventhal and strategy with their aforementioned Ives favored strategies that embraced novelty series, Plastigrams. Leventhal the model of content and exhibition described their strategy in writing, likened to Gunning’s cinema of attrac- tions model. It was obvious at the beginning Inherent in spectacle is the direct ad- that if the exhibitors were to accept dress of the viewer. In place of the more this kind of [stereoscopic] picture, voyeuristic spectatorial relationship of it would be necessary to empha- classical Hollywood cinema, the cinema size the spectacular side and make of attraction displays its visibility, will- scenes that would startle the audi- ing to rupture a self-enclosed fictional ence, rather than views of streets world for a chance to solicit the atten- and scenery…Because a viewing ap- tion of the spectator.”31 Plastigrams paratus was necessary, stereoscopic were undoubtedly and directly address- film can never occupy more than a ing the audience. Zone summarizes this few minutes on a program.29 point, when describing the Plastigrams

94 Focus as, “vignettes that broke the fourth cannot be seen except at the Selwyn.”34 wall of the motion picture screen, fore- This film’s distribution, however, was grounding spectatorship and display, advertised more like the run of a Broad- acknowledging the viewer with a visual way show than an actual film. Its run in shock… These were stereoscopic novel- New York lasted a few weeks at most. ties that violated the audience space.”32 Mr. John Borden, the investor back- Zone goes on to discuss that even if this ing the Teleview Process, had planned spectatorial relationship is not directly a major city tour, outfitting one theater referenced in the marketing of a film, at a time, and presenting the show for a the stereoscopic process itself cannot few weeks.35 The success of this strategy absorb its spectator into the diegesis. is unknown but doubtful. Neither I, nor Zone quotes Lauren Kroiz, “By wear- Zone or Hayes has found any reference ing the glasses the viewer, rather than to the Teleview process after its initial entering into the world of depth that run in early 1923. Cinema emerged as 3-D seems to offer, is instead bodily po- the first true medium for the masses; sitioned in filmic space as a spectator, this is emblematic of the Nickelodeon the viewer is unable to enter the film tradition’s embrace of the working class as a character, unable to identify with and immigrant communities. The Tele- the characters in the narrative.”33 This view distribution strategy was anachro- distinction is crucial in that is identifies nistic to this idea of equal access. The one of stereoscopic film’s fatal flaws: film was marketed as an event and not without the possibility of diegetic ab- as a film, and was therefore reflected in sorption, stereoscopic film was never its sales. What kept the Teleview from able transcend the confines of the cin- traditional, more lucrative distribution ema of attraction, thus the possibility of plan was cost. The $35,000 outfitting stereoscopic cinema, as a more perma- required for the theater was unthink- nent popularity, was impossible. able on a national level. High over- head was not unique to the Teleview Distribution: Monetizing 3-D apparatus alone; in fact, the general stereoscopic process as a whole was Like the filmmakers, distributors notoriously expensive. Adolf Zukor was embraced the spectacular and sensa- at one point involved in a stereoscopic tional when dealing with stereoscopic endeavor and remarked in his memoirs films. Hammond’s aforementioned about the experience, “The 3-d effect Teleview process was distributed to was very realistic and quite exciting, only one theater for a limited run. but costly and for that reason never uti- Hammond installed his $35,000 view- lized again.”36 ing system at the Selwyn Theater on Ives and Leventhal used a differ- Broadway in New York City. A 1922 ent, more effective distribution strategy advertisement in The New York Times with Plastigrams. Plastigrams played embraced the theatricality of the event: in exclusive engagements in New York “This will be the world premiere of bin- at Reisenfeild’s Rialto and Rivoli before ocularly stereoscopic cinematography, general release.37 Unlike the installed presenting for the first time in history apparatus of the Teleview Process, . . . Every seat at the Selwyn equipped Plastigrams used an anaglyphic pro- with electrical instrument . . . nothing cess and therefore an audience member like it ever has been seen before and needed only a pair of 3-D glasses to en-

Focus 95 joy the experience. With less overhead Since then 3-D has drifted in and out of involved, the films could be nationally favor as a fleeting fad, never an estab- distributed via the Educational Film lished movement.41 Exchanges who promoted the novelty of the Plastigrams in magazine adver- It’s Back, But Is It Here To Stay? tisements: The current topic of conversation in If you want to give you patrons media industries is the contemporary a treat, and incidentally show a wave of 3-D. Higher budgeted 3-D films novelty that will create a lot of are being shown in the biggest theater talk, get hold of the short reel of chains around the country. 3-D televi- “Third-Dimensional” pictures sions are being marketed to the general called Plastigram***Shown at the public, and networks are creating pro- Rivoli last week***some amazing gramming solely for this technology. effects were obtained***Shouts But is this wave of 3-D frenzy a true of amazement and surprised movement; that is to say, is it the fu- laughter from the unsuspecting ture of the motion picture industry, or audience***Plastigrams are a great is it merely a fad? With a Janus-headed novelty.38 approach, I turned to the past for my answer. Is this current wave of 3-D any This sensationalized strategy paid off: different than that of the 1920s? The the films were widely booked. The ma- “individual mechanism” prophesized jority of Paramount theaters (compris- by Griffith still remains in the form of ing 130 houses) contracted for the film, modern 3-D glasses. Producers stayed and many of Paramount’s representa- away from stereoscopic features in the tive theaters featured them as well.39 1920s because they “may have been Although Ives and Leventhal en- very eye straining for most patrons.”42 joyed the successes of the Plastigrams Yet has this discomfort gone away? At and other short stereoscopic novelty least for me, a feature length 3-D film series such as Stereoscopiks, their iso- will almost certainly lead to a headache. lated success did little for the stereo- Ray Zone delineated stereoscopic scopic movement as a whole. Their ste- filmmaking’s early obstacles as follows: reoscopic films lost novelty value and “The utopian dream of stereoscopic fell out of popularity by the end of the images in cinema, then was a double- decade. When the stock market crashed edged sword. The heightened realism it in 1929, and the Great Depression en- presented was alluring, but it had to be sued, studios began steering clear of justified in the context of a narrative.”43 stereoscopic development in favor of Is the current wave of cinema justified the more tried and true classical Hol- in the context of a narrative, or is it yet lywood cinema. 3-D returned in the another remnant of the cinema of at- 1950s to greater popularity, and this re- tractions? surgence is often mistaken for the birth of 3-D. This history now seems closer to myth. Moreover, much like what we have seen in the 1920s, 3-D in the ‘50s had its rise, and with that came its fall.40

96 Focus Works Cited 15. Gunning, “Cinema of Attractions: Early Film, Its Spectator, and the 1. Anon, “To Give Depth to Films.” New Avant-Garde,” in Early Cinema, ed. T. York Times 1 January 1, 1927, 1. Elsaesser, London: BFI, 1990, 59.

2. Anon, “Eisele Discusses Outlook for 16. Ibid. Films,” Wall Street Journal, December 31, 1926), 4. 17. Ibid, 59.

3. Anon.,“Pictures in Relief are Next,” 18. Ibid. Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1923, 22. 19. Anon, “The Teleview,” Variety, Jan- uary 5 1923, 15. 4. Anon, “Stereoscopic Films.” New York Times, November 5, 1922, 98. 20. Anon, “The Screen: Vivid Pictures Startle,” New York Times, December 5. Ibid. 28, 1922, 20.

6. Ray Zone, Zone, Ray. Stereoscopic 21. David Bordwell and Kristin Thomp- Cinema and the Origins of 3-D Film. son, Film History an Introduction, (Lexington: University Press of Ken- (New York: Mcgraw-Hill, 2010), 6. tucky, 2007), 135. 22. Hayes, 5. 7. Ibid, 100. 23. Gunning, 60. 8. Ibid, 87. 24. Ibid. 9. Ibid, 94-96. 25. Anon, “The Screen: Vivid Pictures 10. Anon. “Stereoscopic Film is Shown.” Startle,” New York Times, December Los Angeles Times, April 16, 1925), Sec. 28, 1922, 20. A, 1. 26. Zone, 113. 11. Zone, 105. 27. Hayes, 9.

12. Ibid, 107. 28. Ibid.

13. R.M. Hayes, 3-D Movies A History 29. J.F. Leventhal, “The First Use of and Filmography of Stereoscopic Cine- Stereoscopic Pictures in Motion Picture ma, (Jefferson: McFarland &Company, Theatres,” Society of Motion Picture Inc., 1989) ,5. Engineers Journal November (1926), 39. 14. Ibid, 121. 30. Hayes, 8.

31. Gunning, 56.

Focus 97 32. Zone, 120. 39. Ibid, 120.

33. Ibid, 84 40. Hayes, 20.

34. Anon, “Display Ad 151 -- A New 41. Ibid, 67. Form of Entertainment,” New York Times, December 18, 1922), 25. 42. Ibid, 4.

35. Anon, “Watching New Film Through 43. Zone, 143. Stereoscope,” Variety, December 20, 1922, 15.

36. Hayes, 4.

37. Zone, 120.

38. Ibid, 122.

98 Focus The Satellite Gaze During Global Crisis: From The War In Bosnia to Hurrican Katrina by Nadia Ismail

Satellite images of the mass graves in Bosnia. Since its introduction as a new age critical subjects.1 However, the satel- Cold War intelligence instrument in lite’s transition from a militaristic tool the late 1950s, satellites have come to to a humanitarian application is not dominate political, cultural and social perfect; it can be colored by the same realms in unprecedented ways. The biases, subterfuges and racial tenden- government’s traditional use of satel- cies as prior adaptations of satellite lites as a communication, intelligence technologies, including the militaristic and scientific device has been recently voyeurism of the Cold War era.2 reconceived as a public tool to gain per- Satellites have captured and ex- spective on locales ravaged by political posed a myriad of divergent global con- strife, natural disasters and warfare. In flicts, including the exposure of mass this modern age of satellite technology, graves in Bosnia, the displacement and satellite images of high profile areas murder of over 400,000 individuals have been used in new ways to access in Darfur and the destruction in New critical information, to push political Orleans following Hurricane Katrina. agendas and to encourage discourse on While the move of satellite technolo-

Focus 99 gies towards humanitarian relief efforts opinion and foreign policy.5 The United should be applauded, the satellite can- States and French governments mainly not be conceived of as a self-contained produced the high resolution and bird’s deus ex machina, as there still exists the eye perspective of these remote sensing potential for misrepresentation, rac- images, as the United States launched ism and governmental corruption that Landsat-4 and Landsat-5 in 1982 and can be found within more traditional 1984 respectively, and France launched militaristic usages of the technology. In SPOT-1 in 1986.6 this emergent humanitarian context for In 1994, President Bill Clinton issued satellite usage, the origins, uses, ben- Presidential Directive 23, a policy that efits and shortcomings of this evolution instigated the commercialization and must be understood in a critical light in privatization of satellite technologies. order to better grasp the repercussions This policy enabled the “U.S. private of the satellite’s emergence into the hu- sector to develop and operate high-res- manitarian arena. olution imaging satellites as well as sell In his article, “The Militarization of the acquired data.”7 As a result, shared Space and International Law,” Allan capital investment of remote sensing Rosas notes that satellite systems are technologies between the government mainly anchored in four domains: (i) and private companies increased, dras- surveillance of neighboring countries, tically changing the economic potential (ii) forewarning of perceived threats, of satellite imagery. (iii) communication portals, (iv) and Despite its advantages, the privatiza- means of navigational aid.3 Although tion of satellite images also introduced contemporary privatized satellites may the possibility of security threats and have become estranged from their of- enemy infiltration. To protect crucial ficial association with a specified- gov information leaks, the U.S. government ernmental agency, the psychological implemented conditions to regulate the gap between a satellite image that is distribution and operations of private rendered for military purposes and a satellite systems. According to Vitin representation afforded for humanitar- Gupta, “U.S. companies are required ian intervention should be reexamined, to account for all images that were ac- as the two purposes likely share similar quired over the previous year and allow satellites which execute, or are at least the U.S. government access to the list of capable of performing, nearly identical acquired images; select a download link functions. format that can be accessed and used Beginning in the 1980s, influential by the U.S. government; and notify the news networks such as CNN altered U.S. government of the intent to enter the visual landscape of public informa- ‘significant or substantial’ accords with tion through invoking satellite imagery new foreign customers.”8 Furthermore, in the production and dissemination when the “operation of a private remote of high profile events.4 Television sets sensing system is deemed to jeopardize around the world displayed politically- national security, international obliga- charged satellite images, such as the tions, or foreign policies, the Secretary Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster of Commerce, in consultation with the or evidence of suspected mass graves in Secretaries of State and Defense, has Bosnia, only compounding the “CNN the authority to limit data collection effect” in which large news networks and distribution for as long as neces- greatly influence and manipulate public sary.”9 The U.S. private satellite sensing

100 Focus companies’ initial and non-reactionary can be used to assess threats against regulation is also put into play, as “U.S. UN forces . . . the imagery could be used companies are required to account for to filter fact from fiction in some types all images that were acquired over the of eyewitness and government reports. previous year and allow U.S. govern- With an independent source of infor- ment access to the list of acquired im- mation, UN missions could exercise ages; use only data encryption devices a greater degree of informational au- approved [and accessible] by the U.S. tonomy from the host population and government; and notify the U.S. gov- governing authority.”12 In this sense, ernment of the intent to enter ‘signifi- satellite imagery is imagined not just cant or substantial’ accords with new as a helpful tool for peacekeeping op- foreign customers.”10 These regulatory eratives, but an essential one, as it fa- procedures are undoubtedly an exten- cilitates a greater understanding of the sion of the government’s hand in the geographic composites of each locale seemingly privatized and nongovern- and political implications surrounding mental sectors of commercial satellite each global crisis. Satellite imagery, imagery. The invisible influence of the however, can also obscure the images U.S. government in the dissemination by including labels that define uniden- of media and commercial imagery is tifiable objects from a distant point of significant, as it illustrates an almost view. Thus, the understanding of events innate and indissoluble connection be- that are either denied or veiled by local tween the seemingly “governmental” (or sometimes intervening) govern- and “nongovernmental” agencies of ments can either elucidate or obscure information. These regulations, how- information. ever, were poorly implemented, and In August 1995, the U.S. govern- the privatization of satellite imaging ment’s release of various satellite im- systems led to the eventual widespread ages that depict mass graves in Sre- use of satellite representations avail- brenica shocked the global conscience able today, from images resonating in and demanded further inquiry into the the public forum via media and gov- atrocities taking place in the Southeast ernmental dissemination to the advent European country.13 Rather than pro- of satellite image hegemonies, such as viding a lucid snapshot of the current Google Earth. political climate in Bosnia, the satellite The privatization of the satellite sys- images were obscured through legends tem and the proliferation of high-res- and shadowed effects created by US olution satellite images influenced the news broadcasters using Photoshop. growth of UN peacekeeping operations: These added “effects” were problemat- “the mission objectives have widened ic, through melding fact and fiction, the to include crisis prevention (Macedo- organic image with the altered image. nia); the protection of humanitarian Lisa Parks notes that these images programs (Bosnia, Somalia); the imple- “initiated a United Nations investi- mentation of internal peace agreements gation into what is now known as the (Cambodia, El Salvador); and the en- Srebrenica massacre,” illustrating an forcement of UN Security Council ul- extension of the CNN effect for a new timatums (Bosnia, Iraq-Kuwait, Soma- age.14 Jon Wester, a media scholar, de- lia).”11 Gupta conjectures the numerous scribes the CNN effect in relation to the ways in which satellites can influence United States’ involvement in Somalia. UN operations: “commercial satellites He notes, “perhaps the most common

Focus 101 explanation for the U.S. intervention through a “satellite gaze,” structuring in Somalia is that the vivid images of the situation as little more than historic starving children on daily news broad- bickering and denouncing its formal casts outraged the American public. In involvement in the war. Thus, the sat- turn, this moral outrage led to political ellite images of the Bosnian atrocities pressure on the Bush administration to became tangled in a net of obscured respond aggressively to end the massive mediations. As Lisa Parks perceptively starvation.”15 Similarly, the obscured writes, “In an information society it is satellite images of the mass graves in almost impossible to differentiate one’s Bosnia resulted in public intervention. knowledge of an event from the media’s Who created these graves? Further- coverage of it.”18 more, how many people were killed? It is also important to note that the The extension of this “CNN effect” aesthetic of conflicts in foreign coun- into the Satellite era also encouraged tries displayed in the satellite images individuals to act benevolently, with lacks significant historical context.19 Bosnia as a case in point. Satellite im- Satellite images perpetuate the polar- ages of the Srebrenica massacre in- ization of the “savage East” and “civi- vited people across the globe to unite lized West”.20 As Aida Hozic holds, in action against perceived “evildoers,” quoted in Parks’ work, “The ‘myth of though the public outcry was part of ethnic violence’ in Bosnia or Rwanda a political strategy. In 1992, the Bush has helped construe them as uncon- administration misled the American querable, ungovernable, even repul- public by stating that the conflict in sive . . . The portrayal of these troubled Bosnia was the “inevitable consequence spots as potential quagmires has justi- of intractable and primordial hatreds fied the need for their containment.”21 unleashed with the collapse of the com- This condescending “satellite gaze” can munist government’s tight control.”16 have serious consequences for both the This public announcement situated the first world audience and the observed conflict in Bosnia as a blood-based and third world population, as it can serve arbitrary hatred between ethnic groups. to highlight and widen gaps between The first four months of the conflict divergent societies rather than unite in- saw relatively little opposition from dividuals in a common struggle. the American public. When journalists At the same time, this polarizing independently traveled to the region, gaze can also serve as a pedagogical de- however, information counter to the vice to raise local knowledge about spe- government’s media release triggered cific disasters. For example, in 2007, new insights. Rather than suggesting Google and the United States Holocaust that the conflict was the spontaneous Memorial Museum released an interac- result of neighbor killing neighbor, tive, user-friendly global outreach pro- as the satellite images portrayed, the gram via Google Earth.22 The program, journalists “reported activities of small dubbed “Crisis in Darfur,” sought to bands of radical Serb nationalists and bring global aid and attention to the paramilitaries accused of committing thousands murdered and displaced atrocities in a series of highly organized in Darfur through fusing “audiovisual campaigns.”17 Despite these elucida- and written materials from a variety tions, the Bush administration ignored of sources, geo-referencing them and the newly found information and con- integrating them within the Google tinued to view the Bosnian atrocities Earth System.”23 Personal anecdotes

102 Focus Google’s Crisis in Darfur Project. of refugees were fused with the global destruction, their shortcomings should positioning capabilities of Google Earth also be critically analyzed and under- to create a uniquely accessible and edu- stood. cational portal for visitors to the site. For example, the Google Earth ap- In other words, the satellite-mapped plications for Darfur and New Orleans regions of Darfur and New Orleans has focused largely on the corporative and enabled users to outreach and create humanitarian accomplishments of solutions by the digitally annotating Google rather than the actual calam- satellite imagery. ity at hand. Consistent with Hozic’s Following the destructive landfall of fear of the ‘myth of ethnic violence,’ Hurricane Katrina in the fall of 2005, these applications exoticize and ex- map overlays via Google Earth and ploit the struggles of the individuals at Google Maps’ application programming the heart of strife in Darfur and New interface enabled cyberspace visitors to Orleans, further polarizing the divides catalogue the storm’s devastation in between “white” and “black,” or “us” various regions of New Orleans. Scipo- and “them.” As Parks observed in the nous.com, the website that sponsored wake of a Google Earth representative’s the Google services and invited user elation over the widespread media cov- interaction to generate more data on erage of the project, “what is striking post-Katrina destruction, was particu- here is that success is measured by an larly helpful because it “allowed people increase in world media attention to the to view specific locations within the gulf Crisis in Darfur project itself and traf- region, e.g. their home, and see what fic to the USHMM website as opposed kind of conditions had been reported to an impact upon international policy nearby.”24 Although these user-friend- or a change in conditions in Darfur.”25 ly interfaces should be commended The eclipsing of the actual calamities for their desire to assist individuals in both Darfur and New Orleans illus- plighted by political or meteorological trates the shift of focus from aiding a

Focus 103 disadvantaged population to sensation- context, actualized means to provide alizing corporative achievement. monetary donations, and a wider rep- Furthermore, Internet applications resentation of victims in conflict zones, are inherently exclusive. Not everyone all of which Google Earth did not suc- has access to Google Earth’s “Crisis in cessfully provide to users. Darfur” or Sciponous.com, and thus From the Corona project to Google many individuals — including those Earth, satellite usages in the United involved in the crisis — are necessarily States and around the world have unrepresented. For example, Sudanese evolved to encompass and influence individuals are prohibited from down- societal, political and cultural domains. loading any U.S. software, including Despite the satellite’s recent emergence Google Earth, while the poorest and into the humanitarian arena, its us- most ethnically concentrated regions of ages and repercussions are still under Louisiana had significantly less statis- scrutiny. At times influenced by gov- tics and placemarks than the richer and ernmental agendas, corporative gain or whiter parts of town.26 These observa- instilled biases, the induction of the sat- tions of user-friendly Google Earth ellite image into the humanitarian fron- interfaces demonstrate that satellite tier can carry the burdens and imper- imagery is not without the societal and fections of the individuals who employ political baggage of subjugation, rac- them. From the mass graves in Bosnia ism and under representation. Fur- to the hurricane-ravaged streets of Lou- thermore, satellite usage alone cannot isiana, satellites have begun to enter the save the world; individuals still must be domain of altruism and humanitarism, compelled to act, rather than just gaze albeit the concrete positive effects of at crises spanning the globe. This call this transition have yet to be actualized. to action cannot be induced by an emo- tionally stirring image alone; it must be combined with accurate historical

104 Focus Work Cited

1. Vipin Gupta, “New Satellite Images for Sale.” International Security 20 14. Ibid. (1995): 94-125. 15. Jon Western, “Sources of Humani- 2. Lisa Parks, “Planet Patrol: Satel- tarian Intervention: Beliefs, Informa- lite Imaging, Acts of Knowledge, and tion and Advocacy in the US. Decisions Global Security,” in Rethinking Global on Somalia and Bosnia.” International Security: Media, Popular culture, and Security 26 (2002): 114. the “War on terror,” ed. Andrew Martin et al. (New Brunswick: Rutgers Univer- 16. Ibid, 120. sity Press, 2006): 133. 17. Ibid, 126. 3. Rosas, Allan. “The Militarization of Space and International Law.” Journal 18. Parks, “Satellite Witnessing,” 88. of Peace Research 20 (1983): 357. 19. Ibid. 4. Parks, “Planet Patrol,” 135. 20. Ibid, 90. 5. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 6. Gupta, “New Satellite Images for Sale,” 94. 22. Lisa Parks, “Digging into Google Earth: An Analysis of ‘Crisis in Darfur,’” 7. Ibid, 99. Geoforum 40 (2009): 171.

8. Ibid. 23. Ibid.

9. Ibid. 24. Michael Crutcher and Matthew Zook, “Placemarks and Waterlines: 10. Ibid. Racialized cyberscapes in post-Katrina Google Earth.” Geoforum 40 (2009): 11. Ibid, 114. 34.

12. Ibid, 115. 25. Parks, “Digging into Google Earth,” 179. 13. Lisa Parks, “Satellite Witnessing: Views and Coverage of the War in Bos- 26. Crutcher and Zook, 34. nia.” In Cultures In Orbit: Satellites and the Televisual (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), 81.

Focus 105 About The Authors

Kristen Aguanno is a fourth year Film and Media Studies/Environmental Stud- ies double major. She is very involved in politics and hopes to pursue a career in media and telecommunications policy. She has been a Netflix subscriber for 3 years.

Paula Ersly is a second year Film & Media Studies and Literature double major at UCSB. When she’s not squandering her time watching reruns of “Friends” and eat- ing peanut butter straight from the jar she writes short stories, scripts, and other miscellany. This spring she was awarded the Keith E. Vineyard Short Story Schol- arship and next year she will be frolicking with the leprechauns around Trinity College, Dublin, pursuing her majors in a year-long study abroad program. Ideally she would like to make a future out of writing, reading, and watching things, but at the very least she hopes to avoid moving back into her parents’ basement.

Roslyn M. Hernandez is a fourth year Film and Media Studies/Spanish double major, with a minor in Art History with an Architecture emphasis. As a California native she has enjoyed her time at UCSB. Her hobbies include reading, writing, photography, comics and art. She will miss the sleepless nights dedicated to the academic study and writing of film theory and those spent with her fellow inde- pendent-filmmakers. She will be taking a break from filmmaking while teaching abroad in South Korea, but hopes to one day be a costume designer for films, a film critic, and/or a media scholar.

Nadia Ismail is a fourth-year English and film & media studies double major from Alta Loma, California. When not writing in third person, she enjoys many things, including reading, writing (of course) and watching films. She hopes to at- tend graduate school for film theory and contribute something of value to the aca- demic world. She also wishes to thank her friends and family for their consistent support and encouragement.

Sean Olenick is a graduating senior double majoring in film and media stud- ies and psychology. He’s a so-cal kid from Tarzana, California who enjoys playing sports, surfing, and having political debates with his friends. He is most interested in screenwriting and hopes to one day write for The Daily Show. Sean would like to thank his parents, Mike and Liz, for their love, support, and more love.

Tony Ung is a fourth year Film and Media Studies major at UCSB. Originally born and raised in Long Beach, CA, Tony fell in love with filmmaking at a young age when he began using his parents’ video camera to make movies and has been mak- ing movies ever since. Influenced by the works of Wes Anderson, Michel Gondry, and Spike Jonze, Tony aspires to become a music video director and eventually a writer and director of feature films. Outside of filmmaking, Tony enjoys surfing and going to music shows. 106 Focus ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Special Thanks to the following for contributing their time, effort, financial support, and/or for inspiring the publication of this journal:

Joe Palladino, Maria Corrigan, Dana Welch, Lisa Parks, Dick Hebdige, Flora Furlong, Constance Penley, Anna Brusutti, everyone who submitted a paper for consideration in this year’s journal, and all the faculty and staff who helped inspire this writing.

A Very Special Thanks to:

The Office of Student Life (OSL), Associated Students (AS), The Alternative Copy Shop, Hollywood Book and Poster, Larry Edmunds Bookshop, The Film and Media Studies Department, Kerr Hall Digitial Editing Lab, and Amoeba Music.

The Staff also wishes to thank all of their beloved family and friends for all their support.

Focus 107 108 Focus