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THE RETIREMENT ACCOMMODATION NEEDS OF IMMIGRANTS FROM

NON-ENGLISH SPEAKING COUNTRIES

VAROE LEGGE Diploma of Physiotherapy B.A.(Hon.) Sydney University M.A. Macquarie University

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales

November 1986 10 1Ul1~S7 I hereby declare that this thesis is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis. ABSTRACT

Aged people in Australia who were born in non-English speaking countries comprise a rapidly growing section of Australia's population in both absolute and proportional terms. Provisions for the aged, however, are basically designed to address the needs of the mainstream, or core society.

This thesis examines the function of ethnically segregated retirement villages. Three major procedural techniques were used. First, the ethnic groups were located in the broader society, using demographic, economic, educational, occupational and linguistic competency data. These data were extracted from a wide variety of already published sources. Second, all the ethnically segregated retirement villages were visited and senior administrative staff interviewed. Finally, residents in the German and Greek villages were interviewed.

Ethnically segregated villages service the needs of three types of populations. Research identified those who may be termed "culturally regressive"; those who were so traumatised by their pre-migration experiences that a supportive caring organization with staff, diet and atmosphere similar to the society from whence they came

( i) provided a specialist therapeutic atmosphere; and those who had remained enmeshed in their ethnic communities, and whose values and language were primarily those of the country from which they came.

Interviews in the German and Greek villages revealed two very different populations. Germans were acculturated, had high levels of English language competence, were self­ determining and had friends within the core society. They nevertheless found an enhanced quality of life within their

11 .. experiential cohort • Greek retirement village residents were drawn from a community which had retained a distinct ethnic identity. Structural supports effectively maintained many pre-migration norms and values.

This thesis argues that ethnic specific villages provide an improved quality of life for many aged people. The factors which proponents of mainstreaming advance are seen as inappropriate for the aged no matter how cogent they may be for the young and middle generations. The factors which contribute to the need for ethnic specific villages are incorporated in a model which was developed to provide a format for groups wishing to prepare submissions for government funding for the construction of retirement villages.

(ii) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my Supervisor, Professor Clive Kessler for his interest in, and advice throughout, the preparation of this thesis. Thanks are also owed to my colleagues Rosemary Cant and Mary Westbrook for the time they spent discussing issues and their unfailing encouragement.

A particular debt of gratitude is owed to Doctor Louis Bryson. Without her analytical advice the final stage of the thesis preparation would have been far more difficult.

The thesis would never have been possible but for the generous co-operation of the staff of the various retirement vi 11 ages and for the way in which they were prepared to discuss any issue, no matter how sensitive the area. To the residents within the German and Greek villages thanks are also due, and most sincerely tendered.

Finally I want to thank my husband and daughter for their help in proof reading and assembing the thesis. I recognize that I increased the burdens they were already experiencing in their own professional lives.

(iii) Australia is, in theory, a democratic society and this implies that through social organization access is provided, on a basis of equality, to the goods and services the society provides to satisfy the needs of its people. Equality of access can only be guaranteed by the planning and provision of specific kinds of services designed to serve the needs of particular groups of people. Where society neglects the special needs of people a situation of social disadvantage will exist, a condition contrary to the premise of social justice, on which Australian society rests (Galvin, 1980: 34).

(iv) TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables 1 List of Figures 3

INTRODUCTION 4

CHAPTER 1. Accomodation Needs for Aged Australians From Non-English Speaking Countries 13 Overview of the Characteristics of the Ethnic Aged 13 The Ethnic Aged and Government Policy 18 Current Retirement Facilities: An Overview 30 Factors Associated with Entry into Retirement Villages 33 Conclusion 36

CHAPTER 2. Class, Community and Ethnicity: An Overview of Some Theories, Definitions and Concepts 38 Class 38 Community 42 Ethnicity 44 Boundary Maintenance and Social Closure 46 Marginality 54 Ethnic Organizations, 11 Ethclass 11 and Social Structure 56

CHAPTER 3. Structural Considerations: Demographic, Economic and Educational 67 Patterns of Ageing 68 English Language Competence 81 English Language Ability and Its Effect Upon Women 90 Well Why Don't They Learn English 93 Economic and Educational Distribution 95 Geographic Dispersion 104

CHAPTER 4. Multiple Realities and Plural Identities 112 Relationship With Nature 114 Time Related Values 118 Urban Values and Ethnic Identity 121 CHAPTER 5. Gordon's Assimilation Paradigm and Australia's Migrant Population 133 Assimilation in the United States 134 Assimilation in Australia 139 Cultural and Structural Assimilation 146 Australian Immigration Patterns 148

CHAPTER 6. Cultural and Personal Value Interactions 154 Cultural Values and Individual Responses: An Overview 155 Cultural Values and Individual Responses: Garman-Australians 160 Cultural Values and Individual Responses: Greek-Australians 164

CHAPTER 7. Sydney's Ethnically Segregated Aged People's Homes 171 Village Background and Rationale 173 Waiting Lists and Criteria for Entry 178 Village Leisure Activities 183 Friendship Patterns within the Village 185 Family and Friends 187 Children: Integration and Education 189 Attitues Towards Responsibility for the Aged 191 Discussion 195

CHAPTER 8. Retirement Villages for the Ethnic Aged: Greek-Australians 203 Residents' Characteristics 220 Discussion 231

CHAPTER 9. Retirement Villages for the Ethnic Aged: Garman-Australians 234 German Retirement Village Residents 236 Why Then Had They Chosen A German Village? 237 Details and Attitudes of Village Residents 240 Life in the Village 245 Desired Changes 248 Images of Australia 250 Theoretical Implications 258 Conclusion 266 CHAPTER 10. Ethnically Segregated Accommodation 277 Summary CHAPTER 11. Conclusion 287 Considerations Mediating the Need for Ethnically Segregated Retirement Villages 293

BIBLIOGRAPHY 305

APPENDIX 1 Cumberland College of Health Sciences: Research Project 327

APPENDIX 2 Expectations of Community and Family Involvement in Caring for the Aged 332

APPENDIX 3 Ethnically Segregated Retirement Villages 362

APPENDIX 4 Interview Schedule: Admitting Officers Ethnically Segregated Retirement Accommodation 366 - 1 - LIST OF TABLES 1. Projections of Overseas-born Population of Australia 1978-2001. 69 2. The Aged (60 years and over) by selected Birthplace Estimates and medium projection 1991-2001. 70

3. The Ageing of the Aged~ Aged Groups by Selected Birthplaces, 1981 and 2001. 72 4. Sex Ratios: Number of Males per 100 Females by age group and selected Birthplaces, 1981. 80 5. Population Change of Persons Aged 60+ 1981-2001. 80 6. English Language Competence (Persons aged 5+ years) Persons from a non-English speaking Background. 82 7. Working Wives of Husbands born in Selected Countries. 97 8. Post-School Qualifications (aged 15+ years) Australia-wide data A.B.S. 1981 census. 99 9. Occupation by Birthplace, Employed Population, Males and Females, 1976. 100 10. Ratio of Ethnic Professionals to Ethnic Population in Australia 1971. 102 11. Use of Community Language. 103 12. Ethnic Origin of Close Friends with whom Frequently Associate in Australia. 106 13. Sydney•s Jewish Community Concentration 1933-1966. 108 14. Index of Residential Segregation by Birthplace. 109 15. The Assimilation Variables. 135 16. Paradigm of Assimilation. 137 17. Australia: Paradigm of Assimilation. 152 18. Possible Forms of Interaction Between two Cultures (A and B). 157 19. Enclosure Patterns by Ethnic Village. 178 20. Demand for Accommodation, Waiting Period and Cost by Ethnic Village: Self-contained and Hostel Units. 182 21. German and Greek Australian Residents - Census 1901-1971. 204 - 2 - 22. Greek Marriages in Australia (per cent). 205 23. Greek Settlers Migration and Remigration: Annual Averages. 206 24. Aged Males Living Alone {Australia 1981). 216 25. Aged Females Living Alone (Australia 1981). 217 26. Greek Retirement Village Residents: Attitude Questionnaire. 226 27. Greek Aged Village Resident and Non-resident Attitude Questionnaire. 228 28. Model for Forecasting the Need for Ethnically Segregated Retirement Accommodation. 282 - 3 - LIST OF FIGURES

1. Diagram of Ethnic Identity of an American. 58

2. Ethnic Structure. 64

3. Australian Born AGe and Sex Pyramid. 73 4. Vietnamese : Age and Sex Pyramid, 1981. 74 5. Philippines : Age and Sex Pyramid, 1981. 75 6. Polish : Age and Sex Pyramid, 1981. 75

7. Baltics Age and Sex Pyramid, 1981. 76

8. Ukraine Age and Sex Pyramid, 1981. 76 9. English Language Ability. 84

10. Competency in English by Major Birthplac~ Groups Percentage of Males by Age. 85

11. Competency in English by Major Birthplace Groups : Percentage of Females by Age. 86

12. Annual Income (Men 15 years and over) 1981 Census. 87 13. Annual Income (German and Greek men). 88 14. Multiple Realities and Plural Identities. 128 - 4 -

INTRODUCTION

Early in 1979 a middle-aged Greek woman assaulted me verbally, for having destroyed Greek family structures. She was clearly distraught by grief and guilt: grief that her elderly mother, who had had a cerebral accident, was incapacitated; and guilt that she could not cope with her at home and was fearful that mother would have to be placed in an institution--a thing which had never happened in her family. She clearly accepted that it was her role to care for her mother, and that other family members and friends had a right to judge her negatively if her obligations were not fulfilled.

She explained that I or, rather, and more generally Australians had done this in three ways:

1. By accepting immigrants as individuals rather than as family units--this meant that the care of the aged devolved upon a single household rather than upon the extended family and network structure developed in a stable residential milieu.

2. By providing medical services that did not kill but could not cure. Therefore people who, in the Greek village from which she came, had fulfilled family and - 5 -

economic roles until about three months before their deaths were, in Australia, kept alive yet needing many years of almost total physical and/or economic support.

3. By requiring women to work outside the home to enable families to re-establish themselves financially as soon as possible. Housing, food, education and transport involved financial costs not experienced in Greece, this placed almost intolerable burdens upon newly settled families.

Her fear and her distress raised such fundamental issues that this whole thesis was generated. It is an attempt to understand the position of the immigrant aged by placing them in a sociological perspective.

Australia's population, like the population of other industrialized c'ountries, is ageing. Moreover the proportion of 11 aged aged", those seventy-five years and over, is increasing more quickly than any other sector of the population. The aged aged is the group most likely to need support from families and from all sectors of service providers. Governmental response to the needs of these citizens is the subject of considerable discussion. The House of Representatives, the Australian Senate and the New South Wales Legislative Assembly have not only initiated enquiries into the position of the aged and into the - 6 -

appropriate responses of service providers; they have also funded bodies such as the New South Wales Counci 1 on the Ageing and established senior bureaucratic positions in various Offices of Care for the Aged Departments. In addition, within universities and research units (such as the Ageing and Family Project, at the Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, Melbourne Uni versi ty• s Nat.ional Research Institute of Gerontology and Geriatric Medicine, and the University of New South Wales• Social Welfare Research Centre) essential social research is being undertaken. Research into the ageing process has attracted an increasingly impressive variety of researchers and research grants and universities are at last appointing Professors of Gerontology and Geriatrics. These chairs are located within Faculties of Medicine.

Research into the social circumstances of the aged has tended to focus upon their economic resources, geographic distribution, family support networks, use of transport and other services, distribution of disabling conditions and their accommodation needs. Research has also examined the type of facilities available, attitudes, their acceptance by the public they are designed to serve, and level of knowledge about the availability of those facilities. Except for the research initiated by the Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs, the ethnic composition of Australia•s aged population has received little attention. - 7 -

Australia•s ageing population from non-English speaking background has been overlooked for several reasons. The actual numbers are small and it has been widely accepted that the families of the aged provided all the support that was necessary. Where these supports were insufficient it was assumed that the mainstream services, used by all the aged, could be activated. The low numbers and the lack of an immigrant aged lobby resulted from Australia•s migration history. Australia encouraged young, healthy people to immigrate. As one source of immigrants was exhausted, people from another region were sought. Thus most of the aged have had an extended period in Australia during which time they could establish themselves financially and develop family and social networks which might provide support in their old age. The diversity of the countries of origin prevented the development of groups large enough to place real pressure upon governments. It also reduced the visibility of ethnicity as a factor of concern for the providers of health care and other support systems. Australia•s immigrants have presented an extremely diverse picture educationally, financially and occupationally. The type of society from which they came, the composition of their families and their expections have all differed.

Australian governments• philosophic positions gradually changed from being assimilationist to the current multiculturalist stance. These changes affected the - 8 -

expectations placed upon immigrants and the type of provisions that were designed to facilitate their entry into Australian society. Despite this change, little appreciation is evident at governmental and public level of the implications of the way in which cultural values affect the ability of people to function in an advanced industrial state.

This thesis uses a variety of approaches to examine the position of aged immigrants from non-English speaking background. German and Greek immigrants were selected for the research reported in this thesis, therefore these groups will be used wherever possible to illustrate the use and implications of the research.

Chapter 1 sets the scene, it provides an overview of the aged and argues that it cannot be assumed that the needs of aged people from non-English speaking backgrounds coincide with the needs of aged people from within the core society. Some reasons for a possible disjunction are suggested. Chapter 2 is a discussion of class, community, ethnicity, boundary maintenance and marginality; all factors which are of importance in the development of this thesis. The focus in Chapter 3 is upon structural considerations. It uses demographic data, English language competence, educational achievement, economic status and geographic dispersion to - 9 - provide indicators to locate immigrants within the broader community.

Chapters 4, 5 and 6 use a variety of theoretical paradigms whose function is to provide perspectives for elucidating the migration experience and the impact upon an immigrant group of the values held by the host society.

Some ethnic groups, long resident in Australia, have established retirement accommodation villages. These villages are extremely diverse, no two being the same. Nevertheless the examination of them (11 in all) carried out in this study demonstrates that they can be divided into three major categories. These categories are useful in forecasting the appropriateness of further village construction. They are reported in Chapter 7.

After the study of all aged retirement villages catering for specific ethnic groups, residents from two ethnic groups, Germans and Greeks, were selected for further interviewing (see Appendix 1 for interview schedule). This case study phase of the research provides amplication of the more general material. These ethnic groups were chosen because they have similarities which render their dissimilarities significant. They both have a long history of migration with a concentration of migrant numbers in the post World War II period. Their total numbers are comparable. Pre - 10 -

World War II endogamy was high for both Germans and Greeks; wherever possible ethnic identities were maintained; these immigrants were largely self employed and maintained their own churches. Since World War II their histories have diverged. Greek endogamy has increased, as has geographic concentration; close family ties with Greece have encouraged chain migration patterns and the retention of Greek cultural values. Germans are geographically dispersed, exogamous and acculturated. Their value orientations are similar to the host society and intergenerational values are similarly modern. Aged Greeks are more likely to maintain those values of a Gemeinschaft nature with which they were familiar in their youth, whereas people of German origin, in common with the Australian core society, have predominantly Gesellschaft relationships. (For an extended discussion of expectations of community and family care see Appendix 2.)

Aged people of German origin are independent and they expect to maintain control of their own lives. Even were it possible, it is doubtful that they would wish to live in joint accommodation with their children. Aged people of Greek origin expect to be enclosed in their families of procreation. Inevitably therefore, the role played by service providers differs significantly in these two cases. - 11 -

When people retire from their active work roles and as they age, the values, languages, customs and food preferences of their youth become increasingly significant. This withdrawal from Australian norms and reassertion of pre­ migration values was advanced by many of the residents in the German and Estonian Villages as the reason they chose to enter these villages. Economic location in the workforce, which had the dominant role in determining lifestyle in their working years, became subsidiary to ethnicity as they aged.

The case study data, the general survey of ethnic villages, other Australian literature and demographic details about the ethnic aged provide material which,throughout the thesis, is considered in the light of a range of theoretical approaches to ethnicity.

In essence this thesis is an attempt to integrate a number of perspectives, forming a synthesis between ethnically centred and gerontological paradigms. In attempting to understand the position of the aged from non-English speaking backgrounds, the focus gradually narrows from a broad overview of Australia•s immigrant population to an examination of two specific populations, people of Greek and German origin. The horizon then widens to incorporate the varying theoretical and demographic variables in a model, - 12 - which allows systematic assessment of the situation and needs of the ethnic aged. The model is intended to have universal applicability. As well as extending our understanding it is hoped that individual ethnic groups and service providers will find the model of value in forecasting, and in arguing their case, for the development of appropriate accommodation for aged people. - 13 - CHAPTER 1

ACCOMMODATION NEEDS FOR AGED AUSTRALIANS FROM NON-ENGLISH SPEAKING COUNTRIES

OVERVIEW OF CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AGED

Before specifically considering the needs of the ethnic aged it is necessary to set the scene by looking at the position of the aged in Australia more generally.

The most rapidly growing sector of Australia's population is the aged: since 1971 there has been a significant decline in their mortality rates. This has resulted in an increase of those over seventy-five years to 35.5 per cent of the aged in 1980, and a projected 46 percent by the year 2001. There is also an increasing feminization of the aged. In 1947 the masculinity ratio (i.e. the number of men per 100 women) was 86, by 1980 it had declined to 72. This decline was more marked in the older age category. By 85 years of age the masculinity ratio was 40.

The marital status of aged men and women also differs markedly. In 1976 71 percent of aged men were married compared with 35 percent of aged women. Again increasing age exacerbates this situation, 79 percent of women over the age of 85 being widowed and 12.6 percent never married. Of the over 85 years old group, 40 percent of men were sti 11 - 14 - married, only 7.7 percent of women were. The total population of men aged 85 and over in 1980 was 27, 000; this is projected to rise to 82,400 by 2001. Women in the same category numbered 66,700 in 1980, the 2001 projection is 181,800. (A.B.S. 1981).

Overall in Australia nearly 70 per cent of women will outlive their spouses, the average duration of widowhood is 17 years. Of that 30 percent of males widowed 33 percent remarry, only 13 percent of widowed females remarry. In other words, the majority of aged men have the care of a wife whereas the majority of women over the age of 65 years are widows. "The care of the aged increasingly will become the care of aged widows" (Pollard and Pollard, 1981, 22). Raskall, (1978) among others has demonstrated the relative economic disadvantage of Australian women. Whereas only 3.8 percent of aged couples were below the poverty line, this rose to 8.4 percent for aged females (Henderson, 1975).

The group of aged most rapidly rising in percentage terms is the group aged 85 and above. They comprised 7 percent of the aged in 1981: this will rise to 11.4 per cent by the year 2001. They are the group consuming high levels of health care and. needing government provided accommodation. In specific ethnic groups this increase is very much higher. (See Tables 1, 2 and 3). - 15 - Age and marital status affect the type of accommodation utilized. In 1981 an estimated 1,331,100 aged persons lived in private dwellings and 91,500 in health establishment and institutions, including handicapped persons' homes and hostels, hospitals, nursing homes and retirement homes and villages. This figure represents just over 6.4 per cent of aged people. The pattern is radically different for those over 75 years of age: after the age of seventy-five 14 percent of people are in institutions, about half of whom are in nursing homes. Overall the male/female ratio is one to four in nursing homes and other institutions.

The non-institutionalized aged are buffered from economic adversity when they own their accommodation. In 1980, 85.3 percent of aged married couples and 60.4 percent of not married aged people lived in dwellings of which they were owner/buyers; of them 81.4 percent owned their dwellings outright. This compares with younger households of whom only 31.6 percent owned their dwellings outright. Again, aged women were.less likely to be in privately owned accommodation than were aged men and were therefore less likely to enjoy the economic buffer (A.B.S., 1982a).

Old age, even very old age, is not necessarily accompanied by loneliness, personal devaluation or incapacity (Cant and Legge, 1984; Comfort, 1979; Job, 1984). Nevertheless, many people in old age suffer sufficient levels of incapacity as to preclude continuation in their own independent housing - 16 - units (A.B.S., 1982b: Myers, 1984). There is no reason to expect any greate~ levels of incapacity among aged immigrants than amongst the Australian born (Bertelli, 1985: Guttman, 1979: Markson, 1979; Rowland, 1983). There is considerable evidence of the support aged people from all sections of the population give their adult children both in large financial transfers (frequently after death) and in the activities of daily living such as shopping, food preparation and child minding (Kendig, 1984; ACOTA 1985)-. Nevertheless personality changes and value incompatibility arising from rapidly changing social values affect the life satisfaction of the aged (Berger, Berger and Kellner, 1974._ Cohler and Lieberman, 1979: Hochschild, 1975; Neugarten, 1973). These changes may be more critical for ethnic aged (Hugo, 1984; Lee, 1970; Myerhoff, 1979). Nevertheless all old people are at risk of loneliness. As Blau (1973) has so poignantly described, a person being alone in today•s society no longer has a clearly designated role in any family system; the making, for example, of reference to 11 my son• s £ami ly11 clearly indicative of the fact that the parent is not regarded as a member of that family. Cultural norms demand that children honour their filial obligations but time and energy are scarce resources. This is especially the case when separate residences are maintained. In societies in which individuals are trained for independence, the retention of love and support in old age becomes problematic (Kluckhohn, 1967). Friendships with peers can, - 17 - however, help an old person retain their independence. This . retention is in fact conducive to the retention of the affective support of adult children (Legge, 1984: Russell, 1981).

Blau (1973) points out that in old age the need for friendship increases just at the time when friendship opportunities are fewer than ever before. Day (1985) reports that loneliness and isolation were most prominent amongst the problems of old women living alone, followed by meeting day-to-day requirements such as home maintenance and transport. This is confirmed by ACOTA (1985). Personal safety and house security were also seen as problematic for a high percentage of women living alone. Only 15 percent of Day•s sample claimed to have no major problems living alone. For aged women who were in a caring role, the most frequently mentioned problem was exhaustion. Most of those who are carers care for their husbands, though mothers, children and grandchildren are also frequently cared for (National Women•s Advisory Council, 1983). Carers can, in certain circumstances, avail themselves of respite beds in nursing homes. In the Ageing and Family Project•s survey 95 percent of the disabled elderly received help from a spouse,

children or other relatives: only 30 p~rcent,;j used formal services (Kendig et al., 1983). - 18 - As previously mentioned carers are predominantly women. The

National Research Institute of Gerontology and Geriatric

Medicine at Mt. Royal Hospital examined the users of respite

beds. Patients were divided into those cared for by their.

spouse and those cared for by a non-spouse. Those cared for

by a spouse represented two thirds of the patients. The

average age of the patient was 73 years and the average age of the carer was 69 years. Nearly 80 percent of those cared

for were male. In the group of patients cared for by a non­

spouse all the patients were women; their average age was 80 years. Most of their carers were their daughters. The average age of the daughters was 54 years (Howe, Frank and

Page, 1985).

Although none of the above studies use ethnicity as a category, there is no reason to question whether the experience of the ethnic aged should differ. However, one dissimilarity is that a proportionately greater number of aged women from Southern European countries were living with their children (ACOTA, 1985). However, loneliness is not dispelled by this arrangement although institutionalization and fear for personal safety is decreased (A.I.M.A., 1983).

THE ETHNIC AGED AND GOVERNMENT POLICY

Amongst the most commonly articulated pieces of conventional wisdom currently receiving lip service is the view that Australia is a multicultural community and that in both - 19 - numerical and percentage terms, Australia•s population is rapidly ageing.

The corollary that many of these ageing citizens are from non-English speaking countries is acknowledged, and a number of significant studies documenting this diversity have been published (A.I.M.A., 1983: Colson, 1986a: Hearst, 1981: Hugo, 1984: Storer, 1985: Ware, 1981). However, at the policy making level there appears to be little awareness of the implications of demographic fact.

Two major reports have been published in recent years which focus upon the aged. The McLeay Report issues from the Australian House of Representatives Standing Committee on Expenditure (1982) and is entitled In A Home or At Home: Accommodation and Home Care for the Aged. It was designed to set the agenda for aged care for the rest of this century. The New South Wales Government commissioned D.T. Richmond, a member of the Public Service Board, to inquire into the provision of health services for the psychiatrically ill and developmentally disabled. Part 4 of this report examines the Services for the Disturbed and

Confqsed Elderly and the Fut~e Role of State Nursing Homes (1983). Neither report explores the needs of the ethnic aged as an independent category. - 20 - In 1978 the New South Wales Ethnic Affairs Commission published a report titled Participation. The Chairman of the Commission, P. Totaro, and his nine commissioners from nine different ethnic backgrounds produced a most influential, wide-ranging and thoroughly researched report. Despite its length (some 611 pages), the aged receive scant attention. Its two references to the aged are quoted in full:

It is well known that women live longer than men. In New South Wales in 1975, the average age of death of men was 63.3 years against 70.3 years for women. In many European and Middle Eastern countries, however, men marry women much younger than themselves. The in evitable result is a considerable number of widows between the ages of forty eight and sixty-one, who may live by themselves for anything from nine to twenty-two years (39.5: 342). As already pointed out in Chapter Thirty-nine, immigrant women are likely to live up to twenty years longer than their husbands. Consequently, there must be a considerable proportion of immigrant women from various ethnic groups who are left without partners. In most traditional societies, where a great number of immigrants come from, ageing parents are cared for by their children, but there are indications that this pattern is changing in Australia. According to workers in the welfare field, there is a growing number of old parents who choose or are forced to seek accommodation away from their children. For these people, the loss of thei-r partners must be a highly traumatic experience, especially for the woman who speaks little or no English. Ageing people have a tendency to forget more - 21 - easily. We also know that intense anxiety blocks the thinking process and there is evidence that ageing immigrants often lose the little English they may have learnt. Also this must affect the well-being of old age pensisoners and must add to their isolation and despair (40.18 : 349) For immigrant women who have been greatly sheltered all their lives, it must be a shattering experience to lose their partners and be rejected by their children. The Commission feels that immediate steps must be taken to devise ways of reaching these women and 11 equipping them with "survival skills • It must be remembered that many immigrant women were brought up in Europe during World War II. Consequent 1 y, their education was often very 1 imi ted. Education must be offered to these women in their own languages (40.19 : 349).

Perhaps the most influential report to be released was the Report of the Review of Post-arrival Programs and Services for Migrants, known as the Galbally Report (1978). The Australian House of Representatives under governments of both political persuasions has continued to support its recommendations and to fund a special task force for their implementation. This task force was composed of senior public servants. It is the only report to have been tabled in ten different languages. The report made fifty seven recommendations, covering education~ housing~ establishment of multilingual radio and television; interpreter services~ legal aid~ trade union participation~ child care facilities: and recognition of overseas qualifications. Recommendation - 22 - 44 was that over three years a sum of $0.4 million be

allocated to enable 11 ethnic groups to employ ethnic workers for the aged to work with elderly migrants and their

11 families • Twelve grants with an average funding of $50,000 were approved. The Galbally Report recommended consideration of specific group nursing home and hostel accommodation.

A review of government initiated publications discussing the aged does not reveal any acknowledgement of the special needs of the ethnic aged, while those reports specifically centred upon non-English speaking citizens do not address the aged members peculiar difficulties. The Social Welfare Commission Report Care of the Aged (1975), does devote half a page to minority ethnic groups. It states that

special hostel and nursing home care which provides for·the cultural and language requirements of particular ethnic groups were identified as the accommodation facilities most frequently required by aged members of these groups (1975 : 79). Amongst the submissions is the recommendation that

approval for a proposed home (independent living units) would be subject to the establishment of a general need for the type of accommodation in the area or proof of a particular need by a group with a special community of interests e.g., an aged minority ethnic group (1975 : 138). - 23 - The report makes the same recommendation for the provision of hostel accommodation.

The McLeay Report recommended that 11 no more approvals be granted under the Aged or Disabled Persons Homes Act, 195411 (4.48). In the committee•s view, people seeking to provide accommodation for the aged should approach State Housing Authorities under the terms of the Housing Assistance Act, 1941 for provision of pensioner housing. This Act provides for the states to allocate funds to religious and charitable organisations. While this does not rule out approaches by ethnic organisations, neither does it specifically provide for them. It does, however, rule out the criterion of ethnicity per se, making monetary considerations paramount.

As mentioned above The Richmond Report appears to assume a mono-cultural community. Nowhere in the Report does ethnicity feature, neither in recommendations about accommodation nor about criteria for staff selection, education or allocation. The same criticism can be levelled at the otherwise excellent and informative report from the Ageing and Family Project, Health, Welfare and Family Life (Kendig, Gibson, Rowland and Hamer, 1983). Amongst the variables investigated ethnicity is absent. Nor does it appear as a category in Howe and Preston•s examination of Nursing Home Patient PoEulations in Australia (1985). - 24 - This thesis focuses specifically upon retirement accommodation. It cannot be overlooked, however, that nursing homes also provide an important avenue of accommodation for frail and socially isolated individuals. The Giles Report on Private Nursing Homes in Australia (1984) contains a wealth of useful tables covering such diverse areas as ownership patterns, growth (by type) of nursing homes, estimates of bed provision, appeals for applications, socio-demographic and socio-economic statistics. There are no tables dealing with the growth, let alone the diversity, of the ethnic composition of Australia's ageing population from non-English speaking backgrounds. Nor do they rate a mention amongst the fifty­ three Recommendations. However, in the final section of the Report (5.84 - 5.87 : 310-11) the Galbally recommendation that special recognition be given to particular ethnic groups in order that "elderly migrants with similar ethnic backgrounds be together 11 is specifically rejected. "There are some doubts about the wisdom of providing extensive resources specifically for migrant groups ••. it is simply too costly to provide ethnic-specific services for all, and unfair to subsidise a few particular groups because they are large and vocal" (5.86). This conclusion was reached although: - 25 - Officers of the Commonwealth Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs told the Committee that there is a tendency for some nursing homes not to select for admission applicants with a limited fluency in English. In some cases when registrations of migrants are accepted, it is reported that names remain indefinitely on the waiting list (5.87).

The submission from the Australian Nursing Homes Association highlighted the special problems of the ethnic aged. Their submission acknowledges that difficulties arise because frequently nursing homes are unknown in the countries of origin, dietary practices differ and because the patient suffers from social isolation.

The points raised in this submission are substantiated by Cahill {1985) whose research, a participant observation study, was conducted over a six-month period in a Victorian nursing home. In addition to the difficulties enumerated above, Cahill argues that misdiagnosis, attribution of dementia, and nursing staff intolerance of inability to speak English, different cultural patterns of touching, address and male/female status relationships, and of youth/aged deference patternscombine to make miserable the lives of those non-English speaking aged who are admitted. - 26 - SERVICE PROVISION FOR THE AGED: THE NEED FOR A BROAD PERSPECTIVE

The delivery of health care and the provision of support for the aged in Australia is only partially a government responsibility. A wide range of private, charitable and religious organizations are also involved. Two of the largest organizations outside governmental agencies involved with accommodation are The·Uniting Church in Australia and Anglican Retirement Village. Both these organizations not only provide care but act as community educators in this field. Both held important conferences during the latter part of 1984, the proceedings of which were published under the titles Today as a Foundation for Tomorrow (The Uniting Church, August 1984) and Planning for Care in an Ageing Australia (Anglican Retirement Villages, October, 1984). Papers at both conferences were of an extremely high standard. They were primarily concerned with the social context of services and the support structures appropriate to the provision of aged care. There was no paper at either conference specifically focusing on the ethnic aged nor did ethnicity feature even peripherally, though three participants stated "cultural factors are of some

11 11 significance" and one paper mentioned, An Italian Do Care , is a current pilot program (Uniting Church 1983 : 31). It would have been interesting had the paper addressed some of the issues examined in the formation of this programme. The - 27 - whole of the rest of the paper was devoted to the rationale and development of the "Do Care" programme which is a programme designed to reduce loneliness amongst the aged by the provision of regular visitors.

The demand for accommodation and the response by the government to that demand can, in the opinion of this researcher, only be intelligently and adequately responded to by understanding the social factors responsible for the varying needs of the already large and rapidly increasing numbers of ethnic aged. Such an examination should incorporate variables which facilitate planning of accommodation needs both in the·short term and for the long term: these variables must be applicable to all ethnic groups. That is, a model needs to be developed which would allow planners to respond adequately to all different ethnic groups within a twenty year planning period.

However the needs of the ethnic aged cannot be seen in isolation (Merenda, 1981: Moraitis, 1981: Overberg, 1985). Needs arise through the position of the ethnic group, as a whole, in the community. If this were not so the provisions made by the broader community would be appropriate. Before proceeding to examine the aged it is therefore necessary to develop an understanding of the location of immigrants in the total Australian community and the nature of their interaction with the dominant community. In this connection - 28 - three principal assimilation/integration models have been developed (Newman, 1973; Smolicz and Secombe, 1979; Gordon, 1964) that may provide frameworks £or assessing the location o£ immigrants in society. Each illuminates different aspects o£ the migrant's experience. Combined they can be used to deepen understanding o£ the migration process £rom both the viewpoint o£ the migrant and o£ the receiving country.

These models are, however, "steady state". Their usefulness lies in determining the current broad social situation, not in their predictive power. If prediction is needed, and in the provision of facilities to care £or the aged this is essential, three other sets o£ £actors have to be incorporated in this model. These are: 1) conditions in the country of origin and reasons £or migrating; 2) developmental changes occurring within the immigrant group; and 3) Australia and Australian governmental policy. The last, o£ course, is virtually impossible to predict with any degree of confidence.

Conditions in the country of origin include such £actors as the level o£ industrialization, education, urbanisation and the provision o£ welfare services. The closer these £actors parallel those existing in Australia, the greater the likelihood that such migrants will be able to utilize services in Australia. Other significant £actors are the reason £or migration, whether return is possible, and the - 29 - pattern of migration. If there is chain migration, for example, there is a constant renewal of the cultural values of the migrant group and a fund of at least potential carers. Where return is impossible and where the supply of migrants dries up, for example the people from the Baltic States, White Russians and Polish Jews, some degree of integration becomes imperative. On the other hand, where movement is freely available a large outflow of migrants returning home reduces the necessity to learn English or to master the intricacies of the Australian social support services.

Developmental changes occurring within the migrant group depend to a considerable extent upon the reasons for migration. Of prime importance is whether the group has -been able to bring, or develop, structural support systems. Religious leaders, educationists and professionals of various kinds are available to some groups and serve to maintain cultural mores. The size of the group, its geographic dispersal, marriage patterns, intergenerational mobility and level of economic security are important for all sections, but especially in understanding and providing for the needs of the aged.

The third set of data in planning services consists of the conditions and values within Australia itself. There have been not only broad value changes in the past thirty years -- assimilation, integration, pluralism -- but even - 30 - within these migration paradigms, policy changes such as family reunion, pension transportability and family maintenance guarantees have very rapidly changed the potential numbers of people likely to need care. On the other hand, the supply of carers has also fluctuated widely as economic conditions and technological changes have pulled the middle-aged into, or excluded them from, the workforce.

The process of migration with its associated re­ establishment tasks, such as finding accommodation, employment and schooling for children, absorbed the energies of non-English speaking migrants during the immediate post­ World War II decades. In addition, in those decades, the Australian government policy of concentrating upon young . heal thy people who would immediately be instrumental in providing workers and in expanding the population meant that the aged were few in number and low in priority (Wi 1 ton and Bosworth, 1984).

CURRENT RETIREM.ENT FACILITIES: AN OVERVIEW

Despite the low numbers and the other pressing concerns, some of the groups longest resident in Australia, have established a variety of aged care institutions. During visits to all of these facilities in the Sydney region during early 1982 one of the most interesting factors to emerge was their wide diversity; diversity in locality, from semi-rural (the Estonian Village is approximately 50 - 31 - kilometres south west of Sydney) to inner city; from villages of independent living units, and/or hostels with or without nursing home provisions; from ethnically exclusive with very restrictive entry qualifications to servicing the whole community; and from an authoritarian administration to a totally laissez faire approach (see Appendix 3 for geographic locality).

Some of the reasons given for the differing demands for places should be mentioned at this stage as they are mediated by the values of the ethnic groups and their location in Australian society. These considerations are discussed more fully in Chapters 3-7. Both Juliana Village (the Dutch single stage independent unit complex) and the Greek hostel units have only approximately thirty to ten per cent of residents of Dutch and Greek origin respectively. The other units are occupied by people from many countries, with the majority being of old Anglo-Australian background. The reasons for this, however, are quite different and have considerable implications for governmental funding policies and the development of support services.

Juliana Village, which incidentally won a design award, is situated near a big shopping complex and is comparatively inexpensive to enter, does not attract people from Holland because, to quote the admission secretary, "Dutch people do not like to be herded together; they prefer to enter villages near their own previous residences so they can maintain their own (non-Dutch) social networks". - 32 - The Greek Vi 11 ages, on the othe.r hand, do not attract aged Greeks because to enter a Vi 11 age one needs to be able to look after oneself. So long as this is the case it is possible to be of service to one•s family and there is no pressure either to give up one•s own home or vacate the home of adult children. There is, however, a desperate shortage of Greek nursing home beds and even though prior residence in the Village would have conferred priority for Greek nursing home placement, this avenue is not utilized. Similarly, neither Scalabrini Village (the Italian Village) or Montefiore (Jewish) has a waiting list for independent living units. The attached nursing homes do, however, have a long waiting list.

These Villages can be contrasted with both the Estonian and German Villages, both of which have long waiting lists--so long, in fact, that if they were emptied of residents tomorrow, they could be overfilled again a day later. The entry donation to the Allambie Heights Lutheran Village is only $5000 whereas the new units in the Estonian Village are $35000. Both Villages require the residents to be of German/Estonian extraction and to speak that language in ordinary daily interaction. - 33'- FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH ENTRY INTO RETIREMENT VILLAGES

Structural supports both indicate the retention of ethnic values and provide the necessary conditions for the survival of those values. Ethnic groups in Australia differ widely in their support structures. Bottomley (1979 : 57) counted 169 Greek organisations in NSW in the early 1970s. The Greek community is probably the most highly organized ethnic group in Australia. In contrast to this structural support system, Germans in Sydney have only the German Club and the German Lutheran Church, both of which welcome anyone who can speak German. Martin (1978) argues that ethnic groups can only maintain values and identity if there are adequate structural supports. This is demonstrated by the long (by Australian standards) history of the Germans in South Australia. Church, education and village organizations provided the necessary conditions for language maintenance, endogamy and values retention. ·The same structural supports developed in the Griffith area for the Italians (Huber, 1977; Seitz and Foster, 1985).

Family values and traditions are significant in determining whether an aged person will be placed in, or will elect to go to, an institution. The greater the social stigma attached to institutionalization, the less likely is the aged person to be so placed. It is therefore essential, in estimating the demand, to look at the degree of congruence - 34 - between the values of the aged person and those of the Anglo-Celtic Australian. Of as great--if not greater-­ significance are the values of the younger generation, that is of the potential carers. Whilst values are of crucial significance, so also are the support network•s resources. For example, if the potential carers are all out at work all day, and if there are minimal community supports available, aged people may have to be institutionalized despite a strong ethic of caring for one•s parents within the family structure.

If the younger generation has absorbed current Australian values towards care of the aged, the aged person, despite retaining prior values, is more likely to be placed in a residential community than if the carers are firmly enmeshed in an ethnic community whose mores include aged care.

Retirement villages are a comparatively new development and although they are rapidly gaining acceptance, it is still only a small percentage of the aged who opt to move into one. Villages are more likely to be accepted by middle­ class people (McLeay, 1982; Russell, 1981).

Two traits common amongst Village residents are a desire to be independent of their family at an instrumental level and a capacity for, and tradition of, long-term planning. The latter is necessary because of the long waiting lists. - 35 - People who migrated to Australia from rural areas are heavily concentrated amongst manual workers, have limited English facility and frequently have been geographically concentrated (Aust. Population and Immigration Council, 1976). Many Greeks, for example, have low English competence, are heavily concentrated in certain municipalities (Burnley, 1980), have a long history of chain migration and an ethos of caring for their old family members. On the other hand, they have one of the highest levels of working wives, so potential carers are under tremendous strain. For this reason aged family members provide essential services until they become incapacitated: it is then too late to consider Village accommodation. It is significant that all the residents interviewed in the Greek Villages had children who were middle class, being graduates or successful businessmen. · The admission officer said in all cases the children had made the initial enquiries and had organized the placements. Only two of the twenty interviewed were competent in English and many were illiterate in Greek.

The Germans had made their own enquiries and had frequently entered the Village against the advice of their children. They were fluent in English, acculturated as far as food and activities were concerned, and claimed most of their friends were Anglo-Australians or from other ethnic groups. Their children were mostly (95 percent) married to non-Germans and - 36 - were educationally very successful. Why then did they choose a German Village instead of an ethnically integrated one 1 ike the Dutch? The answer seems to be cohort experiencer of having been "the enemy", on the wrong side in World War II, as well as wanting to be able to talk about one• s youth to people "who understood", "who had similar experiences", "whose Church (German Lutheran) was the same". The cheapness of entry and the physical beauty of the place were also instrumental. Both the administration and the residents recognised that the Village would have a limited life, perhaps another ten years, as an ethnically segregated one.

The need for Greek accommodation on the other hand is, it will be argued, likely to increase substantially as more of the aged, and especially their children, accept that Villages are an appropriate way of life for the aged.

CONCLUSION

Much more research needs to be undertaken but it would appear that ethnically segregated accommodation will be needed by some groups for a very long time and that rather than seeking to limit their accessibility by tightening financial allocations, governments should be encouraging groups to build accommodation which they see as appropriate. - 37 - The rest of this thesis aims to assist in the assessment of the basis on which such accommodation should be developed. Chapter 2 is comprised of definitions and concepts used throughout the thesis. The next step then is to understand where ethnic groups fit in relation to the wider structures and therefore Chapter 3 sets theAustralian scene. - 38 - CHAPTER 2

CLASS, COMMUNITY AND ETHNICITY: AN OVERVIEW OF SOME THEORIES, DEFINITIONS AND CONCEPTS

Australia today is unarguably a deeply divided country, structurally and ideologically. The lines of division are fluid, depending upon the issue: nuclear disarmament, homosexuality, legalization of abortion, organ transplants and conservation issues, for example, are not tied to any structural group or ideology. However, structural divisions--both horizontal (class and status) and vertical divisions (ethic, religious and racial)--represent more permanent interests.

CLASS

Class is held by many theorists to be the principal form of stratification in industrial and advanced industrial countries. Marx attributed to it the overriding function, determining social organization and life chances. Initially Marxists viewed class as dependent solely upon relationships to the means of production. Subsequent Marxist theorists place greater emphasis upon the bourgeoisie's hegemonic control of ideology. The Marxist division of industrial society between bourgeoisie and proletariat (however control was exercised) was challenged by Weber (1947), who - 39 - postulated society was divided into four classes: the propertied class: the i ntell igentsi a, admi ni strati ve and managerial class: the traditional petty bourgeois class of small businessmen and shopkeepers: and the working class.

Weber argued that class conflict was most likely to occur between groups with immediately opposed interests rather than between these classes theoretically opposed but more distant in position. These conflicts were generated as much by a concept of prerogative, social honour or status as by location in relation to capital. For Weber, then, the current deep schisms between Muslim groups, between the various Christian churches, demarcation disputes between trade unions or between linguistic groups in the same nation state (e.g., Quebec) or racial groups within the same nation

(e.g., Malaysia, Fiji and Sri Lanka) are explicable at a different conceptual level than would be the case for Marxists.

Abercrombie and Urry (1983) concluded that modern accounts of class largely reject Marxist theory, whether that theory be based upon capital relationships or hegemony. In the USA, meanwhile, sociologists were clearly more interested in status and prestige~ they viewed their community more as a continuum, with the shape of society closely resembling a string of sausages (unbroken but with aggregations) than as a pyramid. Gidllens (1981} argues that in modern states class conflict has been institutionalized into economic - 40 -

conflict. Nowhere is that more apparent than in Australia,

where Parliament has endowed the courts with the role of

allocation of rewards a.t1d conditions. Anti-discrimination and equal opportunity legislation limit employers' power and the bureaucracy is frequently the pace-setter for super­ annuation guidelines.

In many ways Daniel Bell's aphorism "What the few have today the many will demand tomorrow" ( 1969 : 643) would appear at first glance to support the hegemony of the ideology of the ruling classes. However, despite the fact that working class fertility patterns and famil¥ roles have followed the middle class model, Young and Willmott (1973) argue the reverse. Although they restrict their discussion to the family, they demonstrate that upper class ideas appear to have influenced working class values; but they argue that these configurations were adopted because they suited the lifestyle and aspirations of working class families. That is, mere existence of similar values and structures is not proof of a hegemonic relationship. Abercrombie, Hill and Turner (1980) generalize this position. They argue that in late capitalism, despite improvements in the apparatus for the transfusion of ideas, the dominant ideology has little effect on subordinate classes. In significant part this is because the limited ideological unity of previous periods has collapsed: as a result of changes in the overall economic structure of capitalism, the nature of the dominant - 41 - class itself has also changed. In a thorough and thoughtful investigation into the class imagery used by working class Australians, Chamberlain (1983) similarly argues that where working class values and those of the ruling culture coincide, the coincidence is due to sentiments independently grounded in working class experience. Higley, Deacon and Smart (1979 : 263) also query the hegemony of the ruling culture as:

a greater variety of sector elites was more equally represented and more tightly integrated in the structure than the ruling class or power elite model suggests. More over business, public service and ALP leaders (who were well represented in the core of the central circle) were sharply divided over the issues ... there was little evidence of a coincidence of interests and attitudes within this putative power elite.

Arguments about the cohesion of the ruling elite, about the concurrence, or diversity of ideas, values oi continuity must be mirrored by similar arguments about the working class, or classes. Marx, distinguished between a class "in itself" and "for itself". That is, he recognized that a class can be objectively located in relation to the means of production without developing a sense of self identity or an integrated set of beliefs about itself, let alone a unified programme for action. Marx's concentration upon the location of people in relation to the means of production led him to neglect other important social relationships. In particular, it led him to underestimate the influence of - 42 - nationalism and of conflict between nations. The two World Wars emphasised these divisions. Meanwhile the extension of the franchise, governmental involvement in working conditions and remuneration and the development of welfare state policies tended to 11 ernphasise common human interests

11 within the nation, and the idea of citizenship • Together these resulted in 11 the failure of class antagonisms in the industrial countries to attain the degree of intensity which Marx had anticipated .. (Bottornore, 1965 : 22). Bottomore claims that the social bond of nationality has proved more effective in creating a community than has that of class.

COMMUNITY

The articulation of interests through a state apparatus, the depersonalization which has resulted from technological change, the growth of the city and the separation of work and horne have together effectively acted to isolate people from their traditional support networks. Class solidarity has either not developed or, where it did develop, suffered a series of set backs, while within modern urban areas there is a generalized sense of social isolation. Reisman (1950) has characterised our whole urban civilization as the life

11 11 of The Lonely Crowd ; that is modern society is involved in

11 The Pursuit of Loneliness 11 (Slater,. 1970). Secondly, to conventional sociology, one reaction to this loneliness or fear of loneliness has been the establishment of primary - 43 - groups (Cooley, 1964). Redfield (1955) sees a community as a group of people having a common understanding: a view of life similar to that of almost everyone within the group and consistent with the beliefs, institutions, values and the manners of the people. This sense of community is difficult to maintain in a city, where violence and alienation are widespread and relationships are secondary and frequently "predatory (Wirth, 1938). Nevertheless, there are groups who maintain continuity and integrity"(Chow, 1976; Gelfand and Olsen, 1979). Gans (1959, 1968) describes those "ethnic villagers". These are groups of people living, in many ways, as they did before migrating to New York. Although they reside in the city, they isolate themselves from significant contact with most city facilities, aside from places of employment. There is a continuing emphasis upon kinship and the primary group (Blalock, 1967; Despres, 1975). Marriage, religion and social activities are group re"lated and many other activities such as shopping, real estate dealings and club activities are quasi-primary in character despite decades, and in some cases generations, of residence in New York. The maintenance of ethnicity has had various benefits according to Gans, but it can also restrain certain ethnic individuals and groups from the material rewards associated with incorporation with the broader society (Goldscheider, 1978). - 44 -

ETHNICITY

It was only in 1953 according to the Macmillan Encyclopaedia

of Sociology (Mann, 1983) that the word ethnicity was first used. Ethnicity as such does not receive an entry in the Penguin Dictionary of Sociology (Abercrombie, Hill and Turner, 1984). although a brief entry "Ethnic Group" does appear. This entry emphasises the conceptual difficulty associated with differentiating between ethnic group, ra·cial group, caste and social stratum since all these various groups can be defined by reference to shared culture, 1 anguage, customs and institutions. The ambiguity of the definiton of ethnic group thus reflects the political struggles around exclusive and inclusive group membership. That is, this dictionary sees the significance of an ethnic group as belonging to its relative power position in society--a definition which would be endorsed by Berger and Mohr (1975) and by Castles (1984).

The large population movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century have ensured that each society in the modern world contains subsections or subs ys terns more or 1 ess distinct from the rest of the population. These subsections can be defined 3S ethnic groups. Schermerhorn defines an ethnic group as a

collectivity within a 1 arger society having a real or putative common - 45 -

ancestry, memories of ,a shared his. tori cal past, a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitome of their peoplehood (1970 : 12).

This definition includes such divergent elements as kinship patterns, physical contiguity (geographic), religious affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affiliation, nationality, phenotypical features or any combination of these. While recognising the importance of these features, he places his emphasis upon the division between that group and the broader society.

Ethnic communities are groups bound together by common ties of race, nationality or culture, living together within an alien civilization but remaining culturally distinct. They may occupy a position of self-sufficient i sol at ion or they may have extensive dealings with the surrounding population while retaining separate identity (1970 : 607).

Gordon (1964) also emphasises that an ethnic group is only of significance within a national boundary, as it is only in contrast with other groups that ethnicity is important. In Italy, for example, being an Italian has 1 i ttl e impact, whereas regional location and class are extremely important. - 46 -

BOUNDARY MAINTENANCE AND SOCIAL CLOSURE

When the ethnic group is. small and enclosed within a overarching state apparatus one of three outcomes may result (Holloman, 1975, 1978).

1. The disintegration of the boundaries of the minority group. Any societal readaption or ethnic stabilization is at the family or extended kin level.

2. Ethnic villages may develop the boundaries of which are reinforced by a hermetic sealing of local institutions; articulation with the wider society is brokered and developmental-evolutionary change is contained and minimized.

3. Large tribal populations may become organized politically and integrated by means of externally introduced institutions. In this case the size of the indigenous population has a buffering or boundary­ maintaining effect; institutions can modify the introduced institutions over time. The present activities of Torres Strait Islanders in petitioning for an independent state (SMH 18.3.85) and the aims of Aboriginal leaders in pressing for land rights would appear to come into this third category. - 47 - The first two of these outcomes would appear to have

greatest explanatory value in analysing the .POSition of

minority ethnic groups in contemporary Australia.

Barth (1969), a leading theorist of ethnic boundary maintenance, argues that the mode of inter-ethnic organization varies from case to case. Different countries

and different groups within the one country may be at various stages of interaction, but there is nevertheless a trend or a general transition from economic articulation to political articulation. For Barth, political articulation is inherently less stable than economic articulation, since in the former case the groups tend to be not only structurally similar but in constant contact at multiple levels of organization. Examples of group stability despite · economic articulation are the Murrumbidgee Italians (Huber, 1977), the Woolgoolga Indians (de Lepervanche, 1984) and the New South Wales Greeks (Bottomley, 1979). No political parties or trade unions in Australia have had exclusive or even dominant control by or attraction to any ethnic group, except for the Irish influence uJ?On the Austral ian Labor Party and upon the Democratic Labor Party (Jupp, 1984).

Barth posits that in areas where boundary maintenance is a feature of society three outcomes are possible: - 48 - 1. Some members of the new elite may drop their traditional ethnicity and become incorporated into the dominant group on an individual basis. Where this occurs the group is deprived of its most educated and competent leaders: the group thus tends to remain as a low ranking group within the wider society.

2. Membe~s of the new elite accept minority status. They participate in the larger system in the open sectors and live the rest of their lives within the framework of their ethnic group. This appears to be the predominant mode of adaptation for both the Australian Jewish Community (Medding, 1968: Rubinstein, 1985) and the American Jewish Community (Myerhoff, 1979: Yinger, 1965) •

3. Members of the new elite may emphasise their ethnic identity, using it as a basis for recruiting support

11 to develop new positions and patterns and to organize activities in those sectors formerly not found in their

society or inadequately de vel oped for the new purpos es 11 (Barth, 1969 : 33). There is considerable evidence of this form of adaption in Australia's Federal and State Parliaments and at the senior bureaucratic level with prominent individuals making a career of their ethnicity. Intrinsic to an understanding of boundary maintenance is the concept of social closure. - 49 -

The term social closure was first used by Weber (1947) to describe the action of social groups who limited the access of outsiders to resources controlled by themselves. Initially the term was restricted to the economic sphere: for example, craft unions. Parkin (1974, 1982) broadened this usage to include the distribution of power between social classes. Haaland (1969) combines the economic and ethnic dimensions in his analysis of West Sudanese society, as do Blom (1969) and Knutsson (1969) in the cases of Norwegian and Ethiopian society respectively.

Thus the term has evolved to encompass a wide range of cultural and economic strategies. Closure in these terms can result either from actions of the host society, whether those actions are attitudinal, structural or legal, or from within the group: for example from a desire to maintain its distinctiveness for reasons as diverse as the group, economic, religious, ethnic or racial position within the society (Barth, 1969). The "balk line" can be religious, economic, racial ethnic or any combination of these factors. However,

It is probably true that at some point or time or situation of incursion, every individual tapes his lips and draws a veil over some corner of his personality, each family and association maintains its distinctive name and character, every subculture retains some complex of habits, dress, or companionship, every society preserves customs, values and forms of organization, and every nation protects its language, sovereignty and territory--lest he or it perish (Tweddell, 1978 : 324). - 50 -

Closure from without and closure from within are marked by high levels of endogamy. Where there is a high level of exogamy one might reasonably conclude that the assimilation of a minority, both culturally and structurally, is virtually complete {Gordon, 1964). In the U.S.A. high levels of endogamy are found at both ends of the economic spectrum. The income figures for 1969 for median family income show the two wealthiest groups being the Japanese and the Chinese and the two poorest groups being the American Indians and the Puerto Ricans (Sweet, 1978). All four groups have high endogamous levels, although 40 percent of third-generation university-educated Japanese Americans are now marrying outside the Japanese community {Montero, 1981). This is not true for Japanese in Australia, where in the main out marriage is confined to Japanese war-brides who are referred to by the Japanese community, together with other out married women, as Kematagaru {"ash in the eye") (Curson and Curson, 1982). Merton {1968) argues that majority group resistance to intermarriage prevents the diffusion of power, authority and preferred status to persons not affiliated with the dominant group. This observation would appear valid for Chinese and Japanese Americans.

However American-Blacks {the third most economically disadvantaged group) are increasingly gaining political prominence regardless of their levels of endogamy. In view of the above it would be tempting to ascribe the high levels of endogamy to racial factors were it not for the work of Bean and Frisbie {1979), Glazer and Moynihan (1963), Herberg - 51 -

(1974), Kouvetaris (1971), which indicate religion as having a similar strong endogamic affect among the Roman Catholics, Protestant and Jewish Americans. In Canada Henry (1976) argues that the Lithuanians, White Russians, Italians, Greeks and British are still marrying within their own ethnic group although this pattern is not as strong as it is for the Chinese, Japanese and Blacks as mentioned· above. Ethnographic evidence lends weight to the discussion of how the power of closure from within maintains groups from a variety of cultures in a number of countries which have experienced high migration intakes. Australian-Greeks (Bottomley, 1979), Australian-Italians (Huber, 1972), Australian-Jews (Medding, 1968), Australian-Chinese (Teo, 1971), Canadian-Chinese (Chow, 1976), American-Jews (Myerhoff, 1979), Canadian-Blacks (Henry, 1976), and American-Blacks (Keil, 1966) all give evidence of closure from within. Closure from without is still a powerful force in a number of countries, and many countries ·still legislate to achieve this closure: for example, Germany, Switzerland and France in Europe (Berger and Mohr, 1975; Castles, 1984) as well as various African and Asian countries among which Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Japan and Papua-New Guinea should be mentioned.

Of increasing interest, however, are groups enclosed from without by both legislative provisions and community opinion who have experienced a reversal of the external closure but who have maintained strong internal closure, despite rising prosperity and structural assimilation. This trend has - 52 - become so strong in the U.S.A. that a number of theorists

have dubbed the seventies as the 11 Decade of the Ethnics 11 Parenti (1974). Using this term as the title of his important work, Novak produced his Rise of the Unmeltable Ethics (1972). Glazer and Moynihan reassessed their original Beyond the Melting Pot (1963) in a second edition (1970) which extensively modified their earlier conclusion

and interpretations: the ethnic 11 factor 11 was now seen as increasingly significant.

Pressure from ethnic groups resulted in the passing of the United States Federal Government Ethnic Studies Heritage Act, 1972; of which one of the most significant outcomes was the Harvard Encyclopaedia of America Ethnic Groups. This undertaking sought to ensure fair and accurate scholarly accounts of all the various ethnic collectivities which have contributed to American culture and life (Smith, 1982 : 3). In Australia closure from within has been documented among Greeks (Bottomley, 1979), Indians (De Lepervanche, 1984), Jews (Medding, 1968), Italians (Thompson, 1980; Huber, 1977) and Chinese (Teo, 1971).

De Lepervanche (1984) argues that for the Indians of Woolgoola this closure was a consequence of their class position. However, the argument is not sustainable since closure has continued despite the changing class position that the Indians have experienced over the last century. - 53 -

Religion appears to be the main explanation as the community is tightly associated with the Sikh Temples. Vardy (1979) describes a similar situation where communities have stabilized around synagogues in urban areas of the U.S.A .• Discounting the effect of the class positions of the Indians of Wool gool a, however, should not be cons trued as a general rejection of the impact that class position can have on the integration of a migrant community into the broader society.

Where closure is not complete, movement between the various groups comprising the broader society can occur. Gordon ( 1978 : 13 9) opines that the person who engages in frequent and sustained contacts across ethnic group lines, particularly when the 1 ines are those of religion and race, is in danger of becoming a "marginal man"--a person who "stands at the borders or margins of two cultural worlds but is a member fully of neither". This may result from a multiracial or interreligious marriage or from social mobility. Gordon sees such an individual as rejecting his group(s) of origins and rejected by his reference group, that is by the group to which the individual aspires. - 54 - MARGINALITY

Gordon describes three p:>ssible sociological outcomes of marginality.

1. the individual may remain in his marginal position for an indefinite period.

2. the individual may retreat into the comfort and familiarity of the ethnic group from which he originally ventured.

3. A subsociety comp:>sed of marginal men may gradually form/ emerge.

Gordon sees this last outcome as particularly relevant and applicable to the intellectual community. The second outcome, it will be argued later, is the preferred option for people entering the German and the Dutch ethnically segregated retirement villages. Gordon does not ignore the personality consequences of marginality; however, they are not the focus of this thesis. Johnston (1976) defines which groups and which individuals within them are likely to suffer from marginality; her definition of the situation - 55 - includes both sociological and psychological variables. She sees marginality as generated by the following situations:

1. Life in a bi-cultural milieu arranged in a two-tier hierarchy, in which the ethnic culture is evaluated as i nf eri or; where

2. the ethnic group members have achieved a certain level of assimilation; where

3. the assimilated individuals are rejected by the members of the host group; and where

4. there is uncertainty amongst the ethnic group members as to the choice between the ethnic and the dominant culture, even if membership of groups in both cultures is open.

Johnston argues that:

whatever the mode of adaptation of migrants to the position in which they find themselves, the plight of marginality is severe and they need help to prevent them adding to the growing number of mal contents and cultural hybrids (1976 : 147).

The currently prevailing Australian philosophy of multiculturalism, which is p:>sited on a respect for difference and the active support for retention of - 56 - ethnic difference, is less likely to produce the conditions for the development of marginality than the previous philosophies of assimilation and integration.

ETHNIC ORGANIZATION, 11 ETHCLASS 11 AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Australia has the most diverse population in the world and, second only to Israel, the highest proportion of its population overseas-born. Immigrants to Israel, however, do not come from as wide a range of countries and are relatively homogeneous religiously (Birrell and Birrell,

1981~ Evans, 1984~ Grassby, 1984). The diversity of origins of the Australian population has led to the establislunent of a wide range of ethnic organizations. Three significant outcomes of their formation have been:

1. To preserve important traditions, a wide range of organizations has developed to service the needs of specific groups. These organizations vary in focus: for example, economic, social, religious, support and information dissemination. They service the needs of whole groups, e.g., Co-As-it (Italian) or sections within the group, e.g., the German Lutheran Church, the Montefiore Aged People's Homes, ethnic schools and young people's clubs. - 57 -

These groups help maintain ethnic consciousness. They

provide a mechanism for facilitating the retention of

ethnic values, providing marriage partners, employment

opportunities and geographic stability.

2. One latent function of this diversity has, however,

been to prevent a strong "migrant lobby" as distinct

from a plethora of distinct lobbies. This has, in many

ways, reduced the need for governments to respond to

migrant needs. For example, it was not until 1976 that

the first Health Commission interpreters were appointed

to the public hospital system.

3. The maintenance of a tradition-directed person

(Reisman, 1950). The maintenance of the group

functions to prevent people, especially the old,

utilizing the non-ethnically specific services provided

by governments and broadly based service organizations.

This latter outcome is also experienced by certain

social class members rejecting services they see as

inappropriate to their needs or status. Russell (1981)

demonstrated that the membership of Senior Citizens

Clubs is strongly class linked, and within the clubs

themselves distancing mechanisms are evoked to enclose

socially unacceptable members. - 58 - The co-incidence of ethnicity and class in providing services and in projecting demand for provisions for an ageing population canno~ be overlooked. The importance of the interaction of ethnicity and class caused Gordon (1978) to coin the word "ethclass". He visualized the ethnic identity of an American as a series of concentric circles.

Figure 1 Diagram of the Ethnic Identity of an American

Gordon (1978 110 - 59 -

The interplay of race, religion, and national origin created

a sense of peoplehood which provided social-psychological

identity but in which the constituent elements varied in significance in various life situations. The concept of ethclass is central to the discussion later in this thesis and so deserves considerable elucidation at this point. The discussion is taken from Gordon's Human Nature, Class and Ethnicity (1978) unless otherwise indicated.

Within the ethnic group there develops a network of organizations and informal social relationships which permits and encourages the members of the ethnic group to remain within the confines of that group for all their primary relationships and some of their secondary relationships throughout the stages of the life cycle.

In the Australian milieu this is certainly the case for a number of ethnic groups. From preschool to retirement village, depending upon the geographic location, there is the possibility for some Italians, Dutch, Lutherans, Japanese and Greeks to remain almost totally enclosed. People of Jewish and Muslim persuasion can also remain within their ethnic group. This capacity will increase rather than decrease as ethnic groups produce their own professionals, develop their own schools and create their own small manufacturing businesses. All faiths have already established their own places of worship. Evidence of this enclosure appears in the discussion of Gordon's Assimilation

Variables (1964) and Smolicz and Secombe's Intercultural - 60 -

Interaction model (1979).

Thus it can be argued that the ethnic group pro vi des for its members:

1. a psychological source of self-identification;

2. a patterned network of groups and institutions wherein an individual can, if desired, confine his primary group relationships; and

3. a mechanism for the refraction of national cultural patterns of the host society through the prism of an inherited culture.

In any culturally plural society there are three levels of identification: the national culture, the sub-culture, the group culture. The sub-culture is not, however, coterminous with the ethnic group. Sub-cultures are also located in urban, rural variations; regional variations; sexual variations (although Gordon does not take this major variable into consideration); and most importantly social classes. - 61 -

In any society, no matter how pluralistic, there is a concept of the national culture. At the most obvious level this is the system of government, law courts and educational processes which impart to the citizens an awareness of participating in an ongoing, somewhat impersonal, system.

Sub-cultures introduce an element of difference and sometimes of choice. A sub-culture does not encompass the whole of a person's life. For example it is possible to be a member of an ethnic, a religious, a social class, a sexual, and a life stage (e.g. adolescent) sub-culture simultaneously. Each sub-culture does however have a fairly prescribed set of role behaviours associated with it. Group culture can be described as voluntary although an individual may be pressured into or excluded from a group. Dexter

Dunphy (1969) has described the impact of group culture upon

Australian adolescents. The size of the typical group is small and the level of the social control hi~h.

Social classes mediate economic power, political power and status. Although these three categories frequently vary together, dichotomies occur sufficiently frequently to necessitate independent consideration. Examples of these dichotomies would be the status accorded to a clergyman is at variance to his economic location, the same applies to a bookmaker, the owner of an illegal gaming house and a successful television commentator. While there is a fairly general agreement about the status of the above, there is little agreement about the status of a mullah or a rabbi and even less about a Vietnamese necromancer. - 62 -

Gordon claims that for Americans social status dimension is

the variable most closely related to a sense of group

identification, the confinement of intimate social

relationships and particularized cultural behaviour.

Thus interpersonal interaction and social relationships are

medi~ted by both ethnic and status group identification. Hollingshead (1952 quoted in Gordon 1978) referred to the development of parallel class structures within the limits of race, ethnic origin and religion. This juncture is described by the term Eth-class. That is, a person• s

behaviour is affected by both his social class and by his ethnicity. Friends and associates can be drawn from either group. One•s ethnic group provides one with a sense of historical identification, whereas differences of social class are more important than differences in ethnic group when one is discussing cultural behaviour.

T·he eth-class is the locus of a sense of participational identification. With a person of the s arne social class, but a different ethnic group, one shares behavioural similarities but not a sense of peopl ehood. With those of the s arne ethnic group but a different social class, one shares a sense of peoplehood but not behavioural similarities. The only group which meets both of these criteria are people of the same ethnic group and the same social class. With these 1 birds of our feather• we share what the early sociologist, Franklin Giddings called a • consciousness of kind•-- with these particular members of the human race and no others, we can really relax and participate with ease and without strain (Gordon, 1978: 136). - 63 - Gordon claims that for Americans social status dimension is the variable most closely related to a sense of group identification, the confinement of intimate social relationships and particularized cultural behaviour.

Thus interpersonal interaction and social relationships are mediated by both ethnic and status group identification. Hollingshead (1952 quoted in Gordon 1978) referred to the development of parallel class structures within the limits of race, ethnic origin and religion. This juncture is described by the term Eth-class. That is, a person•s behaviour is affected by both his social class and by his ethnicity. Friends and associates can be drawn from either group. One•s ethnic group provides one with a sense of historical identification, whereas differences of social class·are more important than differences in ethnic group when one is discussing cultural behaviour.

The eth-class is the locus of a sense of participational identification. With a person of the same social class, but a different ethnic group, one shares behavioural similarities but not a sense of peoplehood. With those of the same ethnic group but a different social class, one shares a sense of peoplehood but not behavioural similarities. The only group which meets both of these criteria are people of the same ethnic group and the same social class. With these 1birds of our feather• we share what the early sociologist, Franklin Giddings called a •consciousness of kind•-- with these particular members of the human race and no others, we can really relax and participate with ease and without strain (Gordon, 1978 : 136). - 64 -

Figure 2 Ethnic S truct ur e

domlnent I IUbordlne~ •. more 'PP'opd!tJ modsl group I group I CLASI S~UCTURI! I I

mlddl• clili ------: 83 .. -rklng elm ------~~~--,--7 -.. ·-·-' ------I undtrclm : 114 I I I

II~ i cl ..voge of •thnlc

b. I!JI oeproorl!!o mod!l

ETHNIC SmUCTURE

domlnent I subordlneto group I group I CLASS STRUCTURE I I

mlddl• clen ------~~------::::::, """ .. ,, __ _ ------E:j~-----7 -rklngcllu ------! .. I I I t line ol lthnlc cl ..voge

rwo momIt of rtre rwl•rionthlp IMr-c/- ttrvcturw MOd ertrnk lfrvcturw /II pluni!IOCJ.tln Thompson (1983 : 128).

Thompson argues that situation (b) has never been realized. Situation (b) posits a situation in which a particular class is in a subordinate position over a long period of time. No members of the subordinate group change their class position. Were this to occur the position would be extremely stable as the underclass would be convinced of the validity of their subordination and leaders would be unlikely to emerge to challenge this interpretation of reality. - 65 -

The more appropriate model (a) which provides for some, even though small, overlapping of categories, has numerous applications. Most of the colonial empires can be conceptualized thus. The education gained and the experience of power, even at a subordinate level, arouses aspirations and legitimates demands for change. Conflict will occur as soon as class awareness and/or ethnic consciousness develops. This situation can be described in

Marxian terms as the difference between a class-in-itself and a class-for-itself. It could also be described as an ethnic group-in-itself and an ethnic group-for-itself.

In Australia it is impossible to generalize across migrant groups. The lengths of their migration experiences vary and some of the early migrants from China and Afghanistan, as well as the Australian Aborigines, were, for a considerable period, in a similar situation to Model (b). This however is not an appropriate model for any group arriving after

World War II. Since then Australia has absorbed some

2,500,000 immigrants. Aitkin (1984 : 2) attributes the relative ease of this absorption to two main factors:

1. the first twenty-five-years of peace saw Australia

almost double in affluence and those migrants who

remained in the country had 11 at least their fair share

11 of wealth ; and - 66 - 2. their children have been extremely successful; "the proportions going on to university in Australia are higher among some ethnic. communities than among the native born". This point is developed further in the discussion of the Greek migrants experience in Australia (Chapter 9).

Jupp (1984) demonstrates that the immigrant communities have come of age and argues that they can no longer be regarded as a passive addition to the body politic. The following chapter will therefore be devoted to locating Australia's ethnic communities within the broader Australian society. It will attempt to describe various groups, their class, community development, geographic location and assess their ethel ass position using Thompson's model as an explanatory mechanism. - 67 - CHAPTER 3

STRUCTURAL CONSIDERATIONS DEMOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC AND EDUCATIONAL

In all modern societies citizens are ranked by various criteria--age, sex, race, ethnicity, religion and socio­ economic status--which can influence relative status. The salience of these criteria varies in different societies, different historical periods within the one society, and with varying ~phasis within the life time of an individual or between an individual's public and private 1 if e. In Australia the continuing debate about the relative salience of ethnicity and socio-economic status to the life circumstances and chances of groups indicates that religion and ethnicity are of crucial significance~ it also indicates that their significance is not being conveniently eroded either by length of residence or by the changing economic circumstances of immigrants.

The work of researchers in the United Kingdom and in Northern America is of particular relevance to the debate in Australia because migrants arrived in both those areas as settlers, and in both countries the people arriving came from a wide variety of ethnic, religious, educational and economic backgrounds. While the British experience is mainly related to the post World War II period, those of the United States and Canada are of much longer duration. North American countries have had sufficient time in which - 68 -

absorption could have occurred. Thus the experience of these countries is of far greater relevance in projecting Australian developments than is the experience of Great Britain. The British experience, moreover, while predominantly settler in nature (large numbers of people arriving on a permanent basis from a number of countries), is different from the Australian experience. This difference arises from the expectations of the immigrants and from the responsibility of the British Government to the people of their excolonial empire. The British experience, in addition, has been affected by the impact of her membership of the European Economic Community.

Australia has now experienced four decades of high migration inflow. Those people arriving immediately after World War II are now aged. Whatever the merits of the Australian response to the needs of migrants in the education, legal or health areas, in employment, accommodation or cultural pursuits, the needs of the aged from non-English speaking backgrounds (as argued in Chapter 1), have not received significant attention.

PATTERNS OF AGEING

The overseas-born aged compose a rapidly increasing sector of the Australian population in both absolute and relative terms. - 6 9- Hearst (1981 : 31) demonstrated the rapidity of the increase.

TABLE 1 Projections of Overseas-born Population of Australia 1978-2001 (50,000 net migration)

Year Aged overseas-born overseas-born M65+ F60+ aged as a % of aged as a % of total overseas- total aged born

1978 381,381 13.4 23 1981 414,802 14.2 24 1986 484,659 16.1 25.4

1991 562,531 18.2 27.1 1996 636,316 20.3 29.1 2001 713,136 22.5 31.5

from Hearst, 1981 31

The overseas-born aged, according to this projection, will rise as a percentage of the total aged, from 23 percent to 31.5 percent in a period of twenty three years. At the same time the ratio of younger generation who were also born overseas, to the aged is declining. That is, there has been a rapid reduction of the potential carers who understand, and frequently share, the mores of the aged. This point will be developed later in this thesis.

The overall figures disguise the tremendously varied pattern which an examination of different ethnic groups demonstrates. - 70 -

TABLE 2

The Aged (60 years and over) by Selected Birthplace Estimates and Medium Projection 1991-2001 1981 1991 2001

Italy 46,100 88,700 122,183

Poland 22,000 34,900 30., 500

Netherlands 16,700 28,200 35,700

Germany 14,300 31,200 43,800

Greece 14,300 33,700 65,800

Yugoslavia 13,200 32,400 59,700 sri Lanka 2,300 5,000 7,700

Turkey 2,200 3,600 7,100

Spain 900 3,700 7,600

Indo-China 900 7,500 19,400

Fiji 700 2,500 5,600

Portugal 600 2,200 5,400 uruguay 300 1,600 3,600

Pakistan 200 800 2,300

Total Overseas born 516,200 795,500 1,086,100 Total Australian born 1,544,720 1,856,100 1,960,500 from AIMA Table 1

1983 : 226 - 71 -

These numbers are sufficient to indicate the extent of the task which will be faced by those involved in caring for the aged. That task will involve the Australian government, the various caring agencies and individual ethnic groups as well as the younger family members of individual aged people. Governmental awareness of the position has been evident for some time. The Australian Department of Social Security (1980) is aware that the changing patterns of family care within ethnic groups suggest that problems are developing in this area. However, that awareness has hitherto not been adequately translated into the funding of research or into investigation of appropriate policies.

Some ethnic groups are highly organized, some have a low ratio of aged to younger members, others have few formal resources, minimal contact with the homeland and few young people ~o help provide support.

Table 3 demonstrates the rapid decrease of the 40-59 age group, that is the groupmost likelytobe carers, as well as the rapid increase of the 75+ age group, the group most likely to need care.

The high and low migration rates refer to projections used in the demographic estimates commissioned by the Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs f·rom the Department of Demography of the Australian National University. .. -72

TABLE 3

'!be Ag'einq of the Aged : .Aged GroupS by Selected Birthplaces 1981 and 2001

ABSOWI'E Nli-IBERS PER:ENr CHANGE 1981 2001 1981 - 2001

I1:M High I£lW High Migration Migration · Migration Migration

'lbta1 overseas bom - Italy 40-59 134,819 92,287 100,597 -31.6 -25.4 60-64 14,270 31,164 32,700 118.4 129.2 65-69 12,463 31,673 33,079 154.1 165.4 70-74 9,277 26,750 28,258 188.3 204.6 75+ 10,078 29,184 31,336 189.6 210.9

Poland 40-59 27,066 19,026 44,007 -29.7 92.3 60-64 8,789 3,297 4,995 -62.5 -43.2 65-69 6,935 3,235 4,403 -53.4 -36.5 70-74 3,627 4,892 5,877 62.0 62.0 75+ 2,614 14,749 16,019 464.2 512.8

Greece 40-59 68,746 60,425 64,370 -12.1 -6.4 60-64 4,191 22,173 22,870 429.1 445.7 65-69 3,775 18,104 19,116 379.6 406.4 70-74 2,853 11,743 13,174 311.6 361.8 75+ 3,454 10,236 12,327 196.4 356.9 Baltic States 40-59 11,389 2,171 3,426 -81.0 -69.9 60-64 3,052 1,903 2,024 -37.6 -33.7 65-69 2,724 1,424 1,539 -47.7 -43.5 70-74 2,329 1,915 1,982 -17.7 -14.9 75+ 2,145 5,362 5,429 150.0 153.1 Yugoslavia 40-59 58,521 68,908 84,852 17.8 45.0 60-64 4,623 19,654 21,607 325.1 367.4 65-69 3,567 15,439 16,480 307.6 362.0 70-74 2,671 8,880 11,027 232.5 312.8 75+ 2,301 9,298 12,167 304.1 428.5 USSR/Ukraine 40-59 11,476 5,837 12,947 -49.1 12.8 60-64 3,946 1,726 2,260 -56.3 -42.7 65-69 3,041 1,119 1,536 -63.2 -49.5 70-74 2,362 1,690 1,999 -28.5 -15.4 75+ 3,063 7,099 7,477 131.8 144.1 Netherlands 40-59 37,082 43,304 48,293 16.8 30.2 6Q-64 6,934 9,496 9,768 36.9 40.9 65-69 4,125 8,287 8,365 100.9 102.8 7Q-74 2,893 7,695 7,666 166.0 164.9 75+ 1,591 10,759 10,846 576.2 581.7 Germany 40-59 44,215 50,408 55,19? 14.0 24 :a - 60-64 5,428 11,584 12,454 113.4 129.4 65-69 3,742 9,044 9,888 114.7 164.2 7Q-74 2,484 10,034 10,801 303.9 334.8 75+ 2,667 10,896 11,747 308.6 340.5

F.r;an Institute of Multicultural Affairs 1983 Papers on the Ethnic Aged Table 3: 130-131. - 73 -

Figure 3

Australian Born Age and Sex Pyramid- 1981

TOTAL : 113931163

NU!'411ERS ooco

AIMA, 1983 224, 225 74

Figure 4

Vietnamese Age and Sex Pyramid 1981

!£!!!: I 41096

VIETN~ESE 75+

70-74 65-69 60.-64

40 44

AlMA, 1983 224, 225 - 75 -

Figure 5 : Philippines Age and sex Pyramid 1981

16 Ill II 10 II 16 tit II II I 11 II tit t6 tl 10 ~ M 16

AIMA, 1983 2241 225

Figure 6 : Polish : Age and Sex Pyramid 1981 ""'"" ., .. ,. .

o-•·-·

Ia) l~ •U MO U) 4t)O JU )110 au 1!10 U a.UMUA 7) 1!10 U) )00 )U 4t)O )U MN 6U 1!10 IU ( IO ' e)

AIMA, 1983 224, 225 7 6 -

Figure 7

Baltics Age and Sex Pyramid 1981 !!!!i= Utt'

lt•U ••• •••

J1 )6 U )0 21 It It 18 '' 11 t I ) ) I t U ~ • ltU n. » M . ~

Figure 8

Ukraine ·Age and Sex Pyramid 1981

..... ,..,.

U·lt

••• U 10 tl 11 ,, II t• I I ' I ....U.,•.. , I ' I I 1e II I' II II M p

AIMA, 1983 224, 225 - 77 ~

These projections were designed to establish parameters for the study of the ethnic aged. They are, of course, dependent upon changing governmental policy. The high figure is based on a migration level of 107,000 and the low figure on 37,000 per year net settler gain. Figures for the last three years (1980 - 101,0001 1981 - 122,000: 1982 - 102,000) indicate that high levels of settler gain are more likely to be accurate (A.B.S. 1984).

The impact of these figures upon the position of individual ethnic groups, upon their capacity to care for their aged, the impact of governmental policy and the availability of migrants can be demonstrated by the construction of age pyramids.

The Australian age pyramid shows large numbers in the aged group and an undercutting of the younger age groups. The younger generation is however still high compared to the older groups.

Vietnamese and Philippines have few aged. The effect of the Philippines marriage inflow is evident. This has the potential for creating support needs in both the short and long term (Watkins, 1983).

Aged people from Northern and North East Europe face the most difficult problem. There has been no continuing immigration, they have a low reproductive history and a high unmarried and divorced category (Evans, 1984). - 7 8 -·

Population pyramids can, however, disguise important information. For example, the Pol ish community is divided into two main groups. Those who arrived in Australia during the immediate post war years were refugees. Frequently they did not arrive as family units and the requirement that two

years bonded 1 abour be worked separated those who arrived as couples. The pattern of migration has resulted in disproportionate sex ratios particularly in the 65-69 age group. The figures show 239 Polish born males per 100 Polish born females. The Australian born ratio is 93 males to an hundred females. The Polish divorced and separated ratio is about three times the average Austral ian ratio. Additionally childlessness experienced by this group is disguised by later migrants. The younger aged groups who appear on the graph are not related to the earlier arrivals and their reasons for migrating are different. The experiences and culture of the subsequent arrivals are sufficiently different to preclude them acting as a support group for the original wave of Polish migrants (The Polish Welfare and Information Bureau, 1994). Greek immigrants, on the other hand, have the highest marriage and lowest divorce rates in Australia. They are overwhelmingly in intact families (Hearst, 1995).

The Vietnamese have a few aged, in either relative or absolute terms, for whom they have to care. Cultural implications resulting from these figures will be explored - 79 - in Chapter 4. Australia's aged population, like their younger counterparts from non-English speaking backgrounds, speak over ninety languages, come from 140 different ethnic backgrounds and profess eighty different religions (Grassby 1984). Any generalizations should therefore to be treated with extreme caution.

As the care of the aged is care, first, by the spouse and, second, by daughters and daughters-in-law, the sex ratios" of particular groups are some indicator of the availability of potential carers (Finch and Groves, 1983; Aust. Bureau of Statistics, 1982). Table 4 reveals the marked differences that exist between the various ethnic groups. The cultural traditions of the group and the facilities available to them also need to be taken into consideration. The Italian community, for example, despite the high sex ratio of males to females, has very few aged males living outside a family situation (Ware, 1981).

This overall picture of a rapidly ageing immigrant population, with a disproportionate load of caring being borne by some ethnic groups, is a function of Australia's migration history. - 80 -

TABLE.4 Sex Ratios : Number of Males per 100 Females

by Age Group and Selected Birthplac~, 1981

Countr::l of Birth 60-64 65-69 70-74 75+

Australia 86 83 73 53

Italy 126 116 107 94 Poland 163 239 174 85

Germany 69 81 77 59 Greece 121 100 82 87

Yugoslavia 144 122 115 82

From AIMA 1983, Table 2 196

TABLE 5 Population Change of Persons aged 60+ 1981-2001

t of change over the 20 1981 2001 year Eeriod Australian 1,535,510 1,889,558 + 23.1 Germany 14,064 42,819 + 204.5 Greece 14,139 64,900 + 359.0

Italy 45,779 120,873 + 164.0

Lebanon 2,512 18,589 + 640.0

Malta 6,036 19,362 + 220.8

Poland 21,695 30,027 + 38.4 Netherlands 16,447 35,097 + 113.4

Yugoslavia 12[946 58[139 + 349.1

From AIMA 1983, Tables 3-12 245-254 - 81 -

Those groups with the highest and most rapidly increasing

proportions of aged members are also likely to be groups

with comparatively few people in the carers generation > (Table 3 and Figures 4-8).

ENGLISH LANGUAGE COMPETENCE

Difficulties arising from this demographic structure are

exacerbated by lack of English language facility of the aged. Most of those people now aged arrived in Australia during the period in which English language classes were of low priority (Totaro, 1978).

Just as the overall figures of the aged from non-English speaking backgrounds, while useful, disguise the diversity

of aged profiles, so the total picture of English 1 anguage competence requires dissection by ethnic group, by age and by sex for the full significance to be appreciated.

From Table 6 it is evident that 19.6 percent of immigrants from a non-English speaking background either do not speak

English at all, or do not speak English well. Clyne (1984) argues that this is 1 ikel y to be a considerable underestimate of the number of people who cannot function adequate! y at a formal 1 anguage 1 evel and in non­ instrumental settings (that is, in settings requiring - 82 -

TABLE 6 English Language Competence (Persons aged 5 years+) Persons from a non-English speaking background

Speaks English only 21. 2% Uses another language and speaks English - very well 31.4% - well 27.2% - not well 16.5% - not at all 3.1% - not stated 0.6%

from Ethnic Communities Council of NSW 1983 : 7

exchanges of ideas and emotions). Their capacity to cope with service providers and health professionals, for example, is therefore probably overstated. Clyne attributes this distortion to two major factors: the personal devaluation that results from admitting ignorance: and the lack of any adequate measure of linguistic competence by which respondents can judge their own performances.

Whether or not the figures under estimate 1 anguage difficulties, the fact that one-fifth of immigrants from non-English speaking countries experience difficulties has implications for governmental departments in every field as well as for educational and health services. - 83 -

Difficulty is not uniformly spread throughout all immigrant

groups nor between specific groups within any one ethnic

group. The difference between ethnic groups is important

to an understanding of the difficulties that are 1 ikely to be faced by peoples from specific areas. In addition to the implications mentioned above, language competence is also a significant indicator of the probability that a specific group is able to provide leaders who can negotiate with the established society and provide professionals who can service the needs of that particular group. There is also a high correlation between English language skills and socio­ economic J?OSition (as Figures 9-13 on following pages, show).

Immigrants from Holland and Germany clearly possess the greatest facility with English; over one-half of those arriving from Holland by 1981 used only English. Inability to speak English or to speak it with di ff icul ty was restricted to 1.9 percent of Dutch and 2.5 percent of Germans. As mentioned previously these groups show the greatest geographic dispersion and the highest intermarriage rates. Their socio-economic J?OSition reflects this interrelation (See Figures 12, 13).

Competence in English is also distributed unevenly within ethnic groups. The aged are 1 ess 1 i kel y to be fluent in English, and women at all ages are less likely than males to speak English or to speak English well; the only exception Figure 9 English Language Ability Percentage of persons aged 5+ years with Non-English speaking background. [A.B.S. 1981 Census] Speaks English Uses other languageand uses English only c - very we ll/we ll - not well/ at all - not stated (<0. BX) 11 N.E.S.

fro Ethnic Com unities Uses English Ger ma ny 2. 5% Council of NSW, 1983. - not well/at all Holland 1.9% vlf1g9 Figure 10 Competency in English of Major Birthplace Groups. Percentage of Males by Age. [A.B. S. Censu s. 1981] 0 - 54 years 55 - 64 years 65+ years

I I • J I X X I 1;>5 ' 1 _:-' . 144-?. Greece X ;..: 4 .2

115, 7 -- r ~ Italy ~ - J33,0 "Y""x X :-150.4

11Z.7 - 123 ,9 Yugosla via 00 35.6 U1

Germany ~~~9 X X X 9 .8

Netherlands Pk~ A .X 7.0

18.5 Poland r I t X X 23. 8

r---· - Vietnam ~3. 1 . - . - 1 68,5 X A L X X 1f.. X . X .1'. X X X A X /.. .•: X X X X A X X X X 75 . 0 ._ _ _.L - ~ J . I I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Percentage no t able to speak English at all/ well. from Ethnic CommunitieS::ouncil of NSW. 1983.

Vlt1g10 Figure 11 Competency in English of Major Birthplace Groups. Percentage of Females by Age. [A. 8. S. Census, 1981] 0 - 54 years 55 - 64 years 65+ years - 1 I I L- • _j I X X I . / 3a..o . . - - --,sg i Greece _ _ X X X X X X • <. X :J<;. X A . 2 . .. A 2'~ .A X .... X ..... X .A 70.3

'"'AI .6 ~ . Italy / ·- - l AIR 0 X X X X X X A X X X X X A X .<. ~'I. -~- J>: .A 1{ X 1'. 67.0

li!4 .5 ,. . - • ]38.8 Yugoslavia X X X X 60.9

--,~ 2 g 7 13 Ger any X Ji7.3

~~5AI Netherlands 11.1

/ ,1[7·f Poland X X X X X X 34.8

~.0. . . . ~ _:r · ..- ? Vietnam _L - 90.7 .z ..... j{ _:l( 2<. X A X X X X X X as-. i I _ l __ ..L - -L '- ..£. J. I I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Percentage not able to speak English at all/well. from Ethnic communitiesCouncil of NSN. 1983. Vlf1gU Figure 12 Annual Inca e (Men 15 years and over) 1981 Census 0-$8000 $8001-$18000 $18001+ C.i I X X I

[36.6l[ Total Australian

[34.1ll All non English speaking

[24.3ll

Holland

[26 . 0ll

[42 . 5ll c=_- 50 . 3l

[32.Bl[ Yugoslavia 1 5. Il from Ethnic CommunitiesCouncil of NSW, 1983. Vlfig12 Figure 13 Annual Income (Men 15 years and over) [A. 8. S. 1981 Census]

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Total Australian $18, 001 + l!4.2] C=-:J L_ $8, 001 - $18. ooo[- - (!9.-m ~----~~------co $0 - $8, ooo l ~6.~ co

German $18.001 + L14 . 2 r $8, 001 - $18, OOO L_

$0 - $8, OOO L @§_.6}

Greek $18, 000 + l14.2j

$8, 001 - $18. ooo[_ ~9.~

$0 - $8, oool @§.s]

from Ethnic Communi t ie!£ounc il of NSW. 1983.

V)fig13 - 89 - is young Polish women who are very marginally less disadvantaged than their male counterparts. The unusual nature of Polish immigration was mentioned when discussing the demographic pyramids (Figure 6). The small numbers arriving and the reasons behind this pattern of migration are discussed in the Polish Welfare and Information Bureau's publication 11 Ageing in Australia11 (1984).

Before concluding this discussion of English language competence, it is perhaps pertinent to raise the issue of intergenerational values. There is an association between English language facility and acculturation.

Clearly the initial immigrant generation has the greatest difficulties in becoming fluent in English. Language difficulty has far-reaching consequences for family roles and interpersonal relationships. Role reversal is a not infrequent outcome where younger generation ·family members have to act as linguistic and cultural interpreters and negotiate with professionals and service providers such as medical practitioners and Commonwealth Social Service and Employment agencies.

One of the most significant outcomes of the acquisition of fluency in English, for the topic under consideration in this thesis, is the change in values which may accompany this acquisition. Fluency in English exposes one to a different set of norms and values: that is the possibility of acculturation is increased. - 90 - Acculturation does not necessarily lead to integration (see Chapter 5). However, it does pose additional problems for those who have been buffered by language and have retained values relating to the appropriate care of the aged which they learnt in their countries of origin (see Chapters 7 and 8). It should be noted, however, that the similarity in language skills between the aged Greeks and the so-called "carers generation" (55-64 years) is perhaps one of the reasons there are so few people of Greek origin in the Greek Retirement Villages. The discrepancy between the Italian aged and the carers generation suggests a reason for the comparatively greater utilization of the Scalabrini Homes. These issues are considered in discussion throughout the thesis.

LANGUAGE ABILITY AND ITS AFFECT UPON WOMEN

Levels of language competency between generations is a significant indicator that stress may occur. Extreme feelings of isolation occur for an old woman, and it is usually an old woman, when the children, or more likely the grandchildren, are unwilling or unable to hold a conversation with her (ACOTA, 1985). As argued pre­ viously, verbal isolation is perhaps a minor problem compared with the feelings of tension experienced as a result of the changing social values of which linguistic - 91 - change is an outward manifestation. Acculturation occurs to a minor extent even where a person is unable to speak English and is buffered by the structural supports found in ethnic enclaves. This change has been documented by a number of researchers. The most recent, and perhaps the most extreme confirmation of this is provided by the report by the New South Wales Ethnic Affairs Commission (1985). This report shows that the tension generated by a community attempting to retain traditional Muslim values for its women, together with the lifestyle required of a working Australian woman, has occasioned a high level of mental breakdown.

Women in all ethnic communities have lower levels of English language ability than do men, even amongst those groups long resident in Australia (See Figures 10,11).

The level of competency indicated in these tables probably understates the communication difficulties experienced in coping with people in positions of authority and with the bureaucracy. Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1984) research into "The English Language Needs of Inner City Migrant Families" demonstrated that, even for those groups who were long established and linguistically competent difficulties were experienced in communication, especially as regards:

1. Using public transport, understanding timetables; 2. Using hospitals, doctors, chemists and shopping; - 92 -

3. Dealing with government departments (e.g., Social

Security); 4. School activities and children's school problems;

5. Naturalization; and

6. Legal problems, dealing with solicitors.

The first three of these categories were mentioned most

frequently. They are of special significance when

discussing the aged. Not only are the aged the group most likely to need these services, they are also the group least

1 ikely to have the assurance to seek help. This is

especially true for older women.

The position of the aged woman can be described as one of multiple jeopardy. Upon the death of her spouse she loses a

companion, one who has experienced a similar life

experience. Men are usually more competent linguistically

than women, so she loses an interpreter, one moreover, whom she has been used to relying upon for cultural as well as

linguistic interpreting (Clyne, 1977). If the couple has been in Australia for a number of years and is receiving an aged or invalid pension the pension is suddenly halved, thus making financial considerations vital at the time she is least prepared to grapple with them. In addition frequently it is not culturally acceptable for an aged woman to live alone. She may therefore be unprepared to live alone even if her more acculturated children consider it - 93 - appropriate. The problems of social isolation, poverty, linguistic incapacity, and cultural expectations are frequently compounded by declining health and gradually increasing dependence. These factors can combine to make her retreat into the security of her ethnic group, and to reassert her ethnic values. This can occur even if during her middle years she was part of the Australian workforce. As she ages her ethnicity assumes paramount importance as evidenced by use of Gordon's Diagram of Ethnic Identity (1978:110) (See Figure 1). Her national identity provides security (Bagley and Verma, 1979: Giles, 1977: Lee, 1970) but this redefinition does have considerable costs. Australian services for the aged are designed for the mainstream culture. Professionals and bureaucrats are usually English speakers, transport signs are in English, as is most entertainment. Retreat therefore occasions social isolation.

Well Why Don't They Learn English?

To one working in a tertiary institution and aware of the growing body of literature elaborating the difficulties experienced by migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds, the question 'Well why don't they learn English' may seem ridiculous. However, it is a question asked, frequently angrily, during every series of lectures about migration. The students asking it belong to the - 94 - category, listed above, as occasioning the second most likely area of difficulty with communication. Students who enter courses, which are popularly described as the helping professions, do so with some ideals of involvement and service. That they ask this question would suggest that other professionals may be even less likely to understand the difficulties experienced by many of the people needing to utilize their services.

People arriving in Australia from other advanced industrial countries bring with them concepts of time and nature similar to those of the Australian core society; moreover their educational levels are high, they are competent in interactions with the bureaucracy and usually either speak English before migrating or learn it without excessive difficulty. People coming from peasant societies are so involved with the tasks of re-establishment that neither time nor energy are available for English lessons. This is particularly the case where initial educational levels are low. Data concerning the linguistic competence of elderly women (Table 11) demonstrate this point. This is significant, and needs re-emphasis because elderly women are frequently unable to use such services and pensions as are available. - 95 - ECONOMIC AND EDUCATIONAL DISTRIBUTION

Socio-economically Australia's immigrant population reflects that of the core society (see Figures 12 and 13).

It is apparent that there is, using Thompson's paradigm (1983 : 128; see discussion in Ch.2 above) and using Thompson's terminology, no underclass. It is also true that figures of annual income reveal little about the levels of acculturation or the degree of structural integration. Nevertheless, Figure 12 above is useful for a number of purposes. Above all, it suggests that research needs to be undertaken to determine the correlates of economic success. For example, the coincidence of the high English language skills of the Maltese-Australians and their comparatively ·poor income performance while outside the scope of this thesis, raises questions about acculturation. Kluckhohn's (1967) and Willen's (1983) paradigms may be useful as explanatory mechanisms. Their concepts are explored in Chapter 4.

Economic success and enclosure are not antithetical. Germans before World War I (Seitz and Foster, 1985), the Italians in the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area (Huber, 1977), and the Indians at Woolgoola (De Lepervanche, 1984) are examples where economic success has not eroded ethnic - 96 - values. However, the strong retention of ethnic values can, if it inhibits educational commitment, lock groups out of opportunities for upward social mobility (Totaro, 1978). Upward social mobility of groups, while of vital significance for the incorporation of all peoples in society and for the stability of the polity (Almond and Verba, 1963; Black, 1966), does not uniformly advantage all members of the group.

In any society certain categories of people are at risk both economically and socially. Australian researchers have demonstrated that intact families with less than four children are most likely to enjoy financial security and physical well being (English, King and Smith, 1978; English and King, 1983). At risk groups are single mothers, large families, deserted wives, physically and mentally handicapped people and, significantly for the purpose of this thesis, non-English speaking migrants and the widowed aged (Henderson, 1975). Thus the income of men is not necessarily an indicator of family well being.

A survey by the University of New South Wales Family Research unit produced evidence that intact immigrant families mean family income was approximately twenty percent higher than that of intact Australian born families (English and King, 1983 : 261). English and King did not include single person households in this analysis, nor did they - 97 -

break down the overseas born category. It is important to

note that this level of family well-being is achieved by the

large numbers of women being involved in the workforce.

This has obvious implications for their capacity to care for

the aged.

Although the income pattern for Greek men is lower than that of the total Australian society, there are a number of associated factors which favourably influence economic we-ll being. These factors include high marriage and low divorce rates and the high numbers of married women at work. This combination has enabled the Greek community to achieve one of the highest levels of home ownership in Australia (Hearst, 1985; Papageorgopoulos, 1981). Henderson argues that home ownership is perhaps the most significant factor in determining poverty in old age.

TABLE 7

Working Wives of Husbands Born

in Selected Countries

Greek 63.0%

Yugoslav 66.0%

Italian 49.0%

Australian 35.7%

U.K. 49.9%

from Birrell and Birrell (1981 120) - 98 -

In addition to expediting the achievement of home ownership, working women are significant in changing family roles.

Work can also facilitate acculturation. The significance of this factor for the care of the aged is discussed in Chapter

8. Where work is performed as a factory outworker, within a family business or in a setting where there is maximum contact with people who share the same values (or who are similarly handicapped through lack of English language competence), acculturation is less likely to occur. However, whi 1 e the process is impeded it is not p::>ssi bl e to enclose these women totally. The stress this engenders is amply demonstrated by the New South Wales Ethnic Affairs Commission's study of Turkish Immigrants (1985). Turkish women, despite nearly twenty years residence in Australia, have few English language skills. Their family roles are inflexible; both the religious leadership and their husbands expect them to maintain the old values. However, they have high levels of outside employment. The outcome has been to induce the highest level of psychiatric disturbance found in any ethnic group.

The type of employment available to immigrants is determined by their educational level as well as by language facility. - 99 -

TABLE 8

Post-school Qualifications (aged 15 years+) Australia-wide data ABS 1981 Census

TOtU Cllr. Grt!OC9 lloll. It.oly Lob&n. Hllt.o P'land Vietrwn Y'al.a QJ&llfiod -··31.4 -28.0 56.4 13.0 47.2 21.0 13.6 21.0 30.3 11.9 26.0 flo QJ&IIrlcationo 57.3 55.3 36.5 79.1 45.8 71.2 74.5 71.8 60.0 69.7 64.0

sun at School 3.6 2.3 1.3 1.7 0.7 1.0 5.0 0.6 0.5 11.0 2.8

tbt. St.lt~ 7.7 14.4 5. 7 6.2 6.2 6.7 6.9 6.6 9.2 7.4 7.2 ' r~ln

QJ&lltiocl 17.1 13.7 24.3 4.9 18.2 5.8 4.7 4.9 15.2 7.1 7.9

. .., Ql&Uflootl- 70.7 69.7 66.6 86.9 73.4 86.1 82.9 87.4 75.2 74.1 81.2

Still at SChool 3.5 2.4 1.2 1.6 0.8 1.2 4.7 0.7 0.7 10.2 3.1

Rot Stated 8.7 14.1 7.9 6.6 7.5 6.9 7. 7 7.0 8.9 8.o 7.8

from Ethnic Communities Council of N.S.W. 1983.

The educational and language differences between various migrant groups are extreme. People from Germany have considerably higher qualifications than the ·norm in Australian society. Greeks, Lebanese and Vietnamese are comparatively disadvantaged, and among them women, as is usually the case, are consistently worse off than men. These educational qualifications are reflected by the type of occupations in which these people find employment and in their socio-economic position (Figure 12 and 13). - 100 -

TABLE 9

Occupation by Birthplace, Employed

Population, Males and Females, 197611 (Column Percentages)

OCCUJ)IItion Au1tralil UK/ Eire Germ1ny Netherlands Yugo.lavia Poland Greece lUI tv M•llll

Profeuional & Man.gerilll 20 21 20 21 4 16 6 7 5 Cleric.! & Sale• 28 26 21 20 7 13 16 13 13 Manual worlcers 42 49 55 52 86 69 75 72 78 Farmers 9 3 3 6 3 2 3 8 4 Members of Armed Services ()2 ()2 ()2 ()2 ()2

Total N=4,021181 N=557,362 N=65,930 N=56,298 N=84,258 N•34,361 N•91,709 Nz 164,256 N•32,986

1 Sourca: 1976 censu1. 'Inadequate Description' category excluded. 2 There are of course some members of these .categories but the figures hevo been roun

Western 1983 260

It is apparent that some discounting of educational qualifications has occurred, but overall whereas the Australian-born are divided approximately between middle class and working class, and this pattern is repeated for those people born in the United Kingdom and Eire, Germany and the Netherlands, Eastern and Southern Europeans are overwhelmingly working class. They are hardly represented in professional and managerial positions and under represented in clerical and sales occupations; the large concentrations being in manual occupations. - 101 - While the evidence presented here indicates considerable education and economic disadvantage amongst some immigrant groups the second generation presents a totally different picture. Economic differentiation does not persist into the second generation, only second generation Italian and Dutch Australians experienced lower incomes than third generation Australians. Second generation Greeks have a 7 percent higher mean income than the third Australian generation. Educationally the trend is even more marked. If tertiary institution attendance is used as an indicator of future economic well being then children whose fathers were born in Greece are more likely to attend than children from any other of the ethnic groups. In the 1981 Census probability of university attendance was: Greeks 17:2; Dutch 10:2;

Italians 8:2; German 7:2; other non-English 8:2 when compared with third generation Australians (Mistilis 1985 : 293-296. These figures need some adjustment for the higher percentage of people in the relevant age group).

Using a different methodology Martin (1978 : 65) examined the number of professionals per 1000 population of the same ethnic origin.

Table 10 provides an indication of the degree of differentiation between ethnic groups in terms of their access to the services of professionals of their own background. These professionals, particularly the medical, social, welfare and religious, have a vital role in the - 102

TABLE 10

Ratio of Ethnic Professionals to Ethnic Population, Australia, 1971

Socii I •nd wei fife Upper professionals Lower professiOIUlls Doctor3, Nurses. worker3, Clergyme~~, O.eneas- AU51TIIIIft- O.eneas- AU5Inliln- O.eneas- O.eneas- O.eneas- Ole nelS• born born Tot• I born born Tot1l born born born born German 10.1 2.1 12.2 46.0 5.9 51.9 1.3 4.7 0.4 0.3 Greek 1.0 1.9• 2.9 3.3 2.6• 5.9 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.3 Italian 1.5 1.3 2.8 5.7 3.0 8.7 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 Maltese 2.0 0.1 2.4 . 7.8 1.8 9.6 0.2 0.5 0.1 0.4 Dutch 8.4 0.4 8.7 37.0 3.3 40.3 0.4 5.1 0.5 0.8 Polish 12.7 3.8 16.5 22.3 8.0 30.3 3.4 1.8 0.2 0.5 Yugoslav 2.0 0.6 2.6 9.3 1.9 II. I O.J 0.8 0.1 0.2 All social and All All wei rare All Total doctors nurses workers clergymen population 16.2 52.3 1.3 4.4 0.4 0.7

•Numerator includes Cyprus. . , .. , . . Souru: Aus., ABS, Ctruu: 1971. The total number or persons or a specific ethntc o~tStn has been arnved at by addtn~ persons born in that country or oris in to persons born in Australia with either (I) both parents born tn that cou~try or (2) mother born .'n that co,untry and rather born in a different non-English·

Martin 1978 65.

support of the aged. The low level of availability of sympathetic, culturally aware and linguistically appropriate professionals indicates the need for support facilities such as community organizations and appropriate accommodation. Australian-born professionals, unless their parents are overseas born, are unlikely to speak any community language.

Those who do have a language other tha~ English are likely to speak French, German or Indonesian with French more than twice as likely as German, which in turn is three times as likely as Indonesian. This reflects the languages commonly taught in New South Wales schools. Few Australian - 103 - immigrants come from France. In the Australian Bureau of

Statistics 1984 publication 11 Social Indicators .. France is not listed as a separate category. People coming from

France would be in the 11 0ther European11 category. German is perhaps more useful but considering the high level of

English language competency of people from Germany, only marginally more so (Figures 9, 10, ll).Indonesians do not appear as a category - any Indonesians coming to Australia

11 11 would appear in 0ther Asians • However, most Indonesians in Australia are transients (Legge, 1985b).

Overall language competence in Australia is low. Clyne sees

Australia as one of the most inflexibly monolingual countries in the world.

TABLE 11 Use of Community Language

Total t using % Australian-born state or Territory community language only other than English Victoria 16.7 5.5 New South Wales 12.2 3.3 Queensland 5.9 2.6 south Australia 13.1 5.5 Western Australia 11.2 5.0 Tasmania 4.0 1.4 ACT 13.7 4.6 Northern Territory 27 •.4 25.3

Clyne, 1984 77 - 104 -

GEOGRAPHIC DISPERSION

Support facilities and m~ltilingual professionals are more likely to be situated in areas of high ethnic concentration than in areas of ethnic dispersion.

No one residential pattern is evident throughout the Sydney metropolitan region. A full discussion of ethnic concentration is beyond the scope of this thesis. However, as propinquity is instrumental to the retention of ethnic values, the maintenance of community and the provision of appropriate support for the aged, a brief description of dispersion is appropriate. Specific discussions of the Greek and German experience will appear in the appropriate chapters. Material in this section unless otherwise indicated is drawn from Burnley's 1978 study of Neighbour, Communal Structure and Acculturation in Ethnic Concentrations in Sydney, published in 1985.

Large ethnic concentrations were formed in Australia's major cities in the post-war period, particular 1 y in the inner city and among communities in which chain migration has been the major mode of movement to Australia. By 1971 there were 13,000 Greek-born residents in Marrickville Local Government Area, almost 10,000 Italian-born in Leichhardt, Fivedock, Lilyfield and Drummoyne. In 1976 2,000 Lebanese lived in Redfern and in 1981 8, 000 were resident in Canterbury. "These concentrations have been 1 arge enough to sustain communal and business 1 ife" (Burnt ey, 1985 : 167). - 105 -

Five major functions are important at the neighbourhood or

local community 1 evel: the production and consumption of goods and services; the,transmission of prevailing values and behaviour patterns of individuals, or traditional cultural values, to the local members of the ethnic group; social control; participation in groups which influence socialization and social control; and mutual support, the help which is offered when individuals or family difficulties present problems--economic, health or family-­

which cannot otherwise be resolved.

Burnley•s study examined Lebanese, Yugoslavs, Greeks, Italians and Jewish concentrations. The results indicated that all five of the above functions were fulfilled by each of the ethnic groups surveyed.

The movement of migrants into areas of high ethnic

concentration was motivated first, to be near kin (a large percentage had close kin in the same street and/or elsewhere in the same suburb); second, to be in a (same) ethnic area; third, the availability of inexpensive housing; and fourth, because of the proximity of employment opportunities.

As well as surveying kin interaction in Australia, Burnley looked at relationships, and level of interaction with kin, in the country ·of origin. Over half the Yugoslavs and two­ thirds of the Greeks had relatives in their home country, as did a third of the Italians and Lebanese. Their relationships - 106 -

suggest an orienting of immigrants to their home country because of family as well as to the neighbourhood of settlement .••• In addition, in Australia kinship localization and interaction was not simply a manifestation of social stat us differences: after controlling for socio­ economic status, the visiting with relatives was significantly higher with relatives among Greeks, Italians and Lebanese, than it was among Australians. Kinship and interaction were an ethnic pattern, as much if not more than, a class pattern (1 73, 1 76).

Friendship patterns were almost exclusively within the same ethnic group.

TABLE 12

Ethnic origin of close friends with whom frequently associate in Australia

Mala Femala

No No Birthplace of clDH Same Other Tocal Tocal cloae Same Other Tocal Total interviewee friend. orlp orisia % a umber friend orisia orisio "1. number

"1. % "1. % "1. "1. "1. "1. .,. .,.

Italy i5.2 i7.8 7.0 100.0 157 47.7 43.0 9.i 100.1 149 Greece 18.3 69.8 11.9 100.0 159 29.1 63.0 7.9 100.0 165 Yugoslavia 43.2 41.8 li.9 99.9 67 37.0 58.9 4.3 100.2 46 Lebanon 5.6 83.2 11.2 100.0 143 9.7 85.0 5.3 100.0 113 UK 4: Ireland 28.8 20.3 50.8 99.9 59 23.6 25.0 51.4 100.0 72 Other foreign 27.5 45.0 27.5 100.0 251 28.5 45.7 25.8 100.0 221 Australia 17.5 70.8 11.7 100.0 428 15.9 73.2 10.9 100.0 559

&.ru: &Mp/1 s•rwJ.

Burnley 1985 178. - 107 -

The vast majority of these friends were to be found in the

same or nearby suburbs. This held for the Italians (94.1 percent), Greeks (76.1 percent), Yugoslavs (84.6 percent) and Lebanese (84.4 percent). Movement away from these ethnic concentrations is thus unlikely to be attractive.

Burnley argues that these overlapping kin and close friendship networks result in the creation of an ethnic domain, which encourages an ethnic identity and the retention of ethnic values. This contention is substantiated by his findings related to the maintenance of traditional meals: 76.8 percent of Italians, 77.7 percent of Greeks, 58.9 percent of Yugoslavs and 84.7 percent of Lebanese never ate what Burnley's survey defined as an "Australian" meal.

Church attendance was high; only a quarter of the Italians never attended church. All groups were considerably more frequent attenders than native-born Australians (of whom two-thirds never attended church and almost 20 percent attended between one and four times per year). Greek females were the most frequent church attenders, only 6.1 percent never attending. Overall, as a social ritual, church attendance was of considerable importance to Greeks, Italians, Yugoslavs and Lebanese; "for many religiosity, ethnicity and self identity were interrelated" (187). - 108 -

Among the people of Jewish origin only 8 percent attended synagogue once a month or more. Sixty-four percent of

Central Europeans and 58, percent of Eastern European Jews attended synagogue only once a year. Nevertheless, the Australian Jewish community is very cohesive and is becoming more and more integrated (Medding, 1968,1973; Rubinstein, 1985). Geographically Australian Jews are more concentrated than they were four decades ago. Over three-quarters of Sydney•s Jews live in 17 percent of Census Districts.

TABLE 13

Sydney• s Jewish Community

Concentration 1933-1966

1933 Census (%) 1966 Census (%)

city of Sydney 20.4 4.7 East 53.7 59.5 south 3.0 5.0 West 14.3 9.1

North 8.6 21.3

Poulson and Spearritt, 1981 118 - 109 -

Overall the degree of spacial segregation is best measured by an index of residential segregation. This index measures the extent to which a given geographical distribution differs from the distribution of the population as a whole. The index ranges from 0, indicating no difference to 100, indicating extreme spatial segregation.

TABLE 14

Index of Residential Segregation by Birthplace

All overseas born 20.9 U.K./Irish 17.6 New Zealand 35.8 All non-English speaking

countries/regions 31.6 Italy 44.6 Yugoslavia 47.1

S. E. Asia 47.1 Vietnam 79.0 Greece 55.1

Lebanon 62.4 Australian born of Australian

born parents 19.4

Horvath and Tait, 1984 viii - 110 - The information contained in this chapter is designed to provide a background for the theoretical discussion to follow. Figures and Tabi es are ref erred to throughout the subsequent discussion.

The diversity of this material demonstrates the difficulty

11 11 of validly talking about the experience of immigrants • Socio-economically the various ethnic groups differ widely. Although all groups cover a wide spectrum of wealth, education and professional participation, clustering is clearly evident. Differences between ethnic groups mask the differences contained with each group. English language competence varies widely by sex and by age. Aged women invariably experience lower levels of achievement, whichever indicator is referred to. Those groups with the greatest need are the groups least likely to have professionals within their own ethnic group. They are also the groups most 1 ikely to need women to enter the workforce to supplement family income.

Ethnic concentration, whether from choice or necessity, effectively encloses the group. Enclosure helps maintain cultural values, develops, or preserves, a sense of ethnic pride and enables the establishment of support networks. It nevertheless can delay integration in the broader community. One outcome of this exclusion can be continued disadvantage. - 111 - Another outcome, which will be explored in Chapters 7 and 8, is intergenerational disjunction which occurs when young people are rapidly acculturated through participating in the Australian education system. The position of aged people becomes increasingly problematic as their numbers increase, the source of potential carers contracts--either through diminishing numbers or through value shift--and where their language and values differ from the language and values of the professional care givers. Key dimensions of, and ways of understanding, the values of ethnic minorities are explored in the following three chapters. This process allows us to select from the range of theoretical perspectives presented those which are useful in our task of assessing the needs of the ethnic aged. Not all paradigms are applicable to any specific group. Therefore throughout these chapters specific reference is made to an ethnic group where that group is seen as having features which are illustrative of the paradigm. - 112 -

CHAPTER 4

MULTIPLE REALxTIES AND PLURAL IDENTITIES

People entering Australia come from a variety of cultures the value systems of which differ in significant ways from those of the dominant culture.

Attitudes to nature and to time influence the structure·of, and the roles within, the family. They also affect the individual's capacity to accept public institutions. Education and health care in Australia epitomize the values of mastery-over-nature, and are future oriented and individualistic.

As children are absorbed into mainstream culture with its emphasis upon mastery, planning and individualism, intergenerational tensions are exacerbated.

Sociologists are acutely aware of the impact of cultural values in determining social structures and distributing life chances. Less attention has been paid to the implications that these values have in relation to health sciences. There is no extensive body of sociological literature integrating ideas of modernity (e.g., time orientation and mastery over nature) with migration movement and multiculturalism. Historians and political scientisits - 113 -

have been quicker to explore these correlations (Almond and Verba-1963, 1980; Black, 1966; Rowley, 1972 a, b; Stevens, 1972).

The impact of the level of technology, rather than the relationship generated by ownership of resources, has most effectively been explored by Harris (1968, 1980) but there has been little development by sociologists of the ideas of man/nature/time developed by c. and F. Kl uckhohn (1962, 1967). Psychologists have done considerable work in this area, but the social implications are still awaiting detailed research (Bochner 1982; De Grazia, 1962; Gonzalez, 1985; Levine, 1985; Yaker, 1972).

For the purpose of the present.discussion mention only will be made of the factors associated with ethnic group and intergenerational relationships. The following is a brief attempt to incorporate Kluckhohn•s (1967) ideas, changing intergenerational focuses, use of modern medical technology and the needs of, and provisions for, aged citizens. - 114 -

RELATIONSHIP WITH NATURE

Kluckhohn (1967) postulates that societies can be divided into three categories. First, there are societies which believe that man•s relationship to nature is one of subjection. These societies are past-oriented, and in them the most valued personality type is non-developmental, that is, they are interested in, but not overwhelmed by, the present. Relationships are lineal in principle and are derived from age, generational differences and cul tur.al tradition. Both continuity and ordered positional succession are of great importance in societies organized along lineal lines. Gemeinschaft societies are lineal in organisation (Tennies, 1963).

Second, there are societies which work in co-operation with nature; these are basically present-oriented and the valued

11 11 personality type is being-in-becoming • Being-in-becoming emphasises self-realization, the self as an integrated whole. Relationships are collateral, that is the laterally extended group•s goals, or welfare, is the responsibility of all the members of that group. All members of the group, extended family, clan or village are incorporated in the support and value network. Continuity through time and tradition are less important than the continued well-being of the group. - 115 -

Third, in the Gesellschaft type of society man is dominant

over nature, future-oriented: doing, planning, and

individualistic.

Kluckhohn (1967), while accepting that 11 ideal-type11

societies do not in practice exist, elaborates the social implications of each of these combinations of

characteristics. The first type accepts the slings and

arrows of outrageous fortune; for them, illness, disability

and death are unavoidable misfortunes. Examples of

communities evincing these characteristics are:

1. The reported reactions of the Bangladesh Villagers

affected by the cyclone and tidal wave (SMH 31.5.85

: 25).

2. New Guinea Highlanders• attitudes to death and

disability (Newman, 1971); and

3. Latin American slum-dwellers (Peattie, 1968).

These societies are not interventionist, and they display

little forward planning. Acceptance rather than

intervention or innovation means that modern advisers, whether they be medical personnel or economic planners, experience frustration; their well-meant and soundly reasoned advice is frequently seen as irrelevant, or unacceptable for a variety of traditional reasons (Stacy,

1978; Legge, 1981). Kluckhohn describes many Spanish-Americans as being examples of either the first or second of these variants. The dlfficulties they face upon entry into the United States as

·-~------poor migrants are attributable, to a large extent, to the fact that "whereas the Anglo-American is quite systematically trained for independent behaviour the Spanish American or Mexican is trained for dependence" (1967 : 353).

Many of the same values and forms of social organization can be seen in Greek villages (Schein, 1971) and among traditionally oriented Australian Aborigines (Rowley, 1972b). Kluckhohn (1967) specifically addresses the issue of multiple value systems within the one political entity. With its social diversity, the United States of America provides the illustrative examples for her argument. There is, however, no reason to doubt that the same variety exists in any polity, especially where a migration flow has occurred or is occurring. Kl uckhohn specifically argues that:

the rate and degree of assimilation of any ethnic group into ~eneral dominant American culture will 1n large part de end upon the de ree of oodness of fit o the group's own bas1c value or1enta­ t1ons w1th those dom1nant Amer1can culture (1967: 354 author's emphasis in or1g1nal). - 117 - Of particular interest is the subsequent discussion of who is affected by the dominant American culture. Many specific groups, even those long resident, such as the Amish, are clearly distinct, but so also are features of both upper class and lower class culture. Lineality is a feature of upper classes and being or being-in-becoming are characteristics of both upper and lower classes. The differential socialization patterns used by parents with their boys and girls have also produced different personality types. In this society boys are encouraged to be future-oriented, doing, dominant over nature and individualistic. Girls were socialized into a more passive, emotive role. Kluckhohn argues that the common school has latterly succeeded in teaching the dominant culture traits to girls; this produces women active in women's rights movements or highly confused women who, upon marriage, are expected to fulfil and are desirous of fulfilling a more traditional role.

The longer a person spends in school and/or university, the more firmly that person internalizes individualist, future­ oriented, dominant characteristics. Health workers and other professionals spend extremely long periods in education and training. Therefore, their "taken-for­ granted" world is almost inevitably "modern". It has been demonstrated that many migrants from non-English-speaking backgrounds are even more educationally ambitious than are - 118 -

the older Australian citizens for their children (Browning,

1979; Meade, 1983 a, b; Smol icz and Wiseman, 1971). Where

this ambition is fulfilled, there is an increased likelihood

of disjuncture between the value-orientations of succeeding generations. This disjuncture has implications·for the care of the aged, the utilization of services and the acceptance of health professionals (Multicultural Centre, 1984; Hearst, 1981; McMichael, 1985; Manderson and Mathews, 1985).

TIME RELATED VALUES

Different from, but in ~any ways a development of, Kl uckhohn' s thesis is the approach taken by Will en ( 1983). Willen sees the concept of time as intrinsic to an understanding of society, the other features discussed by Kluckhohn and Kluckhohn (1962, 1967) being subsumed by it. He defines four temporal orientations, Mythological, Eschatological, Historical and Rational. Because time is a universal and necessary feature of social and cultural life, these four orientations represent four alternative modes of ordering 1 ife.

The Mythological mode conceives time as past and subjective.

Human events, acti viti es and experiences are regarded as emanations from some ultimate, everlasting and supersensory reality. The Australian Aborigine's dreaming would appear to approximate to this mode. The Eschatological time mode - 119 - is equally as unsubstantiatable. It is the doctrine of the last ~hings: death, immortality, resurrection, heaven and hell. Social values and. institutions give expression to future expectations of a supernatural or timeless nature. Its significance lies in the feeling of alienation from the broader society experienced by those people subscribing to this mode and, unless that broader society shares these values, it can result in their withdrawal from community involvement into some self-redemptive groupings.

The Historical mode•s primary emphasis is on preserving the world of socio-moral values and customs and arresting the cultural erosion which occurs with the passing of chronological time. Will en• s his tori cal mode typology is basically individualistic, and is therefore useful in developing an understanding of the needs and orientations of individuals and of small groups and cohorts in a society. Yet it also has many of the features Durkheim (1947) discusses in societies bound together by mechanical solidarity.

The Rational mode is distinguished from the Historical in viewing the passage of time and the resultant changes positively. The admired personality type is the scientist. There is emphasis upon planning, controlling, budgeting and manipulation. The social organization associated with this time-orientation is organic solidarity. - 120 -

The type of social continuity associated with the historical mode is value-rationality and with the rational mode instrumental-rationality (Weber, 1978). Governments only succeed with the rational mode citizen if they are capable of articulating forward plans and logically implementing them. The rational mode seeks mastery and domination over the external socio-physical world.

Willen (1983) is as aware, as were c. and F. Kluckhohn, that pure types are seldom found and that any individual contains elements of each of the variations. However, he does argue that any individual is primarily associated with a particular mode of thought. It is not difficult to see the implications that these thought modes have upon decisions as to whether to seek help, the type of help 1 ikely to be seen as appropriate, and the frustration that health workers in advanced industrial countries may experience with people of a differing orientation. Australia's immigrant community contains people with each of these orientations (Legge, 1981, 1982: Treloar, Petritsi-Jones and Kerr, 1977). Issues related to family composition, future expectations, care of the aged and intergenerational values are all affected by these variables, as are individual reactions to the technical orientation of health professionals. - 121 -

URBAN VALUES AND ETHNIC IDENTITY

The impact of city living, of large conurbations, upon the value-orientation of people and their capacity to cope have been graphically illustrated by Wirth (1945, 1964). He argued that numbers, heterogeneity and density created a social structure in which primary-group relationships were inevitably replaced by secondary contacts and that these were impersonal, segmental, superficial, transitory and frequently predatory in nature. As a result of these factors the city dweller became anonymous, isolated, secular, relativistic, rational and sophisticated. Social breakdown was seen as endemic and inevitable (Reisman, 1958). Subsequent reassessment of both urban 1 ife (Gans,

1961, 1968) and of suburban values emphasised the idea of community, continuance of family relations and the development of quasi-primary relationships. Gans argues that the "urban villagers", comprised of various ethnic groups, maintained many of the features of Gemeinschaft societies. In the Australian context Bottomley (1979), Huber (1977), and Johnston (1972) also provide evidence of the continuity of values related to ethnic pride, and the value people place upon tradition and upon the obligations towards, and significance of, members of their extended family. - 122 -

The plurality of ethnic groups retaining differing levels of value orientation and maintaining group solidarity in varying degrees has prompted considerable academic speculation about majority-minority relationships. Researchers in the United States have been in the forefront of this area of social analysis: see, for example, Glazer and Moynihan, 1963; Gordon, 1978; Daniel, 1975; Dashefsky, 1976; Epstein, 1978; Meister, 1974; Myerhoff, 1979, Novak,

1971; Schermerhorn, 1970; Schneider, 1968; Van den Bergh~, 1970. There is also a rapidly increasing body of Australian literature, much of it sociologically based, that seeks to understand and record the Australian migration experience: among the most notable contributions are Bottomley, 1979; Bottomley and De Lepervanche, 1984; De Lepervanche, 1984; Huber, 1977; Johnston, 1972; Jupp, 1966, 1984; Martin, 1965, 1972, 1978; Martin, 1984; Price, 1975; Smolicz, 1979; Stoller, 1966, 1985; Storer, 1975, 1985; Taft, 1965; Taft and Cahill, 1979; Teo, 1971; Thompson, 1980.

This literature demonstrates that throughout Australia•s history, ethnic identities have not been regarded as having equal value in society. Their ranking has been strongly influenced by the nature of social stratification and the ethnocentric and culturally based stereotypes held by the existing society of the immigrant group (see, for example, Lewins, 1976; Marcus and Curthoys, 1974; McQueen, 1970; Price, 1974; Richardson and Taft, 1968; Shergold, 1985; - 123 - Stevens, 1972). These works show that the acceptability of immigrants is related to their degree of similarity, culturally and racially, to the host society. In addition there are the fascinating anecdotal social histories of Holt (1983) and Lowenstein and Loh (1977). Whatever the ethnic group concerned, the various authors present a clear and consistent theme: the difficulties that immigrants faced, no matter how economically successful, through being perceived as second-class citizens. No matter how much migrants were needed to populate the country and to develop the resources and industries, no matter how assiduously the Federal Government courted them, their reception by old-core Australians was less than whole-hearted (Jupp, 1966: Wilton and Bosworth, 1984).

When the total group of people coming to Australia since World War II is considered, they present the same educational and occupational profile as the receiving society (Ethnic Communities• Council, 1983). However, each migrant group does not share the same profile: some, for example immigrants from the United States, have educational qualifications considerably higher than those of the general society. Immigrants from Holland and Germany also have high educational qualifications (see Table 8). Other migrant groups have clustered in occupations requiring little education and have been particularly vulnerable to economic downturns. Lack of facility in English and of experience in coping with bureaucratic organization creates many - 124 -

disadvantages which affect all aspects of their lives. De

Lepervanche (1984) together with Collins (1975), Connell

(1977) and Wilson (1978) explain this disadvantage by using

a Marxist interpretation. They describe a society which, by

maintaining a segmented labour market, accepted migrants in

order to provide workers for jobs Australian workers refused

to do. The 11 dirty migrant syndrome11 sees Australian workers

as a labour aristocracy, uninterested in the conditions

under which immigrants work. Some writers contend that dual market theories are hard to sustain in Australia because of the strength of the trade union movement and because wages and conditions are determined by the Arbitration Court thus protecting the less powerful and articulate workers (Birrell and Birrell, 1981). Further cause to doubt the validity of dual market theories in Australia is occasioned by the high levels of educational achievement by the children of migrants and by data collected by New South Wales

Universities Family Research Unit. These data indicate that, among Australian families, those

where the father and grandparents were born overseas are the most likely to have both parents employed and for the mother to be employed full-time. This pattern of employment is reflected in the family incomes of this group. They have the highest average family incomes despite larger proportions in the relatively lower income groups (English and King, 1983 : 261). - 125 -

As a result, with each additional year of residence in Austrqlia the proportion of migrants owning or buying houses

increases steadily (Aust~alian Population and Immigration Council, 1976). It is nevertheless true that much of the work undertaken by migrants is dangerous and dirty. Shiftwork, overtime and danger bonuses raise income levels but at considerable risk to the health of the worker (Cox, 1975) .

Although all people arriving in Australia from overseas are

immigrants, Martin (1981 : 141) states 11 in the Australian

context, •ethnic• can be taken as synonymous with first or

11 second generation immigrant of non-English speaking origin • However, in the subsequent survey of the shifts which have taken place in the perceptions of, and about, minority groups in the United States, she says

minority group membership came to be seen not somuch as a marginal existence removed from the larger society, but, rather, as a form of social identity, a way of knowing who you are within the 1 arger society (Martin, 1981 : 143).

In Australia, as in the United States, Irish and Scot are included as categories in the national census and have maintained a strong sense of ethnic identity.

The Austral ian Counci 1 on Population and Ethnic Affairs (1982) appears to endorse this interpretation. The Council in tables headed 11 The Ethnic Origin of the Austral ian - 126 -

Population.. used British as one of its ethnic categories.

The Council argued, that for all groups except the

Aborigines there have been 11 more than enough success stories to prove there is substance to the hopes that have drawn migrants to Australia (1982 : 28), despite the fact that,

11 the single greatest barrier to successful settlement in

Australia is lack of English11 (1982 : 21). This affects first-generation immigrants. There is considerable evidence of the success of the children of non-English speaking migrants: see Ware (1981) Bottomley (1979) and Johnston

(1971), as well as, if less systematically, University

Acceptances (published each February). Novak (1971) and

Sklare (1965) argue academic and economic success is a factor in enabling individuals to re-assert their

11 11 ethnicity •

Ethnicity, then, is one of those words everyone uses but which is capable of many interpretations. The interpretation favoured in this discussion is 11 a way of

11 knowing who you are within the larger society •

In ethnically diverse societies there are two important factors:

a) minority groups; and

b) additional social differentiation. - 127 - Members of minority groups cannot avoid being caught between their identities as minority group members and their identities as members of the wider society if they wish--or are compelled--to maintain their minority identity. To a considerable extent, the power of the majority group can, whatever its basis of legitimacy, force preservation of minority disadvantages or expedite the reduction of disadvantage (Weber, 1978). However, whatever the policy and practices of the majority group, Newman (1973 : 286-93) points out there will always be different majority and minority group interpretations of what it means to be a member of a given physical, cognitive or behavioural minority and that the different majority and minority definitions of what a hyphenated identity means may conflict with each other. His table indicating the possible perceptions of multiple realities provides just as useful a framework for examining the Australian experience as it does for the United States.

The first situation is one where, despite differing expectations of the role of a majority group member and that of a minority group member, the individual is not caught in a conflict situation. Enjoyment of, and esteem in, both roles is possible. An example in the Australian context is Jewish Australians, proud of both identities with both parallel and integrated institutional structures. Individuals can move easily between their Jewish and Australian identity being both Jewish-Australian and Australian-Jew (Medding, 1968, 1973). - 128 - Figure.l4

Multiple Realities : Role Choices and Pluralistic Identities

Individual's Individual's respondents response to majority role minority role Role Role definition definition Situation Technique(s)

1 + + Multiple Multiple compatibility compliance 2 + Role Role conflict distance or role change 3 + Role Role conflict distance or role change 4 Multiple Multiple role role conflict rejection and role change Newman, 1973 : 286. Plus and minus signs indicate the individual's preference or dislike for majority and minority groups, and definitions of his social role as a minority group member.

It is not nearly as easy for the Australian Aborigine. Majority role definition is pejorative, the individual is comfortable within the minority culture and finds it supportive. He or she can withdraw into that community and have little contact with the whites (Situation 2) or can, in certain circumstances, pass into the white community and

'forget' his/her Aboriginality (Situation 3) (Broome, 1982~ Rowley, 1972 a, b: Gilbert, 1977: Perkins, 1975: Tatz, 197 5) • - 129 - This third alternative is one adopted by some communities. There is the possibility of rejecting the minority group•s self definition of its distinctiveness and attempt either role change or role distance within the minority community. It can be argued that the pre Wor 1 d War I I German community in Australia exemplified Newman•s second category whereas many of the post World War II migrants chose the pattern described in the third situation. That is, they accepted as valid native-born Australian's negative definition and actively sought to change that perception by adopting Australian values. Newman demonstrates that in psychological terms the most distressing outcome of this situation type is that of individuals who wishes to forget their minority group status and adopt the values and lifestyle of the majority, but are not permitted to do so-­ being constantly reminded by the majority 11 who 11 one is. This majority group rejection was formalised.during World War II with the internment, and public rejection, of many people of European or Japanese origin who had considered

11 11 themselves dinkum Aussies •

Fourth, it is possible for an individual to reject both the majority and minority definition of one•s master role. This response can manifest itself in three ways: a) complete physical withdrawal~ e.g., an Aboriginal Australian moving to Hawaii, where neither Aboriginality nor Australian identity is seen as significant; b) deviance; this variant is very similar to Merton•s retreatism (1968); and finally; - 130 - c) in an attempt to work within both groups to modify the behaviour of both. Certain noted examples of this type of behaviour in the Australian context include two Aborigines who became prominant in public life: Senator Neville Bonner and Pastor Douglas Nichols (one time Governor of South Australia).

Modification of any plural society is a continuous process. Anecdotal evidence describes an Australian community moving from being intolerant and insular vis-a-vis its migrant settlers to a more understanding and accepting attitude. The Australian government has reflected, and at times initiated, this growing tolerance. This change has been recorded elsewhere and needs no further elaboration here (see Birrell and Hay, 1978: Kovacs and Cropley, 1975: Martin, 1978). Accepting that modification has taken place, what is important is to consider•s the degree to which this process is uniform within the old Australian community, across the plethora of immigrant groups, and whether it is one-directional or even in the same direction for all groups at all times.

It is also important to ask to what extent this growing tolerance has resulted in adaptations within the major institutions of the society. Communications, radio and television are perhaps the most visible evidence of change, although the ratings suggest their service benefits only a very small minority. There are now newapapers servicing all - 131 - major ethnic groups. The legal system has responded by establishing an interpreter service, as has the hospital system. The various education departments have initiated a wide range of innovations whose success has resulted in the growing numbers of students in tertiary institutions from non-English speaking backgrounds.

Yet, whatever modifications have taken place within the broader Australian institutions and people, and whatever the changes taking place within individual ethnic groups, the position of aged peoples remains problematic.

Tolerance and acceptance by today•s society--where, and if, it exists--does little to eradicate the feeling of being

11 11 11 11 the stranger and even of being the disliked stranger • Attitudes formed in early migration experiences affect aged people's capacity to accept current services and provisions. Moreover, aged people whose values were past- or present­ oriented and whose temporal orientations differ from the broader community are confused by, and frequently fearful of, the future- and rationally-oriented professional.

Children and grandchildren will almost certainly adopt the values and orientations of the host society. This is especially true for those who are successful in the Australian education system. When this occurs communication between the generations is hampered as much by conceptual differences as by lack of language. - 132 - Disjunction between generations at all these various levels increases the probability that aged people from non-English speaking backgrounds will experience considerable feelings of worthlessness and rejection. In such circumstances, residence in an ethnically segregated retirement village, where the values and cohort experience of the residents and administration are similar, may provide at least the possibility of aged people retaining self esteem and dignity (Bengston, 1979; Cox, 1975b; Trela and Sokolovsky, 1979).

This disjuncture between values has traditionally been studied via the issue of assimilation and it is to this chat we turn in Chapter 5. - 133 -

CHAPTER 5

GORDON'S ASSIMILATION PARADIGM AND AUSTRALIA'S MIGRANT POPULATION

In examining polyethnic populations a variety of paradigms have been developed to facilitate the analysis of the relationship between migrant ethnic groups and the host, or core society. These paradigms typically focus on various features in the migrant community in order to determine the degree of congruence between the migrant group and the host society and to assess the degree of assimilation which has occurred. Depending upon the researcher's interests, differing features are emphasised. Jupp (1984) for example looked at political participation whereas Bullivant (1983) was more interested in the educational experience and Clyne (1979; 1984) in linguistic adaptation. Bottomley (1979), Huber (1977) and Johnston (1972) focused upon family relationships, Zubrzycki (1964; 1982) was concerned with psychological adaptation or identification, while Smol icz and Secombe (1979) examined intercultural interaction.

A leading theorist in migration studies and of polyethnic societies is Milton M. Gordon (1964; 1978). His works, and the resultant discussion arising from them have added enormously to the understanding of the processes at work in societies which have experienced prolonged and diverse migration flows. Although specifically applied to analysing - 134 - the United States of America, his theoretical framework is

equally applicable to any polyethnic society. In Australia,

which has experienced large migration flows over a number of years, and which, like the United States, is an advanced industrialized state, they are at least potentially useful in developing an appreciation of social relationships. Hastings, Clelland and Danielson (1982 : 190) described Gordon's paradigm as "the most frequently used, most elegant" of the various sociological approaches to the study of ethnically complex societies. So far the paradigm has not been used specifically to focus upon aged migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds.

ASSIMILATION IN THE UNITED STATES

Gordon (1964) examined the concept of assimilation in considerable detail. He described a highly complex set of interrelated processes in an attempt to "isolate and specify the major variables or factors contained in the assimilation process and (to) suggest their characteristic relationships" (p.l66).

Listing seven steps or subprocesses which represent stages along a continuum from stranger to total assimilation, he emphasised that not only is assimilation a matter of degree, but that each of the stages may take place in varying degrees. He did not asume that progression was inevitable, nor did he assume that all of a group would progress at the - 135 - same rate, that it is inevitably unidirectional, or that it was a process which should be encouraged or manipulated; nor did he make a value judgement about its desirability. He did argue that the process was developmental, that is there was a logical development from one stage to another; for example, for marital assimilation to occur, structural assimilation was necessary.

TABLE 15 The Assimilation Variables

Subprocess or Type of Stage of Special Condition Assimilation Term Change of cultural Cultural or Acculturation patterns to those behavioural of host society assimilation Large-scale Structural None entrance into assimilation cliques, clubs, and institutions of host society, on primary group level Large-scale Marital Amalgamation inter-marriage assimilation Development of Identificational None sense of people­ assimilation hood based exclusively on host society Absence of Attitude None prejudice receptional assimilation Absence of Behaviour None discrimination receptional assimilation Absence of value Civic assimilation None and power conflict Gordon 1964 : 169 - 136 -

Gordon originally used the term 'host society• for the group which_developed the norms towards which other groups entering the United States moved. However, in order to use

a more value free description he adopted the term 11 core group" to refer to the white Protestant element at any social class level because:

if there is anything in American life which can be described as an overall American culture which serves as a reference point for immigrants and their children, it seems to us, as the middle class cultural patterns of largely white Protestant, Anglo-Saxon origins (1964 : 1 70).

This neither implies approval of that culture nor denies that the contributions made by other groups, and by individuals, have not contributed tremendously to the mosaic which is modern day America.

After a brief discussion of four groups of immigrants to the United States--the Blacks, Jews, Catholics and Puerto Ricans--Gordon (1964 : 173-5) argues that: 1) Cultural assimilation, or acculturation, is likely to be the first of the types of assimilation to occur when a minority group

arrives on the scene~ 2) cultural assimilation, or acculturation, of the minority may take place even when none

of the other types of assimilation occur~ this condition of acculturation only may continue indefinitely. - 137 ...

TABLE 16

Paradigm of Assimilation (1964 174)

Paradigr.1 of Assimi!a:ion Applic:d to Selt1c:ed Groups in tile United States- Basic Goal Referent: Adaptation to Core Society and Culture

GROUP TYPE OF ASSIMII.!~ TION

ATTI- BE· IDEN· TUDE HAVIOR CUL- STRUC- MAR- TIFICA· RECEP- RECEP- TURAL TURAL ITAL TIONA ..· TIONAL TlONAL CIVIC

Negroes Varia· No No No No No Ye1 tion by class

Jews Substan· No Substan· No No Partly Mostly tially tially No Yes

Catholics Substan- Partly Partly No Partly Mostly Partly (exclud- tially (varia- ing Negro Yes tlon by and area) Spanis!;- speaking)

Puerto Mostly No No No No No Partly Ricans No

Gordon 1964 174.

On the other hand, as he points out, the success of the acculturation process has not guaranteed entry of each minority group into the primary groups and institutions of the White Protestant group. Nor has such acculturation success eliminated prejudice and discrimination, or, in many cases, led to large-scale intermarriage with the core society. Gordon does not at this stage raise the issue whether the lack of movement from acculturation to - 138 -

structural assimilation is the result of internal or external boundary maintenance. He does use the concepts of intrinsic and extrinsic cultural traits, which characterise any ethnic group, to explain relationships.

Intrinsic cultural traits are religious beliefs and practices, ethical values, musical tastes, folk recreational patterns, literature, historical language and sense of a common past.

Extrinsic cultural traits are dress, manner, patterns of emotional expression and minor oddities in pronouncing and inflecting English. These he sees as products of the historical vicissitudes of a group's adjustment to its local environment and are external to the core of the group's ethnic cultural heritage.

Examples given by Gordon of intrinsic traits are the Catholicism or Judaism of the immigrant from Southern Europe whereas the greater volatility of expression of the Southern and Eastern European peasant constitutes a difference in extrinsic culture. The same examples are applicable in Australia. - 139 -

Gordon also emphasises that structural assimilation inevitably precedes marital assimilation and equally inevitably leads to it.

Communal leaders of religious and nationality groups that desire to main­ tain their ethnic identity are well aware of this connection which is one reason for the proliferation of youth groups, adult clubs and communal institutions, which tend to confine their members in their primary group relations safely within the ethnic fold (Gordon 1964 : 178).

Once marital assimilation occurs the minority group loses its ethnic identity and identificational assimilation occurs. Gordon, therefore, sees structural assimilation rather than acculturation as the keystone of the arch of assimilation.

ASSIMILATION IN AUSTRALIA

The Australian Government's policy of multiculturalism is logically associated with its willingness to fund private schools and hospitals, ethnic radio and television and to give priority to migration permits for the teachers and religious leaders that specific ethnic groups sponsor. Ethnic group leaders also are aware of the implications of structural pluralism: even within the Boy Scout movement, which on the face of it is a mainstream Anglo-Saxon organization, there are specific Jewish, Catholic and Church of England groups. All ethnic specific religious groups, - 140 - such as the German Lutheran Church, the Maroni te Church,

Russign Orthodox, Jewish, Greek Orthodox and Macedonian

Orthodox, have youth gro~ps attached to them as do most of the ethnic specific social and service clubs such as the German Club, Hellenic Club, Castellorizan Brotherhood, Maltese-Australian Welfare and Social Club, Moslem Society and the Estonian Society of Sydney.

In addition most language groups have newspapers, a major focus of which is to maintain knowledge of, and interest in, the country of origin.

Australia, like America, has experienced three ideological or conceptual models of the way the amalgam of peoples which form the modern society are, or should be, related. The phrase "are, or should be", is used because there has usually been a difference between the rhetoric, and the practice. No one descriptive model has applied at any time in Austral ia• s past. Anglo-conformity (the adoption of the language, norms and values of the Anglo-Celtic core society) was certainly the rhetoric from the time of Foundation until the 1960s when melting pot ideologies received considerable parliamentary endorsement; by 1975 government rhetoric was seen to be the espousal of multicultural ism. At no time was the governmental position more than a goal model, the practice being very different.

Indeed it is difficult to see the rhetoric as even a goal - 141 -

model, as succeeding governments made little attempt to

bring Anglo-conformity into actuality. The German settlers

in the Barossa Valley maintained their community

distinctiveness until World War I, when an attempt was made

to circumscribe their structural supports. The Italian

communities of the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area and in the

Queensland cane fields, the Indians in Woolgoolga, the

Chinese in Sydney and the Jewish communities in Melbourne

and Sydney experienced hostility from their neighbours, but

no governmental action to restrict their establishment.

Australia, unlike America, had only a brief flirtation with

the ideology of the melting pot. This can perhaps be

attributed to the fact that the large migration inflows were

not experienced until after World War II and that the migrants arriving were more likely to demand their rights to maintain their culture than had the various peoples who

arrived in the United States. Nor did the Australian education system deliberately seek to instil patriotism in the same way as did the American school system. However, probably the most influential factor was that by the time

Australians began a flirtation with the ideology of the melting pot it was clearly demonstrated that in the United

States, despite the length of its migration history and the active endorsement of its various governments melting had not occurred. For many Americans, pride in being an

American existed conjointly with pride in being, for - 142 -

example, of Jewish, Polish, Greek, Japanese or Irish

descent. Australian theorists such as Zubrzycki, politicans

(Grassby), Government Commission of Enquiry Chairman

(Galbally) and Members of Parliament, therefore had

information from which they could assess migration outcomes,

plus a population rapidly growing more tolerant of

difference. There was no electoral backlash against the

government when it announced a policy of multiculturalism

despite some angry "letters to the Editor" and noisy

demonstrations at meetings sponsored by the Australian

Council on Population and Ethnic Affairs. These meetings

were designed to explain the policy and to allow public

discussion (Zubrzycki, 1982). Indeed so attuned was the

policy to the mood of the electorate, that all major parties

not only espoused the policy but actively sought to be seen

as the party most aware of the needs of the various groups

and sympathetic to their demands. The ideology however has

never been clearly articulated. There is considerable

confusion and disagreement whether the goal model includes

something more than cultural diversity, whether elements of

structural pluralism should be allowed or indeed sponsored.

As Jean Martin (1978) consistently pointed out, without

structural supports multicultural ism would inevitably degenerate into a variety of quaint practices. Successive

Australian governments have permitted, and in many cases

facilitated, the establishment of structural supports. - 143 -

There is, however, no movement to develop parallel legal or parliamentary systems, nor to use any language other than English as the official ,language. The core society will inevitably be weighted towards those structures which had their origins in the first half century of the Federation, that is Angl a-Austral ian structures. It is therefore quite likely that Anglo-conformity will remain the dominant social model. It is thus essential for any group, or individual, who wishes to be economically, politically, artistically, or professionally successful to be competent in the English language.

Gordon (1964; 1978) argued that structural pluralism was the inevitable outcome if structural assimilation does not occur. He also argued that structural assimilation was likely to take a long time, frequently a number of generations, before even the most similar of groups were thoroughly assimilated. The process was slow because of the attitudes of the migrants and because of those of the receiving society.

Originally migrants who came in any appreciable numbers:

created ethnic enclaves and looked for­ ward to the preservation of at least some of their native cultural patterns. Such a development, natural as breathing, was supported by the later accretion of friends, relatives, and countrymen seek­ ing out cases of familiarity in a strange land, by the desire of the settlers to rebuild a society in which they could communicate in the familiar tongue and - 144 -

maintain familiar institutions, and, finally, by the necessity to band together for mutual aid and mutual pro­ tection against the uncertainties of a strange and frequently hostile environ­ ment ( 196 4 : 1 96 ) •

Indeed this feeling of apartness that was generated, in many instances, created the conditions for its perpetuation, Gordon used the illustration of the Irish, who, unable to participate in the core society, became far more conscious of themselves as Irish than they had been heretofore. A modern example in the Australian context was the virtual creation of Italians from peoples who had seen themselves as Sicilians, Calabrians, Abruzzi or Treviso (Thompson, 1980).

The drive which took place to Americanize the children of the various immigrant groups frequently had devastating results. They not infrequently became alienated from their parents and from the restraining influence of family authority. When that occurred ethnic self-hatred, family disorganization, juvenile delinquency and social disruptions eventuated.

The attitudes of the receiving society were crucial in determining which of the above scenarios were likely to result. Anglo-conformity was likely to result in intergenerational bitterness. Gordon (1964 : 199) argued that the push to restore legitimacy to the migrants' cultures initially came from middle class intellectuals. In 1915-16 Dewey, Hapgood, Bourne and pre-eminently Horace - 145 -

Kallen argued in a series of journal articles (reported in

Gordo~, 1964) that democracy demanded the right and the dignity of the individual which they claimed was jeopardized by the philosophies of Anglo-conformity and of the melting­ pot. Their advocacy was triggered both by a commitment to liberal philosophies and by an appreciation of the har~ individuals, families and the broader community experienced from a denigration of the cultures and backgrounds of the various immigrant groups.

Kallen (1951) was one of the first of the theorists to argue that the melting pot was not in fact melting:

rather he was impressed by the way in which the various ethnic groups in America were coincident with particular areas and regions, and with the tendency for · each group to preserve its own language, religion, communal institutions, and an­ cestral culture (Gordon, 1964 : 200).

Kallen was convinced that the children and grandchildren of the non-English speaking immigrants must be taught to be proud of their cultural heritage before they could lose their sense of ethnic inferiority and feelings of restlessness. The same point has been made in Australia, especially by those theorists who are concerned with the conditions of Australia•s original inhabitants, the Aborigines (Rowley 1972a; Stevens, 1972; Gilbert, 1978). - 146 -

CULTURAL AND STRUCTURAL ASSIMILIATION

Gordon draws important distinctions between acculturation or cultural assimilation and structural assimilation. Structural assimilation he sees occurring at two levels. First there is the entrance of immigrants into the social cliques, organizations such as political parties, sporting associations and the general fabric of civic life. These activities involve people in the daily business of earning a living and carrying out political responsibilities. At this· level, relationships are largely secondary in nature. They do, however, almost imperceptibly lead to the formation of friendships, home intervisiting, communal worship and communal recreation. The type of relationship emerging from the latter activities is warm, intimate and personal. They are in Cooley's (1964) terms primary relationships. In colourful language Gordon asks why structural assimilation in America has been retarded. The answer he provides is that 11 it takes two to tango.. and 11 there is no good reason to believe that white Protestant America has ever extended a firm and cordial invitation to its minorities to dance". However, even when attributing prime responsibility to the more powerful and entrenched group, he says that:

with regard to the immigrant, in his characteristic numbers and background, structural assimilation was out of the question. He did not want it, and he had a positive need for the comfort of his own communal institutions ..• the situa­ tion was a functionally complimentary standoff (Gordon, 1964 : 206) • 147 - With the second and subsequent generations there are now many vested interests served by the preservation o£ this separate communal life. At all socio-economic levels and in all racial and ethnic groups the fact remains that:

it is against the background of struc­ tural pluralism that strategies of strengthening intergroup harmony, reduc­ ing ethnic discrimination and prejudice, and maintaining the rights of both those who stay within and those who venture beyond their ethnic boundaries must be thoughtfully devised (Gordon, 1964 : 208).

This lengthy exposition of Gordon's analysis has been undertaken for three main reasons.

First, the theoretical analysis is, in itself, such an important contribution to migration studies that it cannot be ignored in any analysis of plural societies.

Second, Australia's migration experience can be described as an accelerated version of the American migration experience. The tensions and the processes are similar but the time period has been contracted. It was therefore at least possible that many of the social interactions experienced in the United States would be reflected in the Australian society. It can, however, be argued that this very speeding up has encompassed Anglo-conformity, melting pot philosophy and multiculturalism within the life span of one generation. Therefore generations two and three will not experience the - 148 - same degree of cultural devaluation and of comparative rootlessness that the subsequent generations experienced in the United States.

Third, in Australia, the original generation, which is only now growing old in considerable numbers, constitute a uniquely interesting sociological study. Its ambiguous position needs understanding and appreciation at varying levels of analysis. Gordon's social analysis is one essential tool in appreciating the position of the aged from a variety of ethnic backgrounds.

Before the aged are considered, each cultural group needs to be analysed independently. Some general observations of Australia's immigrants will be attempted, using Gordon• s assimilation variables.

AUSTRALIAN IMMIGRATION PATTERNS

Australia's immigrants have come from almost every country in the world. Although the general perception of Australia as a nation of immigrants stems from the post World War II era, migrants had been arriving in comparatively large numbers throughout the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. There was a major Chinese inflow during the various nineteenth century gold rushes. The - 149 - Chinese immigrants were usually single males, many of whom never married due to difficulties arranging for Chinese girls to come to Australia. The Chinese remained a distinct group: even in 1985 comparatively little intermarriage occurs; boundary maintenance from both within and from without, is the norm. Other groups who had arrived before the beginning of the twentieth century included Germans, Greeks, Italians, Indians, Dutch and Swedes; all except the latter two groups had difficulty entering Australia after Federation. Most immigrants came as single men and attempted to bring fiancees or spouses to Australia subsequently. Exogamy rates were low. By the year 1891 the Australian population was 98 per cent white, 1.3 per cent black, 0.45 per cent yellow and 0.25 per cent brown (1891 census quoted in Wilton and Bosworth, 1984). Most groups developed small enclaves in the face of considerable ethnocentric disparagement, and maintained their culture, language and traditions. The Greek and Lebanese migrants were the two main groups who scattered throughout the inland areas. Gradually, by hard work and entrepreneurial skills, the became renowned as cafe• owners, small shopkeepers and ~! traders. Despite their dispersion endogamy was almost \ I I universal (Tsoumis, 1975).

The children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren of those early settlers--now well established financially, acculturated and frequently highly educated--have in many - 150 - cases been able to act as spokespeople for, and cultural interJ?reters to, more recent migrants. Using the terminology of Gordon's ~aradigm, very little structural assimilation occurred except amongst the highly educated.

Remaining entrenched within their ethnic communities, aged family members ware not seen as a problem or issue needing special attention. That they are now becoming so is a function of a series of interrelated conditions. Large numbers of people are growing old (see Tables 2, 3) and aged people in ethnic communities represent a far higher percentage o£ their individual communities than do the aged in the total Australian community1 many aged people from non-English speaking backgrounds speak 1 i ttle or no English

(Figures 9, 10, llb the 1 arge number of working women in the generation of potential carers has reduced the availability of carers (Table 7); as has the geographic dispersion of families; the current emphasis upon self fulfilment and independence has altered attitudes towards the care of the aged; where English-speaking, acculturated grandchildren often create friction within three generation families, and families used to living in a nuclear household are less prepared for the care of aged family members.

All these problems can and do exist even when endogamy is still the norm. Where exogamy occurs, the above problems are exacerbated. - 151 -

While generalizations can help us understand the pressure that is being put upon governments and upon caring agencies, - they are of little use in forecasting the needs of individual ethnic groups.

The diversity of Australian ethnic groups can be clearly seen by using Gordon• s Paradigm of Assimilation. The information from which the following classifications are drawn is found in Storer, Ethnic Family Values in Australia (1985); Holt, The Strength of Tradition (1983h Burnley,

Encel and McCall, Immigration and Ethnicity in the 1980s

(1984); Lowenstein and Loh, The Immigrants (1978); and

Martin, Community and Identity (1972). Ethnographies by

Huber (1977) and Thompson (1980) focused on Italians; while

Price (1975), Bottomley (1979), and Papageorgopoulos (1981) examined the position of Greeks in Australia. Medding (1968) studied the Jewish experience, Johnston (1972) the

Germans. A 1985 study by the N.S.W. Department of Ethnic

Affairs analysed the position of the Turks and that of De

Lepervanche (1984a) the Indians.

This diversity clearly demonstrates that there is no possibility of making general statements about Australians of non-English speaking origin. Nevertheless, governments and service providers do work in generalities. This tendency to generalize has the unfortunate effect of - 152 -

TABLE 17 Australia: Paradigm of Assimilation

Group Type of Assimilation

Cultural Structural :arital Identif- Attitude Behaviour Civic icational Receptional ~eptional

Italian Yes No No No No No Yes

Greek Yes No No No No No Yes

Turks No No No No No No No substantially Jews Yes Yes No No Partly Partly Yes Gennans Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

Indians No No No No No No No

inefficient targeting of services and of creating friction between various of the ethnic groups. Gordon's paradigm provided a most useful and effective model by which to analyse the state of the nation in any one time period. However it does not, in itself, make any contribution to an understanding of how a position was reached, the stability of that position, or the likely outcomes. That is, it does note enable prediction of the directions that various groups are likely to take nor does it provide information regarding the type of intergenerational tensions likely to occur within particular ethnic groups. - 153 - After applying Gordon•s paradigm to expand knowledge of the society, it is evident that an analysis of the interaction process between immigrant groups and the host society becomes necessary. Smolicz and Secombe (1979) have developed such a schema of the possible forms of interaction between two cultures. A brief discussion of their approach is undertaken next. - 154 - CHAPTER 6

CULTURAL AND PERSONAL VALUE INTERACTIONS

Two of Australia's leading sociologists in the area of migration studies are J.J. Smolicz and M.J. Secombe. Their particular field of interest is the educational performance of children from non-English speaking backgrounds. In order to extend the understanding of the widely disparate educational performance that they had observed, they developed a paradigm which examines possible forms of interaction between two cultures (1979, 1985).

Smolicz and Secombe argue that one can only appreciate the position of people living in a culturally pluralistic society by using the principles of humanistic sociology: that is, by understanding how the actors participating in the interaction interpret the situation. While not di smi ssi ng group conscious ness, they assert that "of equal import are the thoughts, feelings and activities of individuals as cultural beings and active participants in the life of a group" (1979 : 6). - 155 - CULTURAL VALUES AND INDIVIDUAL RESPONSES: AN OVERVIEW

Every nation or ethnic group, they argue, has a unique set of cultural values which can be described as the group's cultural system. In addition each individual member of the group constructs for himself or herself a personal system by selecting from the group's system those cultural materials which meet their own particular needs. They thus see the personal cultural system as a mediator between the culture of the group and the private world of the individual.

In all pluraiistic societies there are multiple interpretations of reality. The dominant culture interacts with a wide variety of other cultural systems from which an individual can select that set of values which, for any number of a variety of reasons, is appropriate for that individual. An individual can select an homogeneous cultural system, either that of the dominant group or that of the group from which the individual came. On the other hand, the individual can select heterogenously. In this case one of two outcomes occur: a) coalescence of values drawn from cultural systems (ethnic or Anglo-Saxon), in varying proportions, to form a new type of system (Method III Synthesis or Hybrid Interaction). - 156 -

b) formation of a dual system of cultural values in which

the two components coexist within an individual and are activated by him in different cultural and social contexts (Method II Dual System) (Smol icz and Secombe,

1979 : 7).

Solution a) if universally adopted would lead to what Smolicz and Secombe refer to as Hybrid Monistic to distinguish it from Anglo-conformity, which they label Dominant Monism.

Sol uti on b) they 1 abel intra-personal or internal cultural pluralism, to distinguish it from interpersonal or external cultural plural ism.

This theory of cultural interaction does imply that an individual is free to choose from either cultural stock in constructing his or her own value system. This is obviously unlikely to be the case in a number of situations. For example, if a person wishes to succeed at the Higher School Certificate, the dominant values of the Australian school system are Anglo-conformist. Punctuality, forward planning, impersonality and deference to (male and female) supervisors are required in many occupations. These are not features of all value systems but demand at least external conformity for a successful occupational future. - 157 - TABLE 18

Possible Forms of Interaction

Between Two Cultures (A & B)

Methods of adaptatic:n to Nature of personal Corresponding group A&B by individuals systems situation

(i) SEPARATISM Exclusive Monistic External Cultural Either A or B adopted Pluralism on its own by different individuals

(ii) DUAL SYSTEM INTERAcriON Dual System Internal Cultural Both A am B adopted by Pluralism the same individuals, but activated by than in different situations.

(iii) SYNI'HESIS TYPE Hybrid Monistic Hybrid Monism INTERAcriON Neither A nor B on their own, but new arra.lgam, derived fran both, adopted by individuals

(iv) CCNFORMISM (e.g. Anglo) Dcmi.nant Jl:minant (Anglo) Only A or B on its own, Monistic Monism depending on whichever is daninant, adopted by individuals

Smolicz and Secombe 1979 7

In addition they point out that although theoretically individuals can draw from a variety of cultural stocks in constructing their own personal adaptations, in reality each ethnic group includes beliefs about its own distinctive identity. Thus no two ethnic communities will react similarly to their migration experiences. They argue that - 158 - the Dutch have demonstrated low ethnic tenacity in Australia

whereas in Indonesia they maintained a high ethnic tenacity.

Similarly, it will be argued later that German settlers to Australia in the last century had a high ethnic tenacity but those arriving after World War II have had low ethnic tenacity. Greeks on the other hand throughout the millennia of their diaspora have maintained their language and traditions, and their attachment to Greece. The mechanisms adopted in order to achieve this continuity include parallel institutional structures and enclosure. These will be subsequently discussed in more detail.

The receiving country's values and institutional structure also limit, or facilitate, maintenance of ethnic value structures. Australia's official acceptance of religious freedom and plurality of educational structures has enabled Jews, Germans, Greeks, Turks and Lebanese, for example, to establish places of worship, which serve to maintain and reinforce cultural values and act as a centre of communication between people of the same, or similar, value systems. The establishment of the Lutheran Church in the Barossa Valley enabled the development of German Schools and the maintenance of the German language. The role of the church and the school in providing access to potential marriage partners also served to maintain the language and customs of the settlers. - 159 -

Smolicz and Secombe (1979) suggest that migrants into the

Australian structure will probably be able to maintain a positive sense of ethnic identity in a manner which was not possible for those peoples migrating to the U.S.A. a couple of generations earlier. There they had to accept either Method (iii), Hybrid Monism (melting pot) or Method (iv) Anglo-American conformity. The introduction of languages such as Greek and Polish (and German, Italian, Spanish) at Higher School Certificate level, the publication of newspapers in multiple languages, ethnic radio and television serve to maintain cultural pride and facilitate 1 anguage maintenance. Without these supports non-English speaking persons are disadvantaged in relation to their legal and social service rights. In addition these services

11 11 effectively reduce the barri er from wi thout •

These supports enable some individuals to maintain Method (i) Separation and many others, although some groups more easily than others, Method (ii) Internal Cultural Pluralism. The two basic criteria for this maintenance are: 1) sufficient numbers in sufficient concentration, e.g. Greeks in Marrickville, for ethnic institutions, professionals and services to be viable; and 2) a culture which is language­ centred. Smolicz and Secombe see Polish and Greek as examples of language-centred cultures. They point out that the 11 introduction of ethnic languages and culture into schools is particularly important since the low socio­ economic profile of most immigrant parents ensures that what the school fai 1 s to supply, can only be very rarely - 160 - compensated for at home" (1979 : 10). Smolicz and Secombe do, however, concede that not all cultures are primarily language based. The Italian culture has "core values (which) are the primacy of personal relationships and of right behaviour within these relationships" (1979 : 14), and the Jewish culture is "centred in religion, peoplehood and historicity (which) merits special attention because of its abi 1 i ty both to adapt to the host society and to maintain itself even without the invariable need of its own ethnic language" (1979 : 15).

CULTURAL VALUES AND INDIVIDUAL RESPONSES: GERMAN-AUSTRALIANS

German-Australians have arrived in this country in two main waves. The circumstances of their migration and the climate of opinion within Australia produced two radically different outcomes.

A useful brief history of German migration to Australia appears in Ruth Johnston's Future Australians (1972). The first major groups to arrive settled in the Barossa Valley in 1839 and 1848. They left Germany to establish a Lutheran community in rural settings. The conjunction of geographic isolation and the activities of their own pastors permitted the establishment of institutions, religious, educational, occupational and social in which they could maintain their language, and by inter-marriage, their culture over a number - 161 - of generations. The German schools were closed in 1917 during World War I, but it was not unti 1 the Second World War that the Lutheran Church's role was diminished; "the

majority (of the people) howev~r, still retained many German customs and values, so that scholars studying pre-war settlers in Australia have little hesitation in classifying them as not assimilated" (Johnston, 1972 : 19).

Despite this strong community, not many Germans were attracted to Australia in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II however, with Europe devastated by bombing, and with the big influx into Western Europe of people moving away from the Russian Occupation Zone, many Germans, determined never again to become involved in a European War, saw Australia as the furthest, and therefore the most desirable, place to settle. The Australian

Government offered assisted passages to appr~ximately 25,000 Germans. This initial agreement was followed by a second agreement in 1958, and a third in 1962.

Johnston's research (1972) indicated that these immigrants were determined to forget about Russia and Communism, and, although maintaining wherever possible, contact with kin in Germany, to join the Australian community.

There was no attempt to duplicate the attitudes of the early settlers and establish institutions whose role, and effect, was to maintain German culture and exclusiveness. In fact, - 162 - the reverse was the case. The new settlers encouraged their children to enter fully into the Australian way of life, to speak English and to seek their marriage partners from the wider community. One respondent in the German.Retirement Village (see Chapter 10) said "I sent my children to the local Presbyterian youth club because I felt it important for them to marry non-Germans. Had they gone to the Lutheran youth group they might have met German girls".

In Sydney however few German institutions have developed and those which have are open to anyone to join, especially anyone who speaks German - whether they be Polish, Hungarian, Czechoslavakian, Austrian or Australian. Even in the aged people accommodation units there are residents from many countries other than Germany, despite the fact that long waiting lists exist, which would enable exclusiveness. In Sydney German newspapers are available, German is frequently taught in the secondary school system, the German Lutheran Church is established and there are German priests in the Roman Catholic Church. In addition, a German welfare organization was established to assist with difficulties brought to the attention of the churches and Consulate. The Consulate itself is available but, as in Western Australia, does not concern itself with long term settlers unless they are seeking to return to Germany (Johnston, 1972 : 20). - 163 - Geographically the post-war German settlers have spread into areas which reflect their socio-economic status rather than their ethnicity. They have the lowest concentration rate of any of the major non-English speaking migrant groups (Burnley, 1980).

Occupationally also they have become well established. Educationally their achievement level was the second highest of all national groups arriving in Australia, Austrians having a slightly higher level, largely because of the Jewish component. Both these groups had considerably higher levels of education, and of professionals, than had the receiving society (Martin, 1981). This is reflected in them having, as a group, the highest average weekly earnings in Australia (Edgar, 1980). Their widespread acceptance by Anglo-Australians is reflected in a number of studies. Edgar (p.288) reports the findings of Oeser and Hammond (1954), ASRB (1971) and Buchanan (1976), all of whom found Germans ranked second after the British as preferred migrants. Despite widespread acceptance and economic prosperity Price (1971) found that over a fifth had returned to Europe. The children of those who stayed tended not to marry people of German origin (Price, 1977).

Using Smolicz and Secombe 1 s paradigm it is possible to describe those Germans who arrived post World War II as more likely to have developed a synthesis type interaction. This - 164 - means that for most of the group both their personal and their corresponding group situation is a hybrid collection of non-conflicting values drawn from both the German and the Australian value systems. Where this occurs there is reduced likelihood of intergenerational tension. There is also little likelihood that aged group members will have need for specific ethnically oriented services. This point is developed further in the chapter specifically on Garman­ Australians.

CULTURAL VALUES AND INDIVIDUAL RESPONSES: GREEK-AUSTRALIANS

The situation of Greek-Australians is radically different from that of the Garman-Australians. Their early migration pattern, in contradistinction to that of the Germans, was to spread widely throughout the community. Physically no large ethnic enclave developed, but a series of small groups comprised of people from specific areas. For example, Kytherans settled initially in Sydney and by 1890 were sufficiently established to move into N.S.W. towns and buy or open more restaurants, Ithacans settled in Melbourne and Kastellorizans in Perth (Tsounis, 1975). - 165 -

Tsounis attributes the survival of Greek communities to the following factors.

1. Greek culture and language is very different from that

of the Anglo-Australians. Greeks• awareness of the

antiquity, diversity and significance of their cultural

heritage stimulates an attempt by community leaders and by individuals to preserve it.

2. Greeks have always been a nation of settlers and

wanderers. Being aware that successful Greek

communities existed throughout the diaspora, some of

them maintaining their Greek identity even after 2000 ' years, provided the modern Greek communities with role

models. This awareness has reinforced their belief

that they are capable of surviving as a distinct people preserving their culture and language in whatever

country they settle.

3. Greece•s struggle for independence against the Turks,

the two World Wars and the Civil War raised intense

feelings of nationalism which found expression in the

glorification of Greece and a Greek identity.

4. As immigrants in a foreign country there was need for

propinquity in order to help each other and in order to establish and maintain ethnic institutions and

services. - 166 -

5. Close communities helped the dissemination of

information about employment opportunities and acted as

cultural interpreters for newly arrived migrants.

6. Ethnic communities in Australia have been constantly

revitalized by chain migration flows.

7. 11 The exclusion of Greeks from the different spheres and

levels of the host society--because of the cultural

gap, lack of the English language and other skills, low

socio-economic position and even physical

characteristics--has forced them to construct an

alternate social and cultural environment 11 (Tsounis,

1975 : 20).

Not that closure from within or from without was

impermeable: the male female ratio was such that between

1900-21, 42 per cent of Greek males from Kythera married non-Greek women. However, the preference for Greek marriage partners continued, when more Greek girls arrived in

Australia 1922-40, the exogamy rate dropped to less than

fifteen per cent. This reached a low of ten per cent by the early 1960s (Price, 1975). It is difficult to calculate endogamy rates in the 1980s as fewer Australian-Greeks are first generation. Price argues that in-marriage is still the norm. Bottomley's (1979) ethnography of second generation Greeks would support this opinion. In her sample - 167 - of well established, mainly wealthy, second generation Greek-Australians there were very high levels of in-group marriage; the unmarried daughters both expected and wished to marry someone of Greek background. The wide range of sporting and social clubs, close knit family, friendship and kin networks and the strength of parental pressure combined to facilitate endogamy. Primary group relations were extensive, the extended family enclosed many of Bottomley's subjects, secondary relationships also were usually, by preference, Greek. Contact with Anglo-Australians was mainly work related. None of her subjects completely rejected their Greek heritage despite some considerable tension between parents and adult children, especially females, about the choice of marriage partners. The children accepted that that choice should be from within the Greek community. Mackie {1975), Cox {1975) and Isaacs {1976)--all of whom have researched Greeks resident in Sydney and Melbourne--substantiate these findings. The strength of the kin network, the feelings of being different from, and frequently superior to Australians, and the desire to maintain cultural pride and practices are extremely strong. These findings held across socio-economic groups, across length of residence in Australia and against area of origin. - 169 - Using Smolicz and Secombe's typology the upper socio­ economic status individuals who were respondents in these studies adopted a dual system: they could activate either Greek or Australian behaviours depending upon the social setting. Their preferred form of interaction was however hybrid monistic, as was that of their social group. Their behaviours were sympathetic with but different from those of their parents• generation. There was considerable social and value distance from the core society.

Working class parents who were in relaxed, united family situations were also moving towards a form of hybrid monism, whereas the insecure isolates were holding firmly to an exclusive (Greek) monistic belief system (Isaacs, 1976). Children of both groups were largely Greek enclosed, but aware and sometimes also envious of the greater individual freedom that Anglo-Australian teenagers enjoyed.

Retention of Greek values, language, pride and the creation of Greek institutions of all varieties have enabled large numbers of Greek-Australians to remain buffered from the broader Australian community. In numbers of areas in both Sydney and Melbourne it is possible for people to live a virtually enclosed life. Where the original generation adopts this option, there is a far greater likelihood of intergenerational tension as it is inevitable that the second generation attend Australian schools (even if they also attend Greek Saturday school). Attending Australian - 169 - schools and becoming fluent in English inevitably expose the children to Australian norms and values (Isaacs, 1976; Mackie, 1975). In addition, Greek parents are anxious that their children should be academically successful; as mentioned previously, they have the highest level of aspirations for their children of all groups which have been surveyed (Browning, 1979~ Marjoribanks, 1980). For each generation social relationships were primarily with siblings, other relations and friends of the same generation and ethnic background.

Upward social mobility has a price and that price is a high degree of acculturation. Professionally successful Greeks have synthesised their belief systems. However, this synthesis is likely to be at a different level from that of the older generation; this is especially likely to occur where the parents come from a peasant background. This idea has already been developed in the discussion of 11 Mul tiple

Realities and Plural Identities11 (see Chapter 4).

The independence-and individualism necessary for professional achievement can also affect the upwardly mobile person•s attitudes towards care of the aged. Australians, to a very large extent, accept that elderly people will maintain their independence (Graycar, 1984a, b,; Job, 1984; - 170 - Legge, 1984b; Russell, 1981). Where the elderly person retains values in which care of the aged is mandatory, the situation of that person is one fraught with unhappiness and difficulty (Legge, 1981, 1982). The issue of values and the care of the aged is taken up in the next chapter. - 171 - CHAPTER 7

SYDNEY 1 S ETHNICALLY SEGREGATED AGED PEOPLE 1 S HOMES

Villages specifically constructed for aged people from Estonia, Germany, Greece, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Poland and Russia are located within the Greater Sydney region. The villages are extremely diverse in their geographic location, ranging from inner suburban sites to semi-rural retreats on large blocks of land, the largest being 28 acres. This dispersion in part reflects economic circumstances and the availability of land: however it also reflects the assessment made, by instigators of each of the villages, of the needs of the population the village is designed to service. The villages are also extremely diverse in their admission policies, the cost of entry, the degree of enclosure, the liberality of the administration and the extent of contact with the broader community. Each of these aspects will be described independently.

Visits were made to all the abovementioned villages (11 in all, see Appendix 3), and interviews with administrative staff were arranged. The interviews lasted from three to four hours and additional time was spent on guided tours. The tours were an opportunity to see the facilities but, more importantly, were a way of assessing the relationship between the administration and the residents. The interviews canvassed a wide area of concerns: why the - 172 - village was established and by whom; who made decisions about the acceptance of potential residents and who initiated the move to the village; costs of entry; languages spoken; food differences; and entertainment. Also discussed were the characteristics of the residents. The factors seen as important included reasons for migration, type of migration (individual or chain), length of residence in Australia, the marriage and educational patterns of the residents, their adult children. Also explored were patterns of contact with the core society and the significance of continuing contact with the country of origin. The interview schedule is appended (Appendix 4).

The villages are designed to service the needs of specific ethnic communities. These needs emerged from the characteristics of the immigrant group, and from the reasons for migration, both of which influenced the degree to which mainstream facilities were inappropriate. In all cases the building of the villages was initiated by the individual ethnic group, all were partially funded by a mixture of group activity and Federal Government subsidy. All were established by 1976 although in several cases considerable additions were subsequently completed. - 173 -

VILLAGE BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE

All villages were developed by groups of concerned people, frequently acting in conjunction with a religious organization. They developed slowly in response to a gradually recognized need, the need of old people who because of isolation, family breakup, cultural regression or chanqing social mores and conditions were unable to maintain an independent lifestyle yet had no family able, or prepared, to accommodate them.

Estonians arrived in Australia as political refugees. They had experienced the disruption of World War II and the absorption of their homeland by the U.S.S.R. This history occasioned a determination to retain the Estonian language and culture, a clinging to Estonian friendships and Estonian identity. Initially the sense of community was very strong and the Estonian organizations which developed decided to establish a place to which old Estonians, especially those who were poor and with few English language skills, could retire. A large block of land was purchased and a small building erected. There were shared kitchen and bathroom facilities but no caretaker. Gradually further accommodation units were added; these included both hostel and individual units. Prices vary according to type of accommodation and date of building. The latest independent units are resident funded as there is no longer Federal - 174 funding for sel £-contained units. The Superintendant is

Estonian, as are many of the staff; however the ethnicity of

the staff is not seen a~ important but it is a requirement of all residents that they speak Estonian whilst in the village. Of all the villages visited the Polish, Estonian and Russian villages were the most firmly enclosed. All other villages had some residents who come from other regions than the one the village was designed to service. The degree of village encl'osure however does not mirror the degree of enclosure the ethnic group as a whole experiences. Second generation out marriage is the norm for the Estonian, German, Dutch and Russi an communities.

The Polish and Hungarian villages were commenced by, and are still staffed by, religious orders. The Russians, Estonians, Poles and Hungarians were refugees, or displaced persons. This fact is important for two main reasons. The breakup of their families of origin resulted in few kin being available to provide an extended network. The inability to ret urn to their homeland meant they had to accept Australia, no matter what circumstances they encountered; there was therefore the necessity to succeed and to integrate. As mentioned above, however, they saw themselves as survivors of a beloved homeland, a homeland now no 1 onger existing. They had therefore dual and conflicting needs and values--to succeed and integrate and to preserve and validate their experiences and culture. - 175 -

The situation for people from Germany and Holland was, and

is, entirely different. The great waves of immigration were immediately after World War II and many of the immigrants also suffered family disruption and relocation; however, both Germany and Holland are to-day economically successful, politically stable and independent. Re­ migration to the homeland is possible and has occurred for approximately 20 percent of both German and Dutch settlers (D.I.E.A. 1984). High educational qualifications (Table 8) and similar value orientations (Chapter 4) facilitated a less stressful migration experience. Nor did they experience the burden of representation that was experienced by the refugee settlers. The rationale behind village development was based on the cultural regression, loss of English as a second 1 anguage and the need of old people to validate their life experiences, particularly their childhood experiences through shared cohort reminiscing • Of the villages visited only the Estonian and the Dutch have no contact with specific religious organizations and do not use religion as an assessment criteria.

The Dutch village is in a main suburban area, close to transport, and almost beside a huge shopping complex and railway station. Only one-third of the residents are of Dutch extraction. The administration admits it misread the need for a Dutch village; they would not encourage the establishment of other Dutch vi 11 ages as "Dutch people, i £ - 176 -

they are going to enter a retirement village at all, prefer

to do.so near their family or friends". All the Dutch

residents made their own decision to enter the village, their English language skills are good, their food

preferences catholic and their finances sound. Just as they migrated, making their own decisions, so in their old age, they retain this individualistic, independent attitude. The cost of entry varies depending upon whether the accommodation is independent unit or hostel. The two bedroom independent units entry cost is $40,000.00. This normally involves an initial payment of $40,000.00, over the first five years of residence this becomes non-refundable, by a reducing percentage each year. After that, the residue (80 per cent of the initial cost) is treated as an interest­ free loan to be repaid to the estate or to the individual should the accommodation be no longer required. Single bedroom units and hostel rooms are less expensive but in all cases there is a reducing capital outlay plus an interest free loan residue after five years. In cases of hardship the initial cost can be waived, or reduced but so far few potential residents have sought a reduction.

The Dutch village is non-demoninational, no inquiries are made about religious affiliation. There is, however, a very 1 ong waiting 1 istr some appl i_cations are made ten years before the proposed date of entry. Their residents get preference for hostel vacancies. - 177 -

The Italian and Greek villages were established by religious

leaders working in conjunction with a wide range of

community leaders. In both cases considerable resistance was experienced from members of the community on the grounds that elderly people needed to be with their families and that families wished to fulfil their traditional caring roles. In both cases chain migration enabled a renewing population and continued contact with the homeland.

However, community opinion gradually came to realize that some aged people had no families and that not all families were in a position to care for the aged £ami ly members even if they wanted to. Support and fund raising together with generous Federal funding under the Aged Persons Hostels Act,

1972 enabled the construction of the villages. The extent of community acceptance can, however, be seen as lagging behind leadership initiative: despite the fact that residence in a hostel gives priority of entrance to the ethnic nursing homes, not all hostel rooms are occupied by the relevant ethnic group.

In summary the degree of enclosure of the village population varies depending upon the criteria used for assessing enclosure. Table 19 applies only to the village experience.

Elsewhere it is argued that the lack of demand for places by

Greeks and Italians can be, in part, attributed to the community as a whole being enclosed. It is also argued that what gives security to the aged is not necessarily a criteria for assessing the attitudes of other members of an ethnic group. - 178 -­

TABLE 19

Enclosure Pa,tterns by Ethnic Village

Language Religion Staff Residents Food Dutch Estonian ++ +- ++ German ++ +- +- Greek

Hungarian +- ++ +- +- +- Italian +- ++ +- +- ++ Polish ++ ++ ++ ++ +- Russi an ++ ++ +- ++ +-

++ highly enclosed, limited to ethnic group +- some exceptions not releyant in the village

WAITING LISTS AND CRITERIA FOR ENTRY

Both the Hungarian and Russi an vi 11 ages had vacancies. At this stage the Russian village, under the Fraternity of the

Holy Cross, has strict entry limitations: to enter the independent units one has to be Russian Orthodox. The hostels have accepted a couple of non-Russians but prefer not to do so. The management recognizes that this will - 179 - become inevitable as there are few aged people of Russian extraction arriving in Australia and the second generation are less likely to choos~ the Russian village, especially when it means 1 eaving family or friends in other states. Several of the residents come from interstate.

The Hungarian village was already accepting people from the broader community. Residents included people from China, Poland and Yugoslavia, there was also an Arab couple (country unspecified). As these people did not speak Hungarian the administration expected them to be able to speak English.

In all villages the basic requirements are the same: entrants must be over sixty five years of age for men, and over sixty for women. This age condition is laid down by the Federal Government as a condition of funding (McLeay, 1982). In self contained units the applicant's ability to look after him or her self is assessed and-in hostels new residents have to be mobile, continent and mentally alert. The transition from one stage to the next is decided by discussion between the doctor, social worker, the resident and the resident• s family, usually the move is instigated by the superintendent. The superintendent has the final say if a dispute occurs, though this seldom occurs: a negotiated outcome is usual. Depending upon the sensitivity of the superintendent, the availability of staff and the pressure - 180 -:-

on accommodation, the move may be precipitated or deferred.

Several residents in the Russian, Polish and Hungarian

villages were receiving .attention which could only be described as appropriate for a nursing home rather than an

hostel.

The various villages are widely known throughout their

communi ties. The Hungarian village for example has received applications from Adelaide, Brisbane, Canberra, Newcastle and Whyalla. The Estonian village has had applicants not only from many Australian states but also from America, New Guinea and New Zealand, immigration criteria have blocked the entry to Australia of some potential residents. Applications are handled in strict order of receipt. No non-Estonian residents are accepted, not even when married to an Estonian. The German village also attracts residents from interstate. A feature article in a German language newspaper, for example, triggered a couple of applications from South Australia. Usually people are accepted in order of application although that is not rigidly adhered to in cases of extreme hardship. The waiting time from application to entry is approximately seven years.

The Polish village receives its residents from local areas, many of them brought by the police or social workers. They are usually frail isolates, poor and with a history of traumatic events. Entry is free as it is for most of the other hostels; residents contribute, on average, 80 per cent of their pension. - 181 -

The Greek and Italian villages are hostels: the Greeks have small self contained units in another location. The criteria for entry into the Greek hostels is 11 need above

11 everything else • Most residents in these villages come from the Sydney metropolitan region. Both are prepared to accept people from other ethnic groups when space is available. The Italian village has two criteria for entry, firstly for Italians and secondly for the needy. Need does influence the order of acceptance. There was no waiting list for the hostel rooms, due to lack of Italian applicants: residents included three Anglo-Australians, two

Hungarians,. a couple of Maltese and a Greek. These were people from the local area attracted by residential

11 11 propinquity, reputation and lack of entry donation •

Except for the Greek woman all were Roman Catholics, she is

Greek Orthodox but attends the village chapel. The

Hungarian and Polish villages also expect residents to attend the local Roman Catholic Church.

The German village is German Lutheran. However, there is no requirement for residents to be Lutheran, and many residents do not adhere to any religion: among the residents there has been a German Jew. Restrictions do, however, exist. It is mandatory to speak German. The German village is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 9. Table 20, summarises the entry demand by people of the same ethnic group, the length of the waiting period and the comparative cost. However, those villages listed as high cost in this table are not - 182 - expensive when compared with cost of entry to the resident­ funded units currently being constructed. The highest cost mentioned was $40,000.00 and much of this was eventually refunded to the estate or to the resident upon departure.

TABLE 20

Demand for Accommodation, Waiting Period and Cost by Ethnic Village: Self Contained and Hostel Units

Accommodation Overall Demand by Waiting Period Cost Ethnic Group

Dutch ++ ++ Estonian ++ ++ ++

German ++ ++ +- Greek +-

Hungarian +- Italian

Pol ish ++ +-

Russian +- +- +-

++ High demand, long waiting period, considerable initial cost. +- Moderate demand, moderate waiting period, moderate cost. Low demand, short waiting period, no cost. - 183 - VILLAGE LEISURE ACTIVITIES

The old aphorism "the more you have the more you want" holds for the residents of these villages. The only villagers who complained of lack of activity were the German villagers. Having led full and varied lives, they wanted a full and varied retirement. Card parties, afternoon teas, bush walks, a discussion group, occasionally a visiting speaker, the local municipal 1 ibrary, a garden club, day excursions and sometimes bus tours (as well as individual holidays around Australia and overseas), a monthly music evening and availability of both German and Australian newspapers and periodicals left some of the residents dissatisfied. Several mentioned they would like more classical music, and wished they could have properly organized intellectual "discussion groups. The Dutch and the Estonian villages each have one such group, organized through Sydney Uni versi ty• s Department of Continuing Education. In the Dutch village a constant supply of books is received from Holland and the local municipal council library makes available a rotating library of some two hundred large type books. The Miranda

Fair Westfield Shopping Town next door provides a range of entertainments, coffee shops and other facilities.

At the other end of the spectrum is the Italian village. "Mostly they just sit and talk," Italian newspapers and

books are available, radio and television sets are in most - 184 - rooms but "they feel they have worked so hard during their 1 i ves., they want to rest ...

The facilities and activities in the other villages range between these extremes in a fairly predictable manner. The Estonian village, despite its geographic isolation, has an active social and rich intellectual 1 ife having a library, organized book discussion group, music meetings and several clubs whereas the Greek villages, despite their central location, are closer to the situation described in the I tal ian village.

There are a number of contributing factors. Usually retirement leisure activities and attitudes are a reflection of the leisure activities and attitudes developed during the pre-retirement period.

Health and financial considerations are also relevant, as are available facilities and the established leisure patterns of one1 s peers. (ACOTA, 1985; Blau, 1973; English and King, 1983; Job, 1984). It is obvious from the above description that people in independent living units have an enhanced leisure experience when compared with hostel units. Previous studies of self contained units would indicate that financial and educational considerations are not necessarily the causal factor in determining the quality of retirement for those people who have chosen to enter villages although - 185 - they do have a considerable impact (Hochschild, 1972; Legge,

1984). Age also would not appear to be the main factor as the age of the residents in self-contained and hostel units is similar. Self-determination, self-perceived health status, previous activities and interests and cultural expectations of aged behaviour merit further investigation.

FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS WITHIN THE VILLAGES

These differ radically between the different villages. As may be expected the Dutch villagers, with their high level of English language competence, their economic security, immigration history and settlement pattern, choose friends by educational level and personality traits. There was no Dutch clique. Germans too appeared to be influenced by these factors but financial well-being, or lack of it, also influenced friendship patterns (see Chapter 9). The criteria for the Italians was more likely to be area of origin. This was partially, at any rate, dictated by ease of communication. The regional dialects are different and the use by the residents of standard Italian was unusual.

Estonian friendship patterns were 11 dictated by their educational level and by their hobbies ..• the level of intelligence determines if they can enjoy each other•s

11 company •••. money does not matter at this age anymore • - 186 -

Russians are far more status conscious. Where one lived

before arriving in Australia influenced where one lived in

Sydney and with whom one associated. No matter how

successful a person has been in Australia, their background

still has a considerable impact. This pre-migration experience was important for traditional family status

reasons. Pre-migration experience is even more important

for the Greeks. Unlike the Italians, divided by dialect and

the Russians by traditional socio-economic factors Greeks

are divided by regional loyalties. Place of origin is the

significant factor. People in the Polish village do develop

some relationship, based on the area from which they came in

Poland. However, basically they are isolates and

friendships do not develop. Some of the same inhibitions

exist for the people living in the Hungarian Village however they do make friends. The management says that these

friendships are based on education and intelligence because,

as one administrator remarked, 11 you cannot expect a lady

with higher education to be able to speak to a lady who was

11 working all her life on a farm • The suggestion that this

pattern may be based on social class rather than on

education was firmly rejected. These friendship patterns would suggtest a rejection of Wild1 s (1978) suggestion that

solidarity of the aged may be developing. They endorse the

findings of Russell (1981) that class, education, control of resources and leisure interests extend their effects into all age groups. - 187 - FAMILY AND FRIENDS

This was a difficult are~ to evaluate, obviously the managements of all villages were anxious to portray their village as a happy, integrated society, with maximum contact with the outside world. The fell owing comments therefore reflect reality as seen by the managements, it may, or may not, reflect reality as seen by the residents. Nevertheless the picture has the flavour of veracity. It is what commonsense would expect.

The Russian village, having extremely aged residents and being situated an hour and a half journey by car out of Sydney receives no old friends, and families usually visit only on name days and on significant religious festival days. The children of the residents are themselves old. Similarly the Polish village receives few outside visitors. The residents are frequently childless, or have lost contact with their families either through the circumstances of war, divorce, or personality characteristics. The residents formed few, if any, long term friendships during their Austral ian residence. Groups of young Pol ish immigrants occasionally visit and provide some form of entertainment or party.

The Estonian vi 11 age also can only be reached by car, or by train being met at the station. It is the village furthest from the metropolitan area. Despite this visitors are - 188 - frequent, both family and friends regularly make day

excursions to the village. Residents also spend quite extensive periods away from the village, house sitting their children's homes whilst they are overseas, or travelling themselves. There are always village neighbours to look after the gardens, even for extended periods of time as they know there is reciprocity.

The Italian, Greek and Hungarian village administrators accept that few, if any, old friends or neighbours visit the villages. Families are expected to visit and if, as occasionally happens, children leave considerable periods between visits they are contacted, and "nicely' reminded of their obligations.

By comparison the Dutch and German villages present as hives of activity. The Dutch village in particular enjoys an excellent public transport faci 1 i ty. Germans claim to have made, and maintained, a wide circle of friends, frequently of non-German origin. - 189 -

CHILDREN: INTEGRATION AND EDUCATION

The following discussion is based entirely upon the perceptions of senior administrators. No survey was undertaken except in the German and Greek Villages, the results of which are reported in the relevant chapters. An administrator at the Russian village expressed the opinion that

It is difficult for people born in Australia to understand coming to Australia for our people, the nearest thing would be for you to win the million dollar lottery. When they came to Australia they thought this was a second Eden. The children have gone through many levels of education their parents never had the opportunity.

Russo-Australians have taken advantage of opportunities, have become citizens and have re-established families. The superintendent of Kentlyn Homes was enthusiastic about the way the migration experience had resulted, educationally, economically and socially. The second generation he saw as successful, motivated and integrated except for one area, that was religiously. The Church had held the group to­ gether in China and was fulfilling the same role in Australia. The initial generation maintained close links with the church and were prepared to accept marriage partners for their children from any ethnic group as long as that person converted to the Russian Orthodox Church. - 190 -

Estonians also have done well economically and educationally. As an administrator remarked,

Before entry to the village all owned their own homes and there are hardly any sons or daughters who are not university educated - maybe a couple of lazy ones but only a couple. Most of the sons and daughters have married non-Estonians. This creates a problem if the older people do not speak English but they have accepted other nationalities easily.

Education and the nationality of the children's spouse was a theme canvassed at all the villages (see Interview Schedule

Appendix 4). In general the children have done well. The only two village managers who thought the children mirrored the broader community were the German and the Italian. In the case of the German, interviews within the village tended to indicate that the children had done very much better than the manager was aware. Only the Italian and Greek managers were of the opinion that the residents were upset by their children selecting a spouse from outside their community.

In both cases their definition of "community" was very much narrower than the national group; the home region or even village was the significant area. Only in the German village did there seem to be a positive preference for a - 191 -

non-German spouse, but that arose from the particular circumstances of having been "the enemy" in World Wars I and II and the fear that their grandchildren might suffer if there were a third war.

Overall the interviews indicated an unusually high level of academic achievement by the second generation. Mistilis (1986) has demonstrated the educational success of the children of immigrants, the village residents would appear to have children abnormally concentrated amongst the high achievers. It is argued elsewhere that high achievement and acculturation are covariants and that acceptance of retirement accommodation is a growing Australian pattern. If this is the case the high educational achievement of the second generation would contribute to retirement village placement. The more acculturated the second generation the greater the pressure for retirement village development.

ATTITUDES TOWARDS RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE AGED

The question of who should be responsible for the aged was approached from two conceptually different directions. Issues relating to instrumental support were separated from those issues relating to affectional support. This division was clearly appreciated by administrative and religious leaders; however, some expressed the view that many of the - 192 - old, and quite frequently the carers also, did not distinguish between them. Some indication of the differing sentiments expressed by ~he administrators can be gauged from the following quoations. These administrators were in daily contact with the village residents and their families.

Italian Italians feel the government has the first res:ponsi bil i ty to look after the aged. They feel people contribute all their 1 i ves and when it comes to the :point of old age the government should provide good pensions, and good accommodation, and assistance they need.

Dutch

The individual is primarily res:ponsible for himself, then the family if there is need. They get the pension this provides them with enough to live. They feel that is as much as the government should do. They came here (Australia) of their own free will and they can go away any time. They know this and they accept it.

Polish The new wave of Polish immigrants will come and dance or sing but they feel no res:ponsi bi 1 i ty to help f inanci ally or practically. The old Polish community does feel quite res:ponsible for them because they remember what it was like to be in a concentration camp, even though they themselves are now successful. I tell them they should be grateful to be in Australia and won't allow them to complain.

Greek The children tend to see the government as more responsible than themselves. The third general:.ion think of themselves that they should have a good time while they are young but the old people, yes, I - 193 -

think definitely the old people think it is their children who are responsible. They look to their children, the church is responsible spiritually but the government they ignore it completely in Greece there' were no pensions, no homes for the aged. Hungarian The government is very generous giving help. I don't think many governments would give more. It gave the home and the pensions. Families should help their old people but here, because of government generosity there is no need. German The basic responsibility is seen as the Government's. It is responsible to pay their pension. But in cases where difficulties are arising it is the children who should be responsible. Not the church, not other chari ta bl e organizations.

Some have saved for their retirement, some assist their children. Really they seem on multiple tracks. Government, children and themselves­ just 1 ike Australians.

Russian The reason this place is not full is that the vast majority of elderly Russians 1 i ve with their family. They see this as correct. They don't expect anything from the government because of the type of background that they came from . The people who came from Russia and China have a very laissez faire attitude. They say "if we get it, we get it, if we 11 don't, we don't • They are so grateful for the government accepting them. The children are different. They say, "the government should do this, the government should do that .•.. " But that is more of an Austral ian attitude isn't it? - 194 -- Except for surveys undertaken in the German and Greek villages, no attempt was made to verify the validity of these observations. In the German village interviews demonstrated tha~ the residents were generally happy with the pension and other benefits provided by the government. They assumed responsibility for their own lives, had saved, wherever possible, for their retirement and considered this distribution of responsibility appropriate. They looked to their children for affection, delighted in family festivals and enjoyed contact with their grandchildren. They did not need or anticipate instrumental support from their families.

In the Greek village the residents firmly expressed the opinion that they were responsible for themselves. Families had enough to do, with their own lives, work, house and children. They accepted the pension as a right. This contradicts the above comment. It is hypothesised that reasons for this disparity in perception can be found in the fact that these people had been placed in the institution by their family and the old people needed this interpretation of reality in order to maintain their sense of self-worth and their family solidarity. The fact that so far, there is such a small demand for places in the village by elderly Greeks tends to substantiate the administrators opinion. - 195 -

DISCUSSION

The ethnically segregated villages service three main

populations:

1. Those who are culturally regressive. People who have integrated well into the Australian milieu. Who, during their working life, have achieved success, made friends and joined Australian organizations but who·

11 11 have never entirely ceased to feel the stranger • Upon retirement, or with increasing age, the need to be with people with whom they can exchange reminiscences, who have the same cohort experiences and a similar understanding of reality becomes extremely strong.

2. The misfits, the loners, people whose early life traumas were such they never really recovered. For these people an atmosphere is therapeutic where they can hear their own original language; eat food prepared for them in their own ethnic style; be with others who have been similarly traumatised.

3. People who have remained enmeshed within their ethnic group. People whose English language skills are minimal and whose values have, to a significant extent, remained suspended in time. This group traditionally were cared for, in their old age, by members of the - 196 -

immediate family, from whom, and from their extended

family they received warmth, acceptance and

companionship. The Australian culture, which

encourages two income families, work undertaken some distance from the place of residence, and values of independence and individualism is eroding these traditional supports. This group is potentially the largest category.

The group most nearly approximating to Category One are residents of the German and the Estonian villages. Interviews in the German village clearly demonstrated the residents feelings of not being entirely accepted, the enemy in two world wars, and of a need to be with others sharing their cohort experiences. It is impossible to generalize from their feelings. While these feelings are doubtless felt by a number of other people of German origin, as confirmed by the length of the waiting list, interviews with residents of some four other retirement villages, who were of the same age group, tends to indicate that, at least for a large number of people, the mainstream Australian services are preferred. People interviewed in these other villages, expressed a positive preference for a multicultural community, a locality near their former residence and a desire to maintain a previously established network. Those people living in the village spoke of the changed Australian climate of acceptance of migrants and of the modifications - 197 - which had occurred in values and lifestyle in the past thirty years. Not one expected their children to want an ethnically segregated village in their old age. The German Roman Catholic community, which is currently endeavouring to build a village in the Mt. Druitt area, recognizes that the need for a segregated German Village will be short term. They are working in conj uction with the st. Vincent de Paul organization so that the village will pass smoothly into the Roman Catholic Retirement Village organization as places cease to be filled by people of German extraction.

The Estonian village residents were less integrated into the broader Australian community than were the German migrants. Three reasons contributed to this lack of integration. Firstly coming to Australia as a wave of refugees created a close knit community and so the need to find support in the broader community was reduced. Secondly 1 ack of English language skills contributed to enclosure from within. Thirdly political events in their country of origin perpetuated a need to remain a distinct entity.

Despite all these factors contributing towards the maintenance of an ethnic enclave only a minority of immigrants have remained firmly within that community. The effective life of the village, as an Estonian village, is limited. There can be little doubt that in the decades since it was established and for the next ten to fifteen years the village will serve an important function. The village will, inevitably, service a wider community. - 198 .-

At the furthest extreme the Dutch village is not, and probably never was, necessary. Dutch people have always been preferred immigrants. Their English 1 anguage skills, education, income and dispersion pattern is such that despite a continuing love of Holland, despite a pride in their culture and history they are highly integrated. Their cultural values are similar to those of the Anglo-Australian core culture. They have intermarried with the Anglo­ Australians and have been happy to do so. Only one third of the accommodation in the village is utilized by people of Dutch origin. There seems little reason to expect this percentage to increase.

Model 2, the 1 oners, the misfits, is exemplified by the Polish village. This group of people is not unusual, refuges for the homeless, the disinherited, exist in all cities, in all industrialized societies. Family breakdown, unemployment, psychological disturbance is common in societies where organic solidarity has superseded mechanical solidarity as the type of social organization. What makes these people special is their lack of English language, their wartime experiences, the invasion, post war, of their homeland and their migration experiences. It is unlikely that the Sisters of Brother Albert•s Home will find any shortage of prospective residents for many years to come. - 199 - Of importance to the Australian community is the potential need of a number of our other immigrant groups for similar facilities. This applies to any group whose homeland has been invaded, where family breakdown has occurred and where the refugees language and culture is dissimilar to that of the host society. Vietnamese, Kampucheans, Lebanese, Turks, Sri Lankan Tamils, are some of the groups likely to experience similar problems.

Numerically by far the most significant group is those whose English language skills and educational levels have precluded their adoption of Australian cultural values and their ability to use, or culturally accept, the mainstream provisions for the aged. The people from the Mediterranean littoral are those most easily identified, but by no means the only group, in this category.

The Italian and Greek villages are experiencing little pressure for places. This can be attributed to the still held values of family care. It would, however, appear inevitable that as increasingly large numbers of people

become aged, and the 11 carers11 generation, already with very -high levels of women in employment, find they cannot cope with the increasingly frail older generation, demand for places will multiply. Interviews at the villages indicate that the older generation feels rejected, betrayed and bitter at being placed in these institutions. There is also - 200 - considerable evidence that the middle generation feel they are betraying their aged. They feel ashamed, guilty and sad. However, the economic necessity for two incomes, the plight of an elderly person left alone throughout the day and the increased longevity of the frail aged combine to push the carers generation into accepting villages, not as a preferred option but as the lesser of two evils. This pressure is increased as the carer's generation are gradually acculturated and·begin to see that villages can provide an improved quality of life, friendship and security for the old person. These points are discussed, at length, in Chapter 8. As has already been demonstrated many of the children of migrants have been educationally and economically successful. This success in the Australian school systems cannot be attained without absorption of Anglo-Australian norms. Figures 10, 11 and 12, demonstrate the economic status of the immigrant community and the intergenerational differences in language skills. Figure 11 is especially significant as it indicates the carer's generation has had little chance to absorb Anglo-Australian values because of lack of language skills but that the younger generation is rapidly gaining those skills. The interviews revealed an exceptionally high level of academic achievement amongst the children of the residents in the Greek villages. It is interesting to note that not one administrator suggested that endogamy provided an insurance against village placement. There seemed to be a pattern - 201 -

described of Anglo-Austral i ans adopting the 1 anguage and

family of their spouse rather than the reverse. A couple of

the administrators postu~ated that this was because of the warmth and companionship of the I tal ian and Greek families and the sterility of independence and individualism in the Australian family. This issue was not researched but it would provide a fascinating area for a thorough research i nves ti gati on.

Neither the Hungarian nor the Russian village fits neatly into any category. Cohort experiences are clearly of overarching significance. Of considerable importance also are lack of English language skills and educational and economic deficiencies. In addition the children have integrated into the broader community and been educationally and economically successful. They thus contain features of all three models. Neither village is full. This in itself argues a diminishing need for hostel, as distinct from nursing home, accommodation. The upwardly mobile children are not likely to prefer ethnically segregated villages.

None of the above discussion should be interpreted as implying that all old people wi 11 need vi 11 age accommodation. At any one time only five per cent of the retired population are in institutions. That figure is not evenly distributed as approximately fifteen per cent of the over seventy-five-year-olds are in institutions. Thus the - 202 - vast bulk of the aged population remain in their own homes or in the homes of their children. As the various ethnic groups age there is no reason to suspect that the demand for places will exceed the Australian average. However, at the moment their utilization of institutional accommodation is minute by comparison with that of the total society. Accepting that demand will increase, it is appropriate to examine the constraints which exist and attempt to incorporate the variables which will produce the most appropriate, acceptable, and satisfying outcomes in any planned expansion of accommodation.

Having established the broad picture of retirement village accommodation and its ethnic aged residents the following two chapters provide greater detail by looking at two specific ethnic groups. The material is a collage made up of general information gained from case studies of particular villages. The purpose of this analysis is to test the paradigms presented in Chapters 4, 5 and 6 and to gauge the quality of life experienced within the village. - 203 - CHAPTER 8

RETIREMENT VILLAGE FOR THE ETHNIC AGED: GREEK-AUSTRALIANS

The Greek presence in Australia commenced on 28th August 1829, when seven young men, aged from twenty to twenty-two years old, convicted for piracy in Malta, were transported. Five of them returned to Greece in 1836, but the other two married Australian women. They prospered, one becoming a wine maker~ both became citizens.

By 1891 there were 482 Greeks living in Australia and by 1911 this number had risen to 2500 (Papageorgopoulos, 1981 42). This latter figure is seen as an overestimate by Price (1985). What is not disputed is that the Greek presence in Australia was confined to relatively small numbers until 1954.

Such numbers as there were in the early days of settlement were largely composed of male pioneers (Price, 1975 : 13). New South Welsh Greeks were predominently Kytheran. In the years 1900-1921 42 percent married British-Australian or other non-Greek women. However, for many of these women the strength of the Greek way of 1 i fe "overcame much of their •Australian• way of life. The women took to learning Greek and adopting 1Greek 1 values" (Burns, 1985 : 205). The same phenomenon is reported by the Pastor in charge of Scalabrini - 204 - TABLE 21

German and Greek Australian

Residents - Census 1901-1971

Greek German

1901 878 38352 1911 1798 32990 1921 3654 22396

1933 8337 16842

1947 12291 14567

1954 25862 65422

1961 77333 109315

1966 140089 108709

1971 160200 110811

Austral ian Immigration 1978 12

Village. When discuss~ng such in-marrying spouses of the children of various of the residents, he commented upon their fluent Italian and their integration into the family.

A couple of the aged women claimed such "ethnic recruits" to be their favourite daughters-i n-1 aw. As the Greek community expanded and more Greek women arrived in Australia, out­ marriage became 1 ess frequent, reaching a 1 ow of 10 per cent bet ween 1965-1968. - 205 -

TABLE 22

Greek Marriages in Australia (per cent)

Grooms born in Greece* Brides born in Greece* Birthplace of Bride Birthplace of Groom Year Greece• Austral~a Other Nos. Greece• Australia Other Nos. 1947-55 65·9 27·8 6·3 2611 78·8 5·9 15·3 2183 1956-60 90·4 6·8 2·8 9987 92·0 1·3 6·7 9917 1961-64 91·0 5·3 2·9 12~505 91·9 1·6 6·5 12,500 1965-68 91·9 5·0 3·0 15,313 92·4 1·7 5·9 15,095 1969-72 82·4 11·4 6·2 10,178 89·1 3·8 7 ·1 . 9416 Second generation, born in Australia 1965-68 43·2 42·1 14·7 70·4 15·7 13·9 1968-70 31·1 42·9 23·0 32·7 48·8 18·5

• Includes Cyprus. For the second generation the left-hand column headed 'Greece' means an Australian-born groom of Greek parentage marrying a bride born either in Greece or in Australia of Greek parentage, and vice versa for brides.

Price, 1975 15.

The second generations born in Australia have a high level of out-marriage; however, as Price (1975 : 15) observes, this may be more apparent than real as many people Austral ian-born of Greek descent remain enmeshed within their ethnic community. Bottomley's (1979) study of second generation Greeks in Sydney substantiates this pattern.

Greek people have always, from ancient times, settled abroad. The philosophy of the diaspora has been to retain Hellenic culture and 1 anguage. Contact with the home community has been maintained through family contacts and - 206 - though cultural ambassadors (Papageorgopoul os, 1981). Many

11 11 of the settlers have maintained the dream of return • This

dream, and their continued attachment to Greece, have militated against incorporation in the country of settlement. It has served to encourage language retention, in-marriage and the existence of strong family ties. In Australia this dream has been realized by large numbers of Greek settlers, re-migration has at times exceeded the inflow of Greek migrants.

TABLE 23 Greek Settler migration and remigration: Annual Averages (includes Cypriots: Time Interval is mid-year to mid-year).

(1) (2) (3) (4) (3/2) Year Settler Arrivals Settler Loss Net (per cent) 1947-51 2375 -25 2350 1·1 1951-61 7270 -210 7060 2·9 1961-66 14,520 -1300 13,220 9·0 1966-71 10,960 -5220 5740 47·6 1971-73 5400 -7650 -2250 141·7 Total average 8480 -1930 6550 22·8 (Numbers 220,400 -50,100 170,300 )

P ri ce , 197 5 1 5 . - 207 -

The strength of the Greek attachment to Greece, the integrity of the Greek family and the retention of ethnic identity has resulted in

Hundreds of different kinds of organiza­ tions (which are) particularly active and the multitude of communities often develop their own cultural and social programmes. The Greek language news­ papers and other publications with sub­ stantial circulation create astonishment by the intense interest with which they follow Greek, Australian and internation­ al issues. The maintenance of the Greek language and the cultivation of interest in everyday occurrences within the native land are only two of the significant roles played in their missions. Of great worth also are Greek radio and television programmes (Papageoropoulos, 1981 : 58).

Papageoropoulos proceeds to emphasise the contribution made to Australia by citizens of Greek origin. He lists large numbers of (~en) civic leaders, professional, scientific, sporting, commercial and community dignitaries.

This glowing picture of success is, however, only one side of the equation. Success has been achieved by hard work, frequently in an hostile environment (Doczy, 1974; Martin, 1965; Price, 1963; Shergold, 1985).

Evans (1984) claims that the Mediterranean immigrants have the weakest English skills, the least education, the lowest incomes and the lowest status occupations of any group of Australian immigrants. Her thoroughly researched and wide ranging paper presents a counter to the euphoric - 208 -

descriptions of Papageoropoulos. Tables 6, 8, 9 and Figures

7 and 10 in Chapter 3 substantiate Evans• argument.

However, the immigrants who arrived before World War II have prospered economically (Bottomley, 1979). Significantly

high percentages of them were self-employed with concentrations in small shops and cafes (Price, 1975). The post war concurrence of chain migration, low cost housing,

a vail ability of ethnic services and opportunities for

(unskilled) work occasioned high levels of ethnic concentration (Table 14; McAllister and Kelly, 1983).

Peasant backgrounds in Greece (Bottomley, 1979; Encel, 1981; Martin, 1978) ensured that the immigrants had low levels of

educational achievement (Table 8). Occupationally, post war

migrants are concentrated in unskilled and semi-skilled

positions (Table 9); as a result average income is substantially lower than the Austral ian average (Figures 12, 13) .

There are few professionals from within their own ethnic group (Table 10) and English language skills are insufficient for many of the people in the community to

comfortably interact with professionals (see Chapter 7). Stresses engendered by migration are exacerbated by the

family changes necessitated by women taking up paid

employment (Table 7) and by intergenerational differences in 1 anguage competency (Figures 9, 10, 11). - 209 -

Atypical of the broader Australian experience, the children

of Greek working class fandl ies tend to be highly upwardly mobile. Students from non-English-speaking countries generally have higher educational aspirations than Australians or students from other English-speaking countries. This pattern prevails when both university and college education is considered, despite the parental socio­ economic position.

For other students high aspirational_levels correlate strongly with the high occupational status of their parents

(Sturman, 1985). As previously mentioned, parental aspiration is instrumental in length of stay within the educational system; Greek parents consistently exhibit the highest level of aspiration (Meade, 1983}.

Aged people of Greek origin are 1 ess 1 ikel y to be fluent in English than the subsequent generations. This affects power relations within families (Martin, 1975). In addition Greeks of any generation are distinctly less likely to be employed in the public sector, and less likely to be willing to interact with the bureaucracy, than are migrants from many of the other areas of migration (Evans, 1984). Several factors can be advanced as contributing to this situation.

Poor language skills inhibit public sector employment, while lack of public service role models within the Greek community together with high levels of small entrepreneurial acti viti es effectively contain many of the people seeking employment. - 210 -. Aged people are far more likely to retain values, maintain relationships and adhere to Greek cultural expectations than are subsequent generations.

Newman (1973) has pointed out that there are always different majority and minority group interpretations of what it means to be a member of a given physical, cognitive or behavioural minority; moreover different majority and minority definitions of what a hyphenated identity means may conflict with each other. To be a Greek-Australian means that the individual perceives himself in multiple ways. The role choice may be to retain Greek culture, to shed it or to adopt some form of synthesis (see Smolitz and Secombe). This choice is not freely made for a number of reasons. These reasons include the resources, cultural and economic, of the group and the attitudes of the receiving society. Whether a group as a whole, sections, or individuals within it move in a certain directiom that direction is at least in part, determined by the enclosure mechanisms both from within and from without.

Australians have not always seen Greeks as preferred migrants. A negative definition, however, as Newman (1973, see Chapter 4) demonstrated does not have to be accepted and research indicates that the negative definition of the receiving society has not damaged the pride the Greeks feel in their own identity. Rejection can have the positive outcome of maintaining ethnic cohesion and strengthening community solidarity. - 211 ·- Connell, Ashenden, Kessler and Dowsett (1982), Isaacs (1976), Jakubowicz (1984), Kalatzis and Cope (1984) and Totaro (1978) all suggest that the school experiences of children from ethnic backgrounds vary from problematic to unfortunate. Greek families, however, have placed considerable emphasis upon educational achievement and students arriving in tertiary institutions have maintained strong ethnic pride combined with upward social mobility. In Newman's terminology, they seem to have experienced remarkedly little role conflict but they have adapted a number of their social roles and maintained considerable social distance from the broader society. Barriers from within are at least as instrumental in maintaining this social distance as are barriers from without.

Evidence suggests that the aged in the Greek community have maintained an identity almost exclusively Greek. In Smolitz and Secombe's terms, they sustain an exclusive monistic personal system. Second generation Australians of Greek descent are more likely to adopt a dual system, especially throughout their school days. This merges into a synthesis type interaction as they become older, especially if they move into tertiary institutions. The value system between generations is thus disparate (AIMA, 1983; Bottomley, 1979; Hearst, 1985; Isaac, 1976; Martin, 1978; Price, 1975; Walters et al., 1977). - 212 -

Inevitably the carers• generation retains many of the values

towards the aged which agree with those of the aged people. They have also absorbed many Australian cultural values (Allen, 1984: Huber, 1984: Hugo, 1984: Lee, 1984: Legge, 1981). Acceptance that age-segregated accommodation may sometimes be the preferred option and a belief in

independence are incorporated in Australian attitudes towards the aged (Legge, 1984a; Russell, 1981).

Disjuncture between intergenerational value systems has considerable implications for the life satisfaction of

elderly people. It also has implications for providers of services and for the planning of appropriate accommodation.

Elderly Greek people tend to be past-oriented: they accept life as co-operation with nature. Having come from a

Gemeinschaft type society and having retained many of the features of that type of society within the community, they have retained a lineal type of relationship and are frequently committed to eschatological values, combining these with historical orientations (see Willen in Chapter

4). These values, entrenched in their cultural system, are at variance with the future oriented, rational values of health professionals and the values associated with the

Australian educational system. - 213 - Gordon has examined the way in which acculturation may occur, ·and the likelihood of it occurring. He emphasises that acculturation and integration are not necessarily associated, as the high level of acculturation but low level of integration of American Blacks evidences. In her discussion of the phenomenon of an enduring and expanding sense of identity being co-incident with a high level of acculturation and civic participation, Martin (1972) posits that the increasing education of leaders provides both a source of ethnic pride and a resource by which ethnic organizations can successfully represent their members and facilitate the strengthening of ethnic organizations. While

all except for a few immigrants - like elderly housewives, isolated within the circle of their families - do in fact have to relate themselves personally to structures within the larger society (1972 : 122).

This relation can only be positive if certain minimum requirements are met. These include a knowledge of the English language and a capacity to find their way within the existing social structures. Martin sees the ability to represent an ethnic group's interests as essential for long term ethnic group survival. In the Australian context she sees Italians, Greeks, Jews and Chinese as having generated the type of structural arrangements capable of maintaining long-term ethnic organization. - 214 -

Whether or not long term formal organizations continue, Martin argues that long term ethnic networks will endure.

She does not see these networks as resulting from exclusion by the core society. They will continue because of the positive feelings engendered by ethnic pride and shared values.

In fact while Australians have been stubbornly looking in the one direction (towards integration) a kind of pluralism has been quietly consolidating in the other (1972 : 128).

Returning to Gordon's Assimilation Paradigm it is apparent that for Australian-Greeks a considerable degree of acculturation has occurred. This has not lead to widespread structural assimilation, and endogamy is the norm. For the purpose of this thesis these processes are instrumental in maintaining a separate but parallel set of organizations through which the group develops and changes but still continues as an identifiable group. However, the acculturation is likely to be layered. As Bottomley (1979) describes this layering, each generation, while remaining strongly Greek, develops its own set of values and interactions. Therefore, despite the existence of a strong and identifiable group, intergenerational friction is not only possible but entirely probable. - 215 -

High levels of residential concentration (Table 14) combined with endogamous marriage patterns indicate a continuing community. Within this framework, however, it is entirely possible for a new synthesis to develop, one in which acculturation towards the norms of the host society for care of the aged occurs. Hearst (1985) is of the opinion that Greek values towards women, the protection of girls, and the

importance of family have ~emained tightly linked to the values extant in Greece at the time of migration. These values, she says, have changed more in Greece than in the

Australian Greek community. 11 The formal level of female emancipation in Australia affects only a few highly educated individuals ... and a traditional Greek ideology is

sustained in many families 11 (1985 : 138). The position of the aged is not directly addressed by her; however, the important study carried out by the Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs into the ethnic aged provides some interesting comparisons.

Living alone is not necessarily correlated with isolation~ indeed, it is not unusual in Australia for it to be the preferred option. However, if one•s expectations are that in old age the family will provide constant, attentive support and companionship, then living alone can be both - 216 -

TABLE 24

Aged Males Living Alone (Australia 1981)

Birthplace 60-64 % of age 65-74 % of age 75+ % of age group group group

Australia 22,831 11.1 41,096 13.7 25,783 20.2 Germany 222 10.3 365 13.7 179 18.9 Greece 97 4.3 221 7.2 199 12.8

from Table 1 AIMA 1983 7.

threatening and personally devaluing. As the Greek social worker at one of the Greek retirement villages stated

there is not much use is asking them (the residents) whether they like this place or whether they wanted to come. Any answer which indicated family rejec­ tion would be a criticism of the family and so cannot be made. It would also be so personally humiliating it cannot even be thought.

The numbers and proportions of aged females living alone is

much 1 arger for all groups. However, the proportions of

Greek females 1 i vi ng alone was 1 ower 1 and usually

substantially lower 1 than that of the native-born Australian population. German figures are virtually identical to native born Australians. - 217 -

TABLE 25

Aged Females Living Alone (Australia 1981)

Birthplace 60-64 % of age 65-74 % of age 75+ % of age group group group

Australia 49,486 20.9 126;606 33.2 95,815 39.2 Gennany 654 21.0 1,097 32.4 646 39.5 Greece 155 8.4 462 13.7 236 13.3

from AIMA 1983, Table 2 : 8.

While so many of the carers' generation are enmeshed within the Greek community and have low English language skills, f ami 1 y care of the aged is 1 ike 1 y to continue. This makes it even harder for those who are old to accept retirement villages as they would all be aware of the circumstances of other aged people.

Being old in Australia imposes additional burdens on the family. The traditional supports are absent and the stress of migration and re-establishment are intense.

Care of the aged is a very important concept which creates enormous stress on migration, because often the aged are forced to share a unit or nuclear house with no outlets: no access to the local shops, because they might not speak the same language: no local access to other people their own age or interest: absence - 218 -

of ritual, they cannot all come together to cook the Easter breads, etc., because they are tucked away in some suburb; and can•t communicate with others (Bogiatis, 1984 : 78) •

Bogiatis, an Ethnic Affairs officer with the Department of Immigration, is a third generation Australian. He describes himself as proudly Greek, a product of the • law of the third generation•, who reassert their ethni city and their understanding of their ethnic values. Intrinsic to those values is the concept of ethnic honour. Bottomley (1979), Hearst (1985), Isaacs (1976), Price (1975), and Walters et al. (1977) agree both as to the importance of this honour and to its impact upon family relationships.

In terms of your in-group a Greek gives one•s all. You give everything to a member of your in-group. You share your information, you share your resources, you share your home. You have an obliga­ tion to do that (Bogiatis, 1984 : 72).

With this philosophy unmodified by acculturation, the comments of the social worker about the difficulties of interviewing the aged are explicable. Peter Georgiou a Health Commission Interpreter, extends the explanation

as long as the middle aged to old Greek settlers are healthy and fit to work, they are expected to help and assist, financially, and in any other ways pos­ sible, their immediate family first, mainly children and grandchildren, even though they may be working themselves and are independent. It is not a compulsory rule but is done out of love and interest for their sons, daughters, or other close - 219 -

family members. They usually try to make themselves useful, even if it just means to babysit their grandchildren, thus giving more freedom of movement to their own grown up children. At the same time, when the aged Greek settlers get sick and unable to look after themselves they ex­ pect to be looked after by their family. Even the thought of sending your old folk to a convalescent home is not acceptable by Greek people (Georgiou in Legge, 1981 : 28} •

This sentiment was echoed in every interview which has been conducted outside the retirement village, across generations and socio-economic groups.

Although two large hostels have been constructed in Sydney for the Greek community, only ten per cent of places are occupied by Greek residents. The other places are filled by Anglo-Australians. The Greek residents are thus not only a minority of aged Greeks; they are also a small minority in the accommodation units constructed specifically for them.

Considerable efforts were made to find aged Greeks in other retirement accommodation. Three techniques were used: requests on ethnic radio and in ethnic papers; telephoning retirement villages located in the Sydney metropolitan area; and a request for information in the Sydney Morning Herald. No contact resulted from these strategies. The interviewing of institutionalized aged Greeks was therefore entirely conducted in the two Greek Villages. - 220 -

RESIDENTS CHARACTERISTICS

Residents at the Villages arrived in Australia between 1948 and 1964 except for one person in 193 7 and a 1 ate arrival in 1975. They came from Turkey, Cyprus, Lakonia, Tripoli,

Cairo, Limnos, Metelinie and Yannina~ that is, from the mainland of Greece, various of the Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Turkey and Egypt. No two residents came from the same town; for example, the people from Cyprus came from different ends of the island.

All the residents receive a full pension, except for the 1975 arrival who is receiving a part pension. They all claimed the Department of Social Security officers had been most helpful. The only negative comment offered was one about the level of the pension. All received the pension as a right and expressed the opinion that governments had an obligation to look after the aged. Ages ranged from 59 years to 90 years old; all were over 75 years except for the one man of 59. He was on an invalid pension having had major laryngeal surgery. Apart from that condition, all respondents appeared well. They were continent, ambulatory, and there was no indication of senility. They had been residents for varying periods up to five years. Except for the single male it was their families who had initiated the move to the village. - 221 -

Two of the men arrived in Australia by themselves, one woman

came to rejoin her fiance, the rest travelled with other

family members. Three-quarters of them already had other family living here and all but one subsequently were joined by other family members. Only one resident had no relatives living in his/her home country, but about a quarter no longer maintained contact. The rest maintained regular contact and saw that contact as important. Two respondents lamented their children would not maintain contact, the rest were non-commital. Hal£ of the respondents had had return visits to Greece, but none of them wished to leave

Australia. Their families are here. One man was very much an isolate, being unmarried and with no surviving Greek contacts.

The children's spouses are predominantly of Greek origin and, of those who are of Greek origin, predominantly from the same village. In all there were four English/Australian, one Italian, one Cypriot and nineteen Greek, eleven of whom were from the same village.

All the children were bilingual and the old people usually addressed them in Greek. The grandchildren were all, except one, thought to understand Greek and all but six to have a few words of Greek. When asked how they felt about this, typical responses were: "I speak Greek, they understand it"; "I feel very sad that I speak 1 i ttl e English, they speak - 222 -

11 11 little Greek ; The eldest child of both marriages speaks a

11 11 little Greek, the younger ones none ; It worries me I

11 11 11 cannot speak to them ; sad •

Several r~spondents commented that they would have liked

their grandchildren to have gone to Greek schools. None, in

fact, did so. This may be another indication that this

group of people is moving away from traditional Greek

values.

The children have been outstandingly successful. Only one

family, whose children were educated in Greece, had no

members with tertiary qualifications. That person said 11 but

11 they are highly successful in business • This was later

confirmed with the social worker. The qualifications

mentioned were four medical practitioners, six teachers, a

computer programmer, social worker, accountant, a science

11 11 graduate and a number of unspecified: Went to university ,

11 11 technical college course , responses.

The children were all living in Sydney. The furthest away

in Arcadia, an outlying suburb but most of the others were

in a ring of suburbs within a ten kilometre radius of the

village. All respondents claimed frequent visits from their

children and somewhat infrequent ones from grandchildren.

It was difficult to get any consistent definition of frequent and infrequent. .The importance they place on

festival days may have some significance, at least on those days family solidarity is affirmed. - 223 -

The respondents were evenly divided as to whether an ethnically segregated village is a preferred option or not. Those in favour mention food preferences and language difficulties. Those who preferred an ethnically diverse village advance more abstract reasons: "I believe all people are one": "I want all nationalities to integrate, I haven't found anything negative living in a non-Greek village": (it was interesting that this respondent, correctly, defined the Greek Village as non-Greek "I dislike isolation from other cultures--! want to integrate with other cultures", while a couple of interesting comments were that "people of the same background don't get along" and "Greeks fight with each other".

Wanting to mix with other people is an ideal rather than a reality. Only one resident claimed to have visited Australians at home and those visits were when visiting a relation in Melbourne. They all claimed to have been friendly with neighbours, but due to lack of English and time pressures that friendliness was a "smile", "every day we smile". No old neighbours had visited the village.

When asked about the quality of life in Australia they responded, with suggestions of a universal character: that "life is good", "good for all ages", "financial security and opportunity", "the social outlook embraces all ages". Over half the respondents commented upon financial security. - 224 -

Their perception of life for the broader community is considerably more positive than their perception of the quality of life for non-English speaking immigrants. The most .articulate of the respondents put it this way, 11 I arrived knowing no English at all, that has not changed much, I cannot talk with my grandchildren, it has cost me much sadness. Australian people failed to accept me as a

11 11 Greek • Another said, Australian people are very polite, polite and sociable, but the barrier, I do not speak

11 Engl ish , and again, "Life is better all round, especially education for children, but, there is discrimination against new Australians. We are second-class citizens. Gradually there is a little change for the better but it will be bad

11 for a long time to come •

Interviewing with an interpreter makes one realize how sensitive are the questions. The respondents tired quickly and obviously exhibited signs of tension. A number of questions about the village, visitors and family were brushed aside. In order to reduce the tension and in order to try and probe opinions, it was decided to administer a questionnaire used a couple of years previously (see Appendix 2). Asking for responses to non personal statements provided the opportunity to look at issues rather than focus on personal experience. - 225 -

Statement 5 was omitted due to the difficulty of translation of the concept behind the statement that "migrants true to their heritage are the best Australians" without indicating the preferred response. As mentioned in the appended paper (Appendix 2), attitude questionnaires frequently raise complex issues of interpretation. What appears straightforward to the composer of the questionnaire may be subject to a very different definition by the person receiving it. For example, statement 17--that "Once adult children are on their own they should not be expected to live close to their parents"-- elicited strong disagreement from one of the respondents who was obviously distressed that her son had chosen to live at Parramatta, another Sydney suburb, a distance of some fifteen kilometres from where she lived. Distance is relative. To take another example, 84 per cent disagreed with statement 15, that neighbours are not friendly. But what is friendly? Only one respondent visited her brother•s neighbours who were Australians, and only one claimed to have Australian friends. These friends had not visited her since she moved into the village four years ago. In the case of a third example, 74 per cent responded positively to statement 16 that "I like having friends from different countries". However, from the interviews it is apparent that this is perhaps a wish rather than a fact due to inabi 1 i ty to communicate freely in any language other than Greek. - 226

TABLE 26

Greek Retirarent Village R3sidents

ATl'I'lUDE QOES'l'IOONA!RE

~ ..... $' ~$ ~ g'~ ~ ~.~ ii i ~ ·~c tJlC 1. Public use of foreign language is objectionable. . 14 28 56 2. Inmigrants should accept Australian ways. 14 70 14 3. Inmigrants soould not stick in national groups. 14 28 56 4. Inmigrants soould not stop children's assimilation. 14 56 28 5. Inmigrants true to their heritage are best Australians. 6. Old people's retirment homes are a good idea. 28 70 7. Children should be guided by their parents. 14 70 14 B. Old people should not be a financial burden to their children. 28 56 14 9. Old people soould not occupy too much of their children's tine. 28 56 14 10. Each generation soould look after itself. 28 42 28 11. Festival days are family days 98 12. Australians neglect their old people. 14 28 14 42 13. Australians do not understand the ilrt=ortance of family. 14 56 28 14. It is ilrp::>rtant to retain one's rrother tongue. 28 56 14 15. Neighbours are not friendly. 56 42 16. I like having friends fran different countries. 14 56 28 17. Once adult children are on their own, they should not be expected to live close to their parents. 56 14 14 14 18. Sons in a family soould be given rrore encouragarent than daughters to go on to further education. 56 14 28 19. Goverrnent programs for older people only make grown children shirk their responsibilities. 70 28 20. Young wanen should plan to have careers. 14 84 21. Nowadays, adult children do not take as much care of their elderly parents as they did in past generations. 70 14 14 22. Professional services can usually take the place of family care. 56 14 28 23. Adult sons soould be expected to do the sarre kinds of oousehold coores as adult daughters for their elderly parents. 14 70 14 24. I would rather pay a professional to do things for ne than ask for assistance from my family and friends. 42 56 25. It is better for a working I<01'an to pay sareone to take care of her elderly rrother than to leave her job to take care of her herself. 14 70 14 26. Taking care of elderly parents is as much a son's responsibility as a daughter's. 14 84

Responses rounded to nearest percent - 227 -

The responses to statements 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 14 and 21 in Table 26, mirror the responses to the personal questions discussed above and the actuality of their experiences. However, the responses to statements 15, 16, 17 appear at variance from the interviews. There is also $Ome contradiction between responses to statements 18 and 20 and between 19 and 25. Feeling of family rejection is apparent in responses to statements 21, 23 and 24. The reality of life in present day Australia and the financial stresses of the migration experience are evident in responses to statements 1, 2, 4, 10, 19, 20, 21· and 25. A reassertion of tradition is nevertheless apparent in responses to statements 7, 11, 14, 21 and 26.

The differences between the responses of village residents and those people who are living in a family situation is significant for the purpose of this thesis.

The non-resident group reported more fully in Appendix 2, comprised Greek generations one and two that is the initial migrant group plus their Australian born or primary school age at migration, children. The study examines responses between five different groups (see Appendix 2). The first significant difference is the greater polarization of the responses to statements of village residents when compared to the responses of community-based residents. As will be seen by reference to the appendix, very large percentages - 228

TABLE 27

Greek 1'qcd Vill~e l

ATI'I'IUJE QUESTIONNAIRE

!

...... ~ I j c I B ic

1. Public use of foreign language is objectionable 42 56 33 67 2. Imnigrants should accept Australian ways 84 14 45 55 3. Imnigrants should not stick .in national groups 42 56 59 41 4. Imnigrants should not stop children's assimilation 70 28 82 18 5. Imnigrants true to their heritage are best Australians 6. Old people's retirarent tares are a good idea 98 68 32 7. Cti.ldren str:Juld be guided by their parents 84 14 91 9 a. Old people s~ld not be a financial burden to their children 84 14 68 32 9 .'Old people str:Juld not occupy too ll1llCh of their children's tiJre 84 14 59 41 10. Each generation should look after itself 70 28 45 55 11. Festival days are family days 98 68 32 12. Australians neglect their old people 56 42 86 14 13. Australians do not understand the ~rtance of family 70 28 81 19 14. It is ~rtant to retain one's ITOther tongue 84 14 95 5 15. Neighbours are not friendly 56 42 28 72 16. I like having friends fran different countries 70 28 86 14 17. Once adult children are on their own, they str:Juld not be expected to live close to their parents 56 42 17 83 18. Sons in a family should be given rrore encouragement than daughters to go on to further education 56 42 29 71 19. Goverment programs for older people only make grown children shirk their responsibilities 70 28 62 38 20. Young waren stxJuld plan to have careers 98 95 5 21. Nowadays, adult children do not take as much care of their elderly parents as they did in past generations 70 28 100 0 22. Professional services can usually take the place of family care 56 42 52 48 23. Mult sons should be expected to do the sarre kinds of house- tr:Jld ctr:Jres as adult daughters for their elderly parents 84 14 67 33 24. I 1o0uld rather pay a professional to do thiJ'lgs for rre than ask for assistance fran my family and friends 42 56 62 38 25. It is better for a 1o0rking loaT\al\ to pay sareone to take care of her elderly rrother than to leave her job to take care of her herself 84 14 48 52 26~ Taking care of elderly parents is as l!llch a son's respons- · ibility as a daughter's. 98 86 14

Resp:mses rounded to the nearest percent. Non resident responses extracted fran tables in Appendix 2. - 229 - were in the neutral category. It was therefore decided to aggregate less strongly held opinions. Apparently, for example statement 2, "other11 is a more acceptable position than "agree", however, the 1 arge neutral category masks the

1 ow "disagree" category.

Village residents are more inclined to prefer to stay in national groups ( 3} and to see retirement villages positively. Experience could be a crucial factor here as previous surveys indicate a high degree of acceptance by village residents. There may well be a degree of legitimization attached to this position. Similarly village residents are more firmly of the opinion that old people should not be financially a burden to their children (8), nor should they.occupy too much of their children's time (9). Despite the fact that they are more committed to the idea that each generation should look after themselves, they are tremendously committed to festival days being family days ( 11).

Perhaps because of their observations within the village, residents are less inclined than the non residents to think either that Australians neglect their aged people (12}, or that they do not understand the importance of the family (13}. Community-based people are more inclined to see neighbours as unfriendly (15), whereas they appear to have greater expectations of adult children remaining close to the parents (17}. This probably reflects the reality of - 230 -

their situation, as all the people in the community sample

did in fact live in a family situation, usually three

generations in the household. The community sample was not as committed as was the village sample to the equality of daughters education (18), although both samples were strongly committed to the idea that young women should plan to have a career (20).

An interesting reversal of ·expectations saw the village residents more prepared to ask help of their family and friends (24), but not at the expense of a working woman

giving up her job to care for the aged relative (25). Both groups were strongly of the opinion that taking care of an aged parent is equally the responsibility of both sons and daughters (26).

In many cases these responses reflect the reality of the life situation of the two samples. It is obviously impossible to know whether the opinions influenced the life situation or whether the reverse is true. Only a long period participant observation study could tease out the underlying factors.

The old people in the villages do appear to have moved closer to many prevailing Australian values than have those in the community study. It is possible to argue that as the period of Australian residence increases and as acculturation progressively occurs, more old people will accept t.hese values. - 231 -

DISCUSSION

There are two large hostels organized by the Greek Orthodox Church in"Sydney. The Greek family values of caring for their aged and the stigma associated with not doing so are sufficiently strong that only 10 per cent of hostel rooms are occupied by people of Greek origin. Indeed, neither the Greek nor the Italian villages is experiencing pressure for places in their independent living and hostel units; it is a different story for nursing home placement.

This can be attributed to the still held values of family care. However, as increasingly large numbers of people become aged and the "carers'" generation, already with very high levels of women in employment, find they cannot cope with the increasingly frail older generation, it would appear that demand for places will multiply. Interviews at the villages indicate that the older generation feels rejected, betrayed and bitter at being placed in these institutions. There is also considerable evidence that the middle generation feel they are betraying their aged. They feel ashamed, guilty and sad. However, the economic necessity for two incomes, the plight of an elderly person left alone throughout the day and the increased longevity of the frail aged combine to push the carers' generation into accepting villages, not as a preferred option but as the lesser of two evils. This pressure is increased as the - 232 - carer•s generation are gradually acculturated and begin to see ~hat villages can provide an improved quality of life, friendship and security for the old person. Children of migrants have been educationally and economically successful. This success in the Australian school systems cannot be attained without absorption of Anglo-Australian norms. It is especially significant that the carer•s generation has had little chance to absorb Anglo-Australian values because of lack of language skills but that the younger generation is rapidly gaining those skills.

The tremendously high level of education, and the financial success of the children of the village residents, raise the possibility that with the increasing commitment of people of Greek origin to education, an increased need for retirement accommodation will become manifest.

The residents of the retirement village have been committed to their children•s achievement whereas the people in the community group were all blue-collar workers or from blue­ collar families. A number of the grandchildren rather than the children of that group are educationally successful. As can be seen from the responses to statements 24 and 25, in Table 26 the third generation is very committed to Greek family responsibility (for further discussion see Appendix 2}. However, unlike in generations one and two, this commitment is as yet, hypothetical. Nevertheless, this - 233 - theoretical commitment allied to a desire for an education and career would indicate that they will, like the woman at the commencement of this thesis, experience extreme stress as their parents and grandparents age.

Traditionally most migrant communities have supported their aged members. This is especially true of those people from the Mediterranean littoral. The stresses imposed by the migration experience, the conditions of life and the values associated with living in modern industrial conurbations, the intergenerational value change which occurs with acculturation and the lack of communication resulting from linguistic disjuncture are changing this pattern. It would appear inevitable that the broader community will be called upon to accept increasing responsibility for all its aged citizens. - 234 - CHAPTER 9

RETIREMENT VILLAGES FOR THE ETHNIC AGED: GERMAN-AUSTRALIANS

Germans, as previously mentioned have been migrating to Australia for well over a century. They are not only one of the oldest but one of the largest groups of immigrants. In the post World War II period their numbers have only been exceeded by immigrants from Italy, Yugoslavia and Greece (Australian Immigration No. 13, 1982).

Educated (Table 8), financially well established (Figures 12, 13), fluent in English (Table 6) with women similarly competent in English and with no great intergenerational discrepancy (Figures 10, 11), people of German origin have spread widely throughout the broader Australian community (Table 14).

It is important then to ask why it is that an ethnically segregated village has been established and what function it fulfils.

The German Village belongs to Category 1 (Chapter 7). That is it services a population who in some ways are culturally regressive, many of whom never ceased to feel themselves 'strangers'. While Germans, as a group, do not demonstrate the characteristics of marginality described by Johnston - 235 -

(1976), the report of Village residents attitudes demonstrates that there is a significant number of individuals who can be described in her terms.

Not all aged Germans who chose to enter retirement villages choose to enter the German Village. An attempt was made to visit residents in non-ethnically segregated villages. An advertisement on ethnic radio and a letter to the editor of the Sydney Morning Herald produced no responses. Telephoning a number of villages in the north, west and south of Sydney produced a couple of people to interview. However, the most fruitful source of respondents was through the networks of the residents of the German Village itself. All the people interviewed in the non-German villages knew of its existence, understood the need for it, but rejected it for themselves. 11 After living in this area for twenty

11 11 years I did not want to leave my friends , this village is

11 close to my family , were typical comments. That is, the choice of the village was made positively, for the same reasons as those of the broader community. The responses of this group of aged people were similar to those of the German Village residents, except in this area of need. They are not included in the subsequent discussion. - 236 - GERMAN RETIREMENT VILLAGE RESIDENTS

The village, established. by the German Lutheran Church and situated in a pleasant area approximately 15 kilometres from the inner city was bui 1 t during the period of high government subsidies for retirement village construction. As a result the cost of entry is very low, only a few thousand dollars, which can be waived in cases of hardship. There is a large spread of socio-economic status differences amongst the residents. There are also considerable differences in educational level, family composition, physical and mental health and in preferred activities. There are sufficient residents for a number of friendship groups to become established. Similarities include the 1 ength of residence in Australia; almost all residents arrived post World War II, after experiencing considerable privation and disruption during the war and/or in camps after the war. Most of the residents were fluent in English. Their ages spanned a period greater than thirty years.

There was no need to render instrumental help to each other as it was possible to use the district nurse and the municipal housekeeper service. Local tradespeople delivered. It is possible that this reduction on demands for each other•s support in fact generated the high level of freely offered help which was observed. Most of the - 237 -

residents spoke warmly of other residents and all the

residents appeared to have highly satisfactory relationships

with their families.

Interviewing was sometimes made difficult by the number of activities in which the residents were involved. A high percentage (70} claimed to have Australian friends with whom they maintained contact.

WHY THEN HAD THEY CHOSEN A GERMAN VILLAGE

Briefly the reason could be described as cohort experience: the still surviving feeling of having been the other, the enemy, during World War II, and memory of the rejection and discrimination they experienced when they arrived in Australia. In addition there is a feeling of support and self-actualization in being able to exchange reminiscences

with people with similar life experiences.

These feelings of rejection and remembrances of discrimination were instrumental in causing the women to prefer their children to ma,rry outside the German community. They hoped this would ensure their children and grandchildren acceptance, should another war occur. In addition, there was no evidence of their wishing their

grandchildren to be competent in the German language for solidarity reasons. The two women who· encouraged the

grandchi 1 dren to 1 earn German did so 11 becaus e it is a good - 238 -

mental exercise" and 11 a second language is always useful". All the women had visited Germany and were secure in their

decision to return to Australia, and it was "their decision": it was their decision to come to Australia and their decision to enter the village. They expressed high levels of life satisfaction and a clear identity. This control seemed instrumental in their level of satisfaction and well-being.

Interviews, which were wide ranging around a basic questionnaire, took from one-and-a-half hours to five hours to complete and from one to three visits. The sample was drawn to include the oldest and youngest resident, the newest and an original resident, two married couples, two never married people, a widow and a widower. An attempt was made to also include people of independent financial means, and people who had only the aged pension for support. It was therefore not designed to test randomly, but to give a representative a picture as possible. The size of the sample and the nature of the survey preclude statistical analysis. The method followed therefore will be similar to that which Jean Martin used in Refugee Settlers (1965), that

is basically descriptive.

The rationale for obtaining respondents from villages rather than from nursing homes was that village residents are there by choice - nursing homes, as a place of last resort, are - 239 - seldom chosen. Quality of life is an important variable and how people want to live in their latter years is seen as fundamental in this study.

Most of the respondents arrived in Australia prior to 1960. They arrived as completed families and worked in a variety of occupations--labouring housekeeping to semi-professional and business--in order to re-establish themselves. Life satisfaction was extremely high which, considering that over twenty percent of German immigrants returned to Germany, was perhaps to be expected: only the contented stayed. What was unexpected was the low level of involvement with the German community during their working life and the encouragement of their children to find marriage partners amongst non-German Australians.

Village residents expressed great joy in being able to use their German language again in daily intercourse and in having companions attuned to the images of their youth. They emphasised, however, that this was a •one generation• 'feeling, by the time their children were old they did not expect them to even consider an ethnically segregated village.

Few of the respondents related personal experiences of discrimination in Australia, although most know of other people who had suffered rejection, and the respondents - 240 -

expressed an opinion that Australia had become a much easier place for non-English speaking migrants in the last twenty years.

DETAILS AND ATTITUDES OF VILLAGE RESIDENTS

The German Village is a series of one- and two-storey villas set in a delightful open setting with gardens and fountains. Al'l units are fully sel £-contained. The entrance contribution is low*, approximately $5,000 and the monthly contribution towards upkeep and common lighting $8. If prospective residents do not have that capital, units can be rented for $10 per week. Accommodation is a bedroom, sitting room, kitchen and a bathroom big enough to contain a washing machine.

Most of the residents are ex-German nationals there are also a few Czechoslavakians, Hungarians and Latvians. Because of rapidly changing national boundaries it is impossible to be dogmatic about the national composition, one resident described how she, her husband and three children had all been born in different countries but the same town.

* It has the lowest contribution of any village visited except for long established Villages which, under the terms of the Aged Persons• Homes Act, are no longer permitted to have an entrance contribution. - 241 -

The age range of the village, and the sample, is from sixty

to ninety two years old. In the sample there are seven men

and eleven women, three of whom are married couples, one

male who never married, one woman widowed before she

migrated, one deserted wife, one married woman whose husband

is also a resident, but who is not well enough to be

interviewed and the rest are widowed, several since entering

the village. Three had no children.

Their occupations varied from station cook to semi­

professional in a fairly even spread. There are obvious

economic differences: from two people who had lived in other

people's houses, as housekeepers, who are now on full

pension to those who sold substantial residences and can afford yearly overseas holidays. All but one of the

respondents drew a pension, but as only three were below

seventy years of age, this did not indicate their financial standing.

The age range does create some problems as the older ones tend to be critical of the younger ones. One respondent of eighty-five years complained, almost bitterly, of young people being allowed in to disturb her. 11 They are too interested in parties, entertaining, clothes, possessions and they are lazy. There is too big an age gap. I am twenty-five years older than the lady in the next unit. I was so disappointed when she moved in. They need to be more

11 active, I go walking everyday • - 242 ...

And another resident 11 The young cause too much disruption here, ideally people should come in their late sixties or

11 early seventies • Sixty percent of the residents are over eighty years old.

Most residents had spent their Australian lives in Sydney but one married couple from Canberra and an Adelaide widow came from interstate. They had read of the village in a German language newspaper.

The children, in all cases overseas born, have done extremely well, all have· tertiary qualifications, most at university level. Out of a total of thirty only three are now living in Germany, two in England, one in the Middle East (with an international company) and one in New Zealand. The rest are scattered throughout the Australian states with

the greatest concentration locally. In onl~ four instances have they married people of German extraction. Not one respondent expressed regret. Indeed several appeared to have deliberately fostered non-German connections because

11 it is important to become integrated so if there is another

11 war there will be no question of internment or rejection ;

11 if I had not been prepared to accept the idea (of non­

11 German marriage partners) I would not have come ; "she is a joy to me and more interested in our background than is our

11 son • - 243 -

Some regret is expressed at the loss of a facility to speak

German. All resJ?Ondents said they speak English to their

grandchildren and to the.ir children's SJ?Ouses but a number speak German to their own children - except in front of that child's SJ?OUSe - at the request of the children in order to maintain their knowledge of the language. Two grandchildren are learning German at school, but the grandmothers are not

happy with the 11 type of accent". One chi 1 d goes to a German school. The grandmother remarked "this is mad, he should be absorbed into Australia". However, two grandchildren of two other residents are currently having a year in Germany with relatives and this is obviously a source of satisfaction to these two grandmothers.

Several of the resJ?Ondents commented that their own English had deteriorated since moving into the village. Considering the quality of the English SJ?Oken, the presence of a T.V. in all units and of English language books and newspapers this seems unlikely. Only two of the resJ?Ondents needed questions re-phrased and respsonded with some difficulty, all the rest were compl et ely bi-1 ingual.

The regret that was expressed about chil drens' lack of German was expressed in phrases such as "it is better that they study other more useful subjects"; "it is valuable but not imJ?Ortant"; "another language is an advantage"; "it - 244 - would be a good mental exercise"~ "it is a pity as a second

language is an intellectual enrichment .. ~ and "it is a pity

not a worry•. There was.no suggestion by any r~spondent that they wished their children or grandchildren to speak German in order to maintain their cultural identity or their links with Germany.

Their own links with Germany had been maintained by letters and visits. These ranged from a constant flow of 1 etters to friends and relations, through a once a year Christmas greeting to, in two cases, a cessation of all contact as relations in their own age group died. All except one interviewee had been back and most of them had had several visits. Three of the respondents had gone back after retiring with a view to remaining there, one of them because of pressure from relatives after being widowed. Their reactions are best described in their own words. "It was too small, too narrow and materialistic. I fit here

11 11 11 11 better ~ I only stayed five weeks. Australia is home : My sisters wanted me to return but I could not settle so returned here, it is less materialistic here".

However two respondents said they would 1 ike to return but their children were established here so they would not contemplate it. - 245 "':'

One resident had been persuaded to enter the village by a

friend who subsequently left to return to Germany. That

friend is now in the pro?ess of negotiating to return to the

village. The lady, currently in the village, said 11 I told her she was wrong to go. I have been a couple of times and

11 knOW •

LIFE IN THE VILLAGE

The first impression of an outsider coming into the village is of orderliness, beauty and peace; of slow time, as befits aged people and following six weeks constantly visiting, these first two impressions remain, while others are considerably modified.

Often appointments had to be changed, or cut short, because residents had other commitments,. usually of a social kind, such as an overseas visitor, a game of cards, a coffee party, but also visits to the doctor, shopping or going to the daughter's to baby sit.

There is a considerable social life within the village and some organized outings and day tours in conjunction with another 1 ocal retirement vi 11 age. There are also regular village meetings, Church services and lunches. A couple of the residents would like to see some 11 cultural activity' such as discussion groups and visiting artists. -. 246 -

Several of the residents complained of too great a disparity of wealth and age. These complaints were made, except in one instance, by older, poorer residents. The exceptions comments, were significant however, as she was both an original occupant, having been there fifteen years, and a professionally qualified observer of interpersonal relations. Those who complained said that cliques developed and that people gossiped but "it does not affect me, but I know what goes on"; yet "it was different fifteen years ago, there were not as many units and we all worked together to build the gardens".

Despite these complaints, which were in fact very low key, there was a considerable, almost tangible, feeling of joy in the place. Residents do not feel any need to act in an instrumental manner to help each other. Some of the frail aged use Meals-on-Wheels services, and there is a community nurse and a housekeeping service available, should need arise. Despite this there is considerable support at a less instrumental level. One resident reported her neighbour "came in every day for two years when I was sick a few years

11 ago • Others drove residents to the doctor or shops, others sat with the senile, watched over the wanderers and "always checked to see if I can bring something back from the shops". This informal support network is similar in many ways to that described by Hochschild in the Unexpected Community (1972). It is perhaps the single most important variable in enabling the frail aged to remain •independent• of nursing homes and in providing a high quality of life. - 247 -

This quality of 1 ife is actively appreciated by the resident

who can again speak for themselves.

"I have persuaded two of my friends to come here and my children say they would like to live like this when they are 11 old •

11 We 1 ook forward to spending the next 11 twenty years here •

11 I felt as if I was coming home" . They also endorse the concept of ethnically segregated villages: "it is not so much the question of 1 anguage but of childhood memories".

11 old people revert to their original language and like to talk about previous experiences." "it is more homely, our English became worse but we love it here and it (English facility) does not matter any more". "for us it is easier to be with other German speaking people, it is not values 11 only but 1 anguage • "old people can speak their own language". "gives me a chance to have my own values ...

11 old memories" .

11 the church is here and I can speak German...

"German is easier but we should try to speak English". There were, however, dissenting opinions - "it is not ideal but I would recommend it. However one does 'need to steer clear of controversies. This unit was available but I would have preferred it multi-national" • - 248 -

11 No not forme, it is too narrow, the original residents were good but new people too interferring and want to change things, too much competition with dress and possessions...

Again these comments are interesting in their lack of emphasis upon enclosure - what is right for them is not necessarily right for others, either of their age or country of origin. Two residents did volunteer that, although it

made them more comfortabl~, it was not important in the same way as they imagined it would be for Southern European. When pushed a little further they mentioned greater cultural

and dietary differences, for people from Southern Europe or South East Asia. Their own satisfaction clearly rested on their feeling of empathy with other people with similar childhood experiences, religion and language.

DESIRED CHANGES

Following on from a discussion of the life in the village respondents were asked to imagine they were King-for-a-day.

During that time theycouldmake anychange they liked to­ a) the Village and b) Australia.

"This invitation to fantasize brought into the open problems and criticisms not broached when answering more direct questions. Addressing the question of the Village first, - 249 -

11 make them (the other residents) more outgoing, learning about flowers, etc. and being friends with the people in other villages11 (there are three nearby).

11 a qualified sister available 11

11 nothing, no change 11

11 more clever entertainment, discussion, speeches, more units and a clinic or nursing home 11

11 a little more entertainment11

11 perhaps a small hostel 11

If the village got off lightly Australia could do with considerably more attention.

11 11 more would be done for old people •

11 11 control the unions •

11 not so many strikes - it gives such a bad reputation overseas, the unions are too strong in my youth (in Germany) my father, who was a sailor, used to say wharfies needed to have a red carpet put out for them. 11

11 nothing 11

11 sack the unions 11

11 people should not be so quick to strike, they are too strike happy, it should be a 11 last resort •

11 make Australia neutral so that it lives self contained, independent from other cultures, restrict migrants ... - 250 -

Although the Village could have been modified slightly to produce greater security for when they became frail any strong criticism was reserved for Australia whose labour relations were almost universally condemned.

It is of interest to note the forward looking attitude of this group of people, the majority of whom are over eighty years old, towards the time when they 11 became11 frail.

Despite the criticism of labour relations, Australia, both its country and its people, at the personal level, are seen in strongly positive terms.

IMAGES OF AUSTRALIA

Respondents were asked to nominate the best things and the worst things about Australia.

They will be listed separately for ease of presentation, but were asked together in order that respondents would feel relaxed with the interviewer and that they would be seen as giving a balanced assessment.

The married couples gave a composite answer and two respondents did not comprehend the question so it was omitted. The responses have been numbered for this question only to enable comparison. - 251 -

The best things about Australia were seen as:

1. "the people, the slow pace of work, big liberty, good . feeling of community, freedom of speech".

2. 11 just love being here, wide skies, warmth, outdoor living, working class people, when you are in trouble they are there".

3. "natural friend! iness of the average man, warmheartedness of the people".

11 11 4. freedom •

11 11 5. people, friendly, very accepting of Germans •

6. 11 climate •

11 11 7. nature' s beauty, weather, helpful peopl e •

8. "freedom, space, free speech" .

9. "climate, freedom, no one pushes you around. Life is what you make it, happy or miserable, you have to work

but you can get somewhere". - 252 -

10. ..freedom, friendliness, not as materialistic or class

conscious as in Germany. People must work for what

they want and the pension is enough to 1 i ve

11 comfortably •

11. 11 climate...

12. 11 mateship, freedom of speaking, calling the boss by his

11 first name, cl imate •

11 11 13. Wonderfully friendly, open •

The worst things about Australia ranged over a wide variety of issues and conditions.

11 11 1. strikes •

2. 11 unemployment, some tradesmen not too exact·- that will

11 do - near enough, good enough •

3. 11 wages are too high, this causes unemployment (respondent has worked in factories as bench hand all life), shoplifting, Fraser and Hawke- where do you get your pol i ti ci ans from'? Unions too strong but don• t

come to help of the worker when needed, too busy fighting the government. The government should be the boss ... - 253 - 4. "strikes, too many unions with too much control by a

few people".

5. "entertainment not very intelligent (bingo). Hard to come close to people they talk about superficialities. Travelling is too difficult when you are poor (as I was) distances are so great and it is so expensive".

6. "language, lack of communication".

7. "dirty streets, strikes, cruelty to animals, especially

kangaroo ki 11 ing".

11 11 8. heat, lack of four seasons •

9. 11 unemployment, housing shortage, lack of insurance for illness in the SO's and 60's".

10. 11 strikes, too many unions they fight against each

other. Accommodation expensive should be made to learn English before coming. There should be more acceptance of difference" .

11. 11 difficul t to get housing, difficulties with the

1 anguage for three months, have to work hard to exist

and at first the climate is hard to take". - 254 -

12. 11 overemphasis upon Austral ian's sporting achievements, lack of tolerance and of non-English speaking people, migrants seen as second class citizens, but this has

11 changed, they are nearly equal now •

13. 11 too lazy and easy going, leave work to migrants, bosses and unions do not consider the issue just

11 confront each other •

In summary Australia has impressed the aged people by a feeling of individual friendliness, lack of class divisions, easy going manners and an equable climate but most importantly by a sense of individual liberty, free speech and lack of congestion, a wide open country where by hard work an individual can succeed. Not all opinions were favourable. There was considerable criticism of the standard of workmanship, of the role of unions in relation to strikes, materialistic values and cultural poverty which manifested itself in mindless entertainment and an obsession with sport. While Australians were 'seen as insular they were also criticised for allowing in too many immigrants from a number of countries.

One of the ways newcomers judge a country is by the attitude of the public officials (bureaucrats) with whom they come into contact.· A question seeking to explore this area of contact asked about experiences with the Department of - 255 -

Social Services. All respondents said the agent had been helpful and three of them volunteered that he had not only

been helpful about that application for benefit, but explained the availability of benefits to which they had not known they were entitled.

Comments about the friendliness of the 'average Australian' can be taken at several levels, casual encounters and the behaviour of fellow workers, the development of neighbourly behaviour and close friendships out of working hours or possibly as stereotypical comments.

Except for two respondents who preferred to "keep myself to mys el f" and who appear i sol at ed in the vi 11 age, which would indicate a personality rather than a social factor, all respondents claimed to have made "real" friends. Real friends was defined as neighbours, and others, whom one saw regularly, from whom one could borrow minor items and with whom one chatted and could discuss something more significant than the weather.

One resident from interstate claimed to have been lonely unti 1 she came to the vi 11 age: in fact she was 'happier in the village than I have been ever before'. In her previous home both neighbours had been German but of a higher socio­ economic class. They had not given her either support or friendship. Since moving into the village in 1970 she has developed many friends both German and Australian. - 256 -

Only one resident had no Australian friends and had not visited Australian homes. He was unusual in that he had only been in Australia twelve years, having left Europe in

1948 and spent the intervening years in South America. His English is very poor and, as he says, will not get better as he uses German in the village.

Five of the other residents have more Australian friends than German and visit them frequently. The rest say 11 about

11 half and hal f , but distance and age had precluded frequent contact in the last four years.

Before coming to the village the only two German organizations with which they were affiliated were the Church and the Club, of which the former was significantly more important. The lack of development of other Germanic organizations is in itself significant.

Australian organizations to which they had been attached include Scouts, P. & c., League, Workers Club, Diggers Club and of course unions. The union affiliation appears only because it was frequently necessary in order to retain a job. None of those who were members of unions ever took office of any kind.

One of the arguments frequently advanced for the inappropriateness of Australian provision for the ethnic aged is that Austral ian food is disliked by many of the - 257 - elderly, who have either never changed their dietary preferences, or if they have, revert to pre-migration patterns as they become old. As all the units are self contained, residents do their own cooking unless they get Meals-on-Wheels. Answers to questions about preferences and cooking methods indicated a considerable change. 11 German

11 11 cooking is too heavy for this climate ; I have become

11 vegetarian as I have grown older--it is better for you ;

11 11 salads are delicious and more appropriate to the climate , were typical responses. Traditional festivals such as

Christmas and Easter were observed by more traditional 4 \ cuisine. Meals-on-wheels was enthusiastically endorsed by I two residents, the other three who had used the service said • they found them somewhat bland, 11 very good quality but needs

11 a bit of sauce, which I always make • The availability of the service was mentioned by all respondents, as was the availability of the district nurse and the Municipal Housekeeper Service. Although not many residents availed themselves of these services, their existence was obviously known and appreciated. They greatly increased the individuals sense of security and acted to prevent a fear of dependence on other residents or busy family members, or of premature nursing home placement. The lack of tenacity for traditional food, except at festival time, would indicate that, at least for people of German origin, such provisions as the Meal s-on-Wheels programme are not rejected on cultural grounds. - 258 -.

THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS

Newman (1973) developed his typology to examine the multiple realities which developed when a minority group looked towards the majority group and assessed its ow~ acceptance or rejection of the majority group, as well as the majority group's acceptance or rejection of that minority group.

From the brief history given of settlers of German origin in

Australia, it would appear that early German settlers, by attempting to maintain their culture and by the development of institutional structures, effectively enclosed themselves. This cultural tenacity changed radically after

World War II. Settlers after that cataclysm have consciously sought to enable their children to become integrated into the mainstream of Australian culture. The older Australian community for its part saw Germans as preferred settlers. Thus the Germans have maintained a positive sense of worth which has enabled them to accept the validity of their own cultural tradition, without feeling threatened by either the broader community or by their own children's Australian identification. In Newman's typology they therefore approximate to the first, double positive, type. Their realities can be seen as comfortably, depending upon the situation, Australian-German or German-Australian.

Smolicz and Secombe (1979) are less concerned with personal perceptions. Their schema looks at the possible forms of - 259.-

interaction between two cultures and examines the outcomes from the double perspectives of the nature of personal systems and the corresponding group situation.

Looking first at those people who have chosen to move into the ethnically segregated aged village, it can be argued that Method (ii), Dual System Interaction, is the appropriate model. Looking, however, at the broader German community, Method (iii) A Synthesis Type of Interaction is more appropriate. If it had not been that the "ethnic villagers" had chosen this village, and chosen it primarily for 'childhood memories' rather than language dissimilarity, their attitudes towards children's assimilation, preferred reading, methods of food preparation, and television viewing would have put them also into Method (iii).

To a very large extent, always leaving language aside, it is very difficult to differentiate North Western European culture from Anglo-American. They are all advanced industrial cultures, with universal education, nuclear families, similar attitudes to the position of women, the aged, medicine and religion. There are likely to be as broad a variation within any one country as there are between any two countries. This was certainly not true during the period of the great immigration waves into the United States. The consequences of the different chronology have to make us diffident in accepting the United States experience as indicating possible outcomes in the Australian - 260 - context. It is nevertheless pertinent to recall that the rise of the unmeltable ethnics took place after the acculturation of the people from the Southern and Eastern Mediteranean regions (Novak, 1971; Gallo, 1974; Glazer and Moynihan, 1976).

Acculturation, then, is not the criterion upon which theories of assimilation rest. Rather it is identity, and as has been argued previo.usly, this identity is not a fact of socio-economic class, of dissimilarity or of race, but is a 'sense of peop1ehood'. Where parallel institutional structures exist, as they do for Australian Jews, Italians and Greeks, this sense of peoplehood can reinforce and perpetuate that identity. What could therefore be critical, is the degree of internal and external enclosure.

This is the problem which Gordon (1964; 1978) addresses directly. He identifies seven sub processes and uses these to assess the type or stage of assimilation.

1. Changes of cultural patterns to those of the host society. This variable examines the degree of cultural or behavioural assimilation or acculturation. It has ' been argued previously that all advanced industrial countries have similar cultural patterns. This variable is of more use in assessing changes in dissimilar cultures than in assessing German and Australian cultural patterns. - 261 - 2. Structural assimilation •. The large-scale entrance into

cliques, clubs and institutions of the host society on

a primary group level.

The sample tested had joined a number of associations such as Parents and Citzens, scouts and unions. Most

respondents had been associated with one, several had had multiple membership. The types of associations

joined were similar to those joined by Anglo­

Australians. Perhaps of equal significance was the

lack of membership of German Associations, a number had

been associated with the church, but only three with

the German Welfare Club.

Gordon does not mention geographic dispersion in any of

his variables. This appears - in the Australian

context - an oversight. Burnley's indexes of

dispersion (1980) show Germans to be the least

concentrated (with the Dutch) of any ethnic group. It

appears appropriate that this variable should be

included under the category of structural assimilation.

Socio-economic status appears to be of greater salience

than ethnicity for immigrants from Germany.

3. Marital assimilation. German (and again the Dutch)

have the highest level of intermarriage with members of the host society of any ethnic group (A.B.S 1980). Nor

has this been despite parental wishes. Although all of - 262 -

the participants came to Australia as members of

completed families, they actively encouraged and

wholeheartedly accepted their children's spouses.

These spouses were predominantly Anglo-Australian.

4. Development of a sense of peoplehood based exclusively

on the host society, of identificational assimilation.

Gordon emphasis that ethnic identification in a modern

complex society may contain several layers. That is,

various groups perceive themselves as Americans, but

they also have an inner layer, a sense of peoplehood

which might be Jewish, Black or Catholic.

Certainly, those Germans interviewed in the ethnic

village and in their own homes were proud of the fact

that they were German. They were aware of the German

economic strength, and maintained close family links

and visited Germany whenever finances permitted.

Nevertheless, they had no wish to prevent their

children's acceptance of Australia. They would,

largely, have preferred that their children could speak

German, not for identificational reasons, but· for

enrichment. Education and professional success

predominantly appeared to be the values which were

emphasised and these are the values of an advanced

industrial state wherever it happens to be. - 263 -

5. Gordon points out that marital assimilation is an

inevitable by-product of structural assimilation which

in its turn fosters identificational assimilation. It

is difficult to belong to the same organizations and

intermarry and maintain prejudice and discrimination.

6. In the absence of prejudice and discrimination, feeling

of being part of the in-group, i.e., enclosure results. Whether this is happening to the Australians of German

origin or not, no evidence is presented in this study.

Further testing of the children of the surveyed

generation would be necessary to establish it

empirically. It is, however, useful to note that not

only are the conditions for this to occur present, but

the respondents themselves and the religious leaders of

both the Catholics and Lutherans are convinced that the

need for ethnically segregated aged accommodation is for this generation only. The Catholics are so

convinced of this that they are working in

collaboration with the St. Vincent de Paul organization

so that as insufficient people of German origin present

themselves, people from the broader community can be

channelled into the village.

7. Civic assimilation is the term given to the absence of

value and power conflict. - 264 -

This does not preclude power and value conflict in the community. Any pluralistic community, and any community which is stratified by status or class groups, contains the potential for conflicting values and power relations. Abortion, conservation, capital punishment, education, working conditions and rewards can and do generate conflict.

Gordon explicitly recognises this. It is not the absence of conflict per se which is important, but the absence of conflict which is decided on ethnic grounds. That is, a person's ethnic background does not determine what that persons position will be on a range of important issues. In other words, neither enclosure from within nor enclosure from without occurs. Is it possible, given these conditions, for an ethnic group to maintain a sense of identity? Or is it likely that individuals will, on a purely individual basis, maintain a sense of cultural heritage and cultural pride?

Novak (1971) argues that there is an element of choice in the new ethnicity. He is a third generation American of Polish extraction. He describes how his grandparents and parents were too busy surviving and becoming accepted into the American way of life and in achieving upward social mobility to be concerned about cultural continuity. He, on the other hand, was now secure in his citizenship, acculturated, financially and professionally independent, and had chosen to be Polish-American. - 265 -

Talcott Parsons (1975) also emphasises the element o£ choice. Ethnic groups traditionally were mutually exclusive. Currently with widespread migration and ethnically pluralistic states intermarriage between ethnic groups is common. Both for the partners of that marriage and for their descendents, there is a certain optional, rather than ascriptive character to their ethnic identity. Schneider (1968) describes numbers of •mixed• families who identify strongly with one particular ethnic group. He claims that it is at the level o£ the family household that an identity is chosen and, in the process, the actual ethnic origins of the various members is passed over. Nor is the ethnic identity they have chosen circumscribed by the culture of the •old country•. Italians and Greeks would not necessarily understand, symnpathize with or accept the culture of the Italian-American or the Greek-American. This assumed identity may be at different levels and intensities depending upon such variables as perceived disrcimination, social distance, or events in the country of origin such as Italy winning an International Soccer Match or the Greek­ Turkish war in Cyprus.

Novak parallels the tremendous interest in ethnicity in the United States with the rise in black consciousness of African culture--despite their U.S. acculturation. Such

11 11 intense interest in roots , he argues, is in part at least, a reaction against the univeralism o£ post-industrial culture and the soullessness, individualism and materialism - 266 - of 'modern' society. Glazer and Moynihan (1975) adopt a similar position but extend it to look at the increasing awareness of culture and race throughout the world. They see it as something more than reaction to an amorphous and soulless state, as it is occurring in places as far spread as South East Asia, the Middle East, Africa and the U.S.S.R. Many of these places have experienced neither large scale migration inflows nor industrialism. They are nevertheless enclosing themselves.

CONCLUSION

From the research reported here, and from the discussion of the various schema, it would appear that special provisions for the first generation of post World War II migrants are necessary. These ethnically segregated supports will not, however, be necessary for subsequent generations. This, however, is contingent upon the second generation neither enclosing themselves, nor being enclosed. At the moment either form of enclosure seems unlikely--but no researchers in the 1930's forecast the rise of the unmeltable ethnics.

These comments specifically apply to people of German origin and the.conclusions can not be interpreted as applying to all other non-English speaking groups. As the discussion of the Greek community has demonstrated, circumstances differ, and each group needs to be individually examined. - 267 -

Whatever the circumstances elsewhere, the type of

interpersonal relationships in the German village closely

parallels Tennies• Gemeinschaft paradigm.

The sense of community is strong and rests on the

commonality of a wide range of life experiences, these include:-

a. the migration experience and decision to stay in

Australia,

b. the success of the children and the residents

acceptance of their children•s non-German spouse,

c. a sense of independence,

d. the knowledge that they are there by choice and will continue there until the •end•,

e. economic well-being. Despite variations in wealth all

residents claimed, and were observed, to live

comfortably,

f. the use of the German language within the village

effectively creating a sense of enclosure.

As a result, the residents experience a sense of well-being,

fear of the future is removed, and self-acceptance and

identity are re-affirmed. - 268 - CHAPTER 10

ETHNICALLY SEGREGATED ACCOMMODATION

SUMMARY

Australia is a country of immigrants. During the last two hundred years successive waves of immigration have included people from every country in the world. Today the population is comprised of people who speak over an hundred different languages; 25 per cent were born overseas and a further 20 percent have at least one parent who was born overseas (Wilton and Bosworth, 1984). Only Israel has a higher percentage of overseas born citizens (42 percent) but, because of the special nature of Israel•s migration experience, these people come from significantly less diverse national, religious and linguistic backgrounds. The percentage of migrants in Australia is twice as high as the percentages in the other great receivers of migrants, the United States and Canada at the time of their great inflows (Wi 1 ton and Bosworth, 1984).

Australia•s immigrants viewed overall, present the same educational, socio-economic, family formation and occupational profile as do the members of the host society. They are marginally more likely to be accommodated in the major cities and to have a lower mean age than does the host society. - 268a- However, despite this apparent similarity significant dissimilarities exist when specific groups are compared with the host society. These dissimilarities are important when forecasting the needs of the ethnic aged and in assessing the resources the various groups possess which would be instrumental in determining the extent to which governments (Federal, State and Local) need to be involved in servicing those needs.

Moreoever, there has not been a continuous stream of immigrants from any one country or area, with the possible exception of immigrants from the United Kingdom. Political and economic factors overseas have influenced the availability of migrants. Immediately after World War II Australia's immigrants came predominantly from the Baltic area, Poland, Holland and Germany. As these sources of migrants dried up Italians, Greeks, Yugoslavs and Lebanese were progressively accepted. Today t.he largest source of migrants is South East and Southern Asia - our near north.

The significance of this migration history for the old is twofold:

1. There has not been a constant renewal of specific migrant groups by an inflow of younger aged people from

their country of origin. This has implications for the retention of ethnic 1 anguages and t.he availability of people who know, understand and value the cultural

mores of the ageing immigrants. - 269 -

2. Those immigrants who have been cut of£ from their

country of origin have tended to idealize and

perpetuate the values of their youth, not realizing that these values may no longer be those of their country of origin. Thus not only would return be less tnan satisfactory but the younger members of their families, born in Australia, are frequently overprotected and sometimes resentful of the limitations imposed upon them (Aust. Institute of Multicultural Affairs, 1983).

Aged people from non-English speaking backgrounds experience the same general problems as do those people who form part of the population of the pre-World War II society. That is, their quality of life is affected by their health, mobility, socio-economic stat us, eli gi bil i ty for pensions and other support services, accommodation and family structure (Kendig et al., 1983). They do however face specific difficulties through lack of English language facility, reluctance to eat specific foods and a lack of awareness of various of the professional services available (for example, in many of their countries of origin Physiotherapy, Occupational and Speech Therapy, Social Workers, Rehabilitation Counsellors are unknown) (Legge, 1981, 1982; Liffman, 1981; Migrant

Health Unit, 1980; Walters et al ., 1977) •

Specific problems arise also from the changing family structure and from the social isolation the family may experience when compared with the situation which existed in - 270 -

the rural village from whence many of them came (Aust. Inst.

of Multicultural Affairs, 1983). The elderly can, for the

purpose of this analysis, usefully be divided into two

groups. First are those'who migrated in their youth or early adulthood, who have spent most of their lives in Australia; who are eligible for social service benefits; who have an established network of friends and some degree of familiarity with the area in which they live.

The second group are those who migrated under the family reunion provisions. They come to act as baby sitters for their grandchildren, while their adult children go to work, to be looked after by their family, to seek refuge from war or isolation or for a combination of these factors. They are frequently poor, uneducated to the extent of being non­ literate even in their language of origin, speak no English and are unfamiliar with all the technological accoutrements of a modern industrialized city. They are frequently trapped within the house of their children, unable to venture forth alone. Where the grandchildren cannot, or will not, speak the same 1 anguage as the grandparent, but insist on speaking English and behave as typical young Australians, the aged person is isolated indeed. Their problem is further exacerbated if, as frequently happens, the family•s financial situation changes either through industrial retrenchments or as the result of industrial accident, family breakdown or by the pregnancy of the wife/ daughter. - 271 - Australia has been slow to recognise the special needs of the migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds. It is only in the last ten years that literature has become widely available detailing the social service provisions, medical provisions, compensation, legal rights and health care provisions in multiple languages. The Health Commission now employs interpreters from all major language groups, ethnic community workers and special English language classes are increasingly being funded. Trade Unions are gradually assuming more responsibility for their non-English speaking workers.

Despite these changes the older generations have benefited only marginally.

As we have seen in New South Wales ethnically segregated retirement accommodation has been established by the Estonian, Polish, Hungarian, German, Greek, Italian, White Russian, Dutch and Jewish communities. These have received some grants-in-aid but the initiative has come from groups within those communities. The standard of the accommodation varies widely but the standard of accommodation appears incidental to its utilization. For example Juliana Village (Dutch) won a design award, is not prohibitively expensive and is well located near transport and within an easy level, walking distance from a major shopping complex. However only 30 percent of residents are of Dutch origin. - 272 -

One is tempted to ascribe this response to their level of economic well being and facility with the English language.

(See Tables 6 and 10 in Chapter 3). Such an easy explanation is rendered invalid by the Martin Luther Village for German Lutherans. If that Village emptied tomorrow it could be refilled, then filled again by Germans, equally linguistically competent and affluent as are the Dutch.

On the other hand the Italian Village has difficulty filling its hostel, although the nursing home is constantly under pressure for accommodation. Similarly only 10 percent of the residents in the Greek hostels are Greeks whereas there is strong demand for Greek nursing home beds.

Australian Governments, at first strongly integrationist, have moved rapidly through an assimilationist phase to espouse multiculturalism. It appears doubtful that the implications of this policy are fully understood (Legge, 1984a). Nevertheless some commitment to cultural pluralism is eviden~ed by the establishment and the funding of a wide range of ethnic specific activities and of colourful

11 Cultural" displays and programmes. Gradually some of the implications of Australia's ethnic diversity are being recognised.

As previously mentioned, during the last ten years governmental appreciation of the difficulties experienced by many migrants has resulted in the provision of interpreters - 273 - within health and legal institutions. There is also publication, in multiple languages, of information relating to social service provisions, housing, welfare, family breakdown, education, baby health clinics, immunization and other preventative health measures, for example drug and alcohol counselling. The funding of ethnic health workers has had an important, and welcome, effect in reducing stress and increasing utilization of the various health services. Some government departments are endeavouring to recruit counter staff who are bilingual.

Despite these changes government (at its several levels) has so far not resolved the fundamental philosophical problem of whether a multicultural society should develop structurally plural institutions or try to limit pluralism to the cultural level. Two influential government reports highlight this dilemma. The Federal Government "Migrant Services and Programs: Report of the Review of Post-Arrival Programs and Services for Migrants" (Galbally, 1978) advocates a number of initiatives with strong structurally diversifying implications. Many of their recommendations have been accepted and the development of ethnically and religiously exclusive schools has resulted, also ethnic television channels and radio stations. Pressure has also been applied to universities and colleges to relax entry standards to enable some students to gain entry which would otherwise have been denied them. From a different philosophical position the Ethnic Affiars Commission of - 274 -

N.S.W. Report 11 Participation11 (Totaro, 1978) rejects structural pluralism. It argues in favour of

11 mainstreaming11 through fear that structural pluralism will result in the development of ghettoised groups who will be locked into a minority culture, thus effectively denying them the same chances of upward mobility effective in the broader community. One outcome of this philosophy is the importance the N.S.W. Government is placing on community languages within the state school system and the employment of teachers whose responsibility is the teaching of English as a second language.

To this researcher, whatever the relative merits of these two positions for the young and middle aged from diverse ethnic groups, the aged have a right to whatever supports give them secure, stress free environments. Where structural supports are necessary to achieve this, they should be accepted and provided. Compulsory incorporation in English speaking environments (compulsory because of lack of viable alternatives) inevitably reduces quality of life.

Recent research by the N.S.W. Ethnic Communities' Council indicates that general nursing homes are entirely inadequate for aged people from non-English speaking countries. A survey of 160 nursing homes in N.S.W. found that 69 percent of Italian, 92 percent of Greek, 85 percent of Hungarian and 75 percent of Chinese nursing home residents spoke little or no English (Skoroszewski, 1985). - 27 5-

Cahill's (1985) participant observation study demonstrated that patients who are unable to express basic needs are also almost totally cut off from fellow patients, suffer from isolation and depression and discover that no provision is made to give them the foods they have eaten all their lives.

The Federal Government considers that 50 nursing home beds per 1,000 people over the age of 65 years in a given area is the optimum number. It generally rejects applications for new homes in areas where this ratio has been reached. In N.S.W. the supply of nursing home beds is already slightly higher than this ratio and applications for new ethnic-based homes are generally rejected. It must, however, be recognized that nothing in the above discussion should be interpreted as implying that all aged people from non­ English speaking backgrounds would prefer ethnically segregated accommodation. Indeed, especially amongst the well educated, it is probably the case that a considerable majority would prefer mainstream services and accommodation.

Australia's German origin settlers have higher educational levels than the host community (See Table 9). They have established themselves financially, (Figure 9) are geographically dispersed and there is a low level of endogamous marriage. Their children are even more successful than their parents. A high expectation of educational achievement was encouraged by their parents. A number of village residents actively sought to prevent their - 27 6-

children marrying other German origin spouses so that in the

event of another war the grandchildren would be identified

as ordinary Australians. This feeling of being "the enemy•

appears to be the strongest recurring theme in residents• explanation of why they decided to enter the village. As one of them said upon entering "I felt I had come home". It is mandatory to speak German and all social occasions and ceremonies are conducted in that language. However they buy English language newspapers, watch English language television and belong to the Municipal library. Their friendship patterns are primarily with their pre-Village

(English language) contacts. They are happy to utilize the local meals-on-wheels, community nurse, municipal housekeeper service, and to seek their entertainment at the main line cinemas and theatres. In other words their

decision to enter the Village was made positively for reasons unconnected with their ability to cope in the broader community. Their satisfaction with Village life is high, many of them having suggested entry to friends who are still living in their own homes.

German origin people living in their own homes and ten German origin people living in other, non-ethnic specific,

retirement villages were interviewed. The non-village interviews are not reported, being outside the scope of this thesis. Suffice to say they resembled the village residents except for their preference to remain in the broader

community. - 27 7-

Significantly all, except one interviewee, were happy with

their present life situation. There were no appreciable

cultural differences between the ethnic village residents and the residents of the non-ethnic villages.

Work history, family structure, education and socio-economic status were similar. One major difference however was that all those interviewed in the non-ethnic specific villages had lived locally, a number in the ethnic specific village had come from inter-state to live there.

All residents in all villages claimed to have made their own decision to enter a retirement village, a number of them, especially those from inter-state, against the expressed wishes of their adult children. They made the initial enquiries in some instances not telling their families until well into the entry waiting time period. Voluntary entry has been correlated with life satisfaction in a number of studies (Hochschild, 1972; Legge, 1984b).

The situation with those interviewed in the two Greek villages was totally different. There are no independent units in the Greek villages, they have hostel type accommodation. Eighteen of the twenty residents were interviewed, one being unwell, the other was not available. An interpreter was essential for sixteen interviews and helpful in the other two. The hostels were modern, well - 27'8 -

equipped and all the residents looked well and warmly

dressed, the surgeries and other facilities were situated

off attractive foyers an<;~ there was a relaxed, caring atmosphere. The dining rooms were large but there were

multiple small tables and there appeared to be established friendship groups at the tables (the non-Greek residents were not interviewed). The hostels are under the aegis of the Greek Orthodox Church. The social worker was born in Greece and there was constant contact with people of Greek origin through the Church. The social worker reported frequent visits from family members. A number of domestic

staff were of Greek origin. The hostels are in an inner city working class area.

However, in recognition that 90 percent of residents were of Anglo-Celtic origin, food served in the dining halls was not traditional Greek food. For linguistic reasons there was no possibility of cross-cultural friendships developing and there appeared to be little sense of community even between

the Greeks. This could be attributed to the fact that they came from a diversity of regions and islands. Another

interpretation could however be advanced; that having been rejected by their familes they, subconsciously, felt ashamed

and incapable of re-establishing a warm, supporting network

away from that family. The two men interviewed had retained a much stronger sense of selfworth than had the women, had sufficient English to communicate with other residents and claimed to have entered the hostel voluntarily. - 279 -

Voluntary entry has a number of implications, retention of

control of one's own 1 ife, hope for improved quality of

life, an expression of independence and a desire to see the positive aspects of the new life- if only to justify the entry decision. All these factors were very evident in the German interviewees in all three of the interview situations. Interviewing through an interpreter it is difficult to pick up tones, phrases, from which to develop an understanding of the underlying w.orld of meanings and expressed values. In all cases the interviewee said he/she agreed to enter the hostel. That agreement seems tinged with sadness and a sense of rejection. Agreeing is different to initiating. Therefore despite their having agreed to enter the village those positive consequences mentioned above were unlikely to occur.

An almost tangible sense of pride was the overwhelming impression that most Greeks respondents 1 eft with this interviewer. Pride in family achivement and individual pride that they were not impeding or obstructing the upward social mobility of their children. The family achievement was remarkable. One old, illiterate lady had four children, three (sons) now medical practitioners, the daughter, a high school teacher. The other residents had similarly successful children, either university graduates or successful businessmen. If the reason for migration was family opportunity then theyhad found the end of the - 280 - rainbow. Perhaps the price for the first generation was enormously high but they paid it willingly. Success, particularly academic success in Australia, is inevitably accompanied by high levels of acculturation. In Australia, middle class mores include as acceptable, even desirable the independence of the old and the entry of the old into retirement accommodation. The tremendous success of the children legitimated the position of the aged.

Greek parents have higher aspirations for their children than have any other national group (Meade, 1983a, b). In the opinion of this researcher this is likely to affect the demand for places in Greek retirement villages. Within another ten years the expectation would be that all the places will be occupied by people of Greek extraction. If this expectation is fulfilled, two important changes will take place. First, the hostels will be 11 Greek11 in atmosphere and therefore not only more acceptable but there would be sufficient people from whom to choose friendship networks. Second, as entry into villages becomes more socially acceptable the sense of rejection and stigma elderly residents feel would be greatly reduced thus facilitating friendship and positive experiences.

It is therefore argued that cohort experience, cultural expectations, family support roles and networks, and educational mobility of the 11 Caring generation11 need to be incorporated in any model forecasting demand. In addition - 281 - the retention of ethnic values as evidenced by inter-group marriage patterns, geographic concentration, the

establishment of the ethnic structural supports (e.g.

church, clubs, newspapers, associations), and contact with the country of origin are instrumental in both the provision of ethnic specific services and in the continued need for them. Finally, attitudes of neighbours, the regard each ethnic group enjoys and governmental immigration p::>licy and assimilation/ integration., philosophy, influence the availability of structural supports, the demographic profile of the group and the pro vi sian of facilities in the community.

The following model seeks to incorporate all these elements. - 282 -

TABLE 28 MODEL FOR FORECASTING THE NEED FOR ETHNICALLY SEGREGATED RETIREMENT ACCOMMODATION Time Orientation c Family Structure 0 u N Nature Relationship T Family Role Distribution R y

OF

Educational Level 0 Migration Pattern (Chain R vs. Individual) I G I Reason for Migration N Age at Migration Pattern of Interaction A (integration levels) u Linguistic Skills s Migration Pattern (generation 1,2,3) T (episodic, continual) R Children's educational A Leadership (political, level L religious, trade union} I Children's occupational A Appropriate support mobility N S er vices (meals-on-wheels ethnic community workers) Degree of Endogamy Work Availability to Carer's Generation Geographic Dispersion E X Government Policy Identification Orientation P (mai nstreaming?) E Contact with Country of R Funding Structure of ~i¢n I Retirement Villages Acculturation E (generation 1,2,3) N Ethnic Structural Friendship Patterns C Pluralism E Subjective Definition of Minority Group Membership - 283 -

The model provides a format for any group which is seeking to investigate the appropriateness of ethnically segregated retirement accommodation. As the upper part of the model indicates country of origin must be focused on first. The cultural values, time and nature orientation within the country of origin at the time of migration are considered in order to assess their effect upon family structure and role distribution, also the likelihood of the groups understanding and accepting the family relationships and agencies existing in Australia. It is argued throughout the thesis that where, as in the case of many migrant communities these values are different from those of the Australian core society, that interaction and acceptance is problematic. Secondly it focuses upon the pattern of and reasons for migration. These are seen as important because chain migration provides an opportunity for the renewal of cultural values and establishment of family networks, thus obviating the necessity to form primary relationships with an outgroup. In addition there is the importation of both potential carers and those needing care and, to some extent at least, the maintenance of a population whose primary language is that of the older generation resident in Australia. Conversely episodic migration produces a situation where cohort experience is similar, the group ages conjunctionally and the children of the migrating generation are, of necessity and frequently by choice also, absorbed into the broader community. Age at migration is a crucial factor, family reunion policy which enables the migration of the aged ensures that there is a group of old people whose - 284 -

language and cultural values are those of their country of origin. This fact has obvious implications for aged related services. The migration of working aged adults also has implications for the level of endogamy, the retention of cultural values, the acquisition of fluency in the English language and the establishment of networks.

The focus of the model then shifts to the conditions that migrants experience in Australia. Here the division is based on patterns of interaction between the ethnic group and the core society. These interactions are mediated by the leadership available within the ethnic group and its relationship with Australian religious, political and trade union leaders, the geographic dispersion of the ethnic group and it's economic base. Australian government policies form a crucial element in these interactions. Policies have changed considerably over the post World War II period and need to be addressed if appropriate services are to be provided.

Attention is also drawn to intergenerational dissonance. Differing educational levels, language facility, patterns of endogamy and subjective definitions of the value of group membership affect the acceptance of aged family members. This is especially the case when the aged family member retains values and expectations markedly different from those of the subsquent generations. - 285 -

In understanding the needs of the aged in any one specific ethnic group all these factors do not necessarily apply. An analysis of any particular group would need to consider which factors are relevant and to focus upon those the group judge to be, in its case, instrumental. However if the model were used to underpin a recommendation for a generalised governmental policy to be formulated which will provide a framework within which any ethnic group's aged are adequately catered for all the factors incorporated in the model are relevant.

In the current economic climate the federal government supports the concept of multiculturalism but is loathe to fund it. It should therefore be pointed out that the development of ethnic specific retirement villages should be no more costly than the provision of an equal number of places in villages available to the aged generally. Indeed because of the individual communities' sense of responsibility towards their aged members all the villages visited had considerable financial and practical support flowing into the village. In addition, as was shown in the discussion on retirement villages (Chapter 7), no single pattern exists. For the Greek and Italian villages demand for places did not meet the number of places available, any short fall of applicants was taken up by applicants from the broader community. It is forecast that, with the increasing numbers of the aged and the progressive acculturation of the succeeding generations, demand from within the ethnic group will substantially increase. In contrast to this situation - 286 - is the German village. Most aged Germans prefer to stay in their own homes or to enter non-ethnically segregated retirement villages. Nevertheless there are substantial numbers wanting the security offered by a German village. As this generation disappears they recognise that applicants from the broader community will increasingly be admitted. This also applies to the Estonian and Russian villages. The Dutch village is already two thirds occupied by non-Dutch residents. The Germans, Estonians, Russian and Dutch villages are therefore seen as moving, at varying speeds, away from an "ethnic" village, whereas many immigrant groups are moving towards a high, and urgent, need for an "ethnic" village. The Greek and Italian communities are exemplars of this trend. - 287 -

CHAPTER 11

CONCLUSION

Australia's population continues to grow relatively slowly. However proportionally the most rapidly growing sector is the aged and within the aged population the proportion of those over seventy-five, that is those most likely to need care, is increasing at the fastest rate. This fact has implications at every level of governmental concern; it underlines the need for changes in provisions in such widely disparate areas as schooling, housing, health services, architecture and pensions, as well as more directly focused support services. While social values change more slowly than do social circumstances, political reality is now manifesting itself through the increasing strength of the aged vote. Results of this cognizance are the establishment, at both Federal and State levels, of Offices of Aged Care, the funding of research into ageing, the establishment of Chairs of Gerontology and the acceptance by government of some responsibility for such previously entirely voluntary activities as meals-on­ wheels.

However, while considerable changes have taken place provisions have been targeted to "the old", "the poor old", "the frail aged", "the single pensioner" and to those with

~pecific conditions such as Alzheimer's Disease. The services provided have, to a very large extent, overlooked - 288 -

the fact that Australia is a multicultural country and that large, and increasing, numbers of the aged were born in non-English-speaking countries. Were it not for the efforts of individual ethnic groups and the researchers they have support (Hearst, 1981; Moratis, 1981; Ware, 1981), and above all the Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs, very little would be known about Australia's aged population from non-English speaking countries.

This thesis had its genesis in the recognition of the inadequacy of the available literature, particularly for teaching purposes, on the migration experience. There was, and still is, a lack of material which attempts to test the efficacy of middle-range theoretical paradigms for elucidating the multiple interactions between immigrant groups and the host society. The problem is the more urgent when one is deeply conscious of the difficulties faced by immigrant groups·, especially by those groups with a substantial aged sector. I was particularly concerned about the effects of changing norms and values upon the aged and their families and keen to develop sociological insights which would help illuminate the situation and alleviate some of the difficulties being experienced. It was also perceived that changing governmental policies, for example withdrawal of financial support for funding retirement villages, were likely to impose additional hardships upon those groups for whom mainstream services were inappropriate or unacceptable. - 289 -

These interests impelled me to attempt to apply my sociological imagination, thus translating individual problems into social issues. It is hoped the insights generated here will assist people towards a more adequate understanding of the situation and allow more effective argument to be brought to bear on the development of governmental policy.

The specific aim of the research, then, was to examine the position of the aged from non-English-speaking backgrounds, with a view to determining whether their social location or their migration experience precluded the use of mainstream services for the aged from some, or all, of Australia's immigrant communities. It further aimed, if this exclusion was established, to explain this. Such explanation had not only a broad theoretical intention, but it was hoped it would provide information which would allow individual ethnic groups to assess their need for segregated accommodation.

The research had four stages. First, the general characteristics of Australia's immigrant population were established, with a focus upon socio-economic, linguistic, educational and family formation variables. This information was extracted from official Australian statistics and from published research. Particular attention was paid to intergenerational education achievement and language facility. These two variables were viewed as significant indicators of acculturation and ethnic - 290 -

cohesion and therefore influential for an understanding of the relationship of the ethnic group to the host society and the willingness of individuals to accept, and use, mainstream services.

Second, a number of theoretical paradigms developed by American and Australian researchers were examined. Each model focused upon different ·aspects of the migration experience. The specificity of their focus meant that no single paradigm was universally applicable. They were not equally relevant to all migrant groups nor to all migrant experiences. However by selecting insights provided by each model a broader understanding could be achieved. Insights from all these models were used to develop the questionnaire used in the third stage of the research programme.

In this third stage, interviews were arranged with the superintendent or organizer of all the ethnically segregated retirement villages in the Greater Sydney metropolitan area. The interviews took place at the individual village and they lasted approximately three hours, using a semi-structured interview schedule.

Information about the population of these villages allowed the villages to be divided into three categories. Recapitulating, these categories of villages are: The first, for people who are culturally regressive, people who have fitted into mainstream Australian society economically and socially throughout their working life but who have - 291 -

never ceased to feel "the stranger••. This feeling has arisen for a variety of reasons; for Germans a feeling of rejection, the experience of discrimination arising from events during and after World War II; for the Estonians a need to preserve a sense of national identity because of the absorption of their homeland by the USSR: for the Russians the twice refugee experience, fleeing first from Russia and many years later from China. These cohort experiences fostered a need for group cohesion and generated in their old age closure from within.

The second category of villages provides a refuge for those people so traumatised by their pre-migration experiences that they never reovered sufficiently to enable them to establish themselves in Australia. They form only a small sector of their ethnic community, but are significant from the point of view of their needs for care.

Third, there are villages for those who have never fully accepted the Australian milieu, learnt the language and accepted its values. This last group, by far the largest likely to need ethnically segregated accommodation over a long term period, is at the moment almost entirely from the Mediterranean littoral. The need for this type of accommodation, it is argued, is likely to grow considerably as the numbers of aged increase and as their families become increasingly educationally and occupationally successful. - 292 -

The fourth, and final, stage of the research consisted of in depth interviewing of residents of two villages. One village from each of categories one and three. Residents from category two villages were not interviewed as the justification for the existence of these villages was seen to be less problematic. All societies contain people who are destitute, who are psychologically disturbed or who are traumatised by life events. The existence of refuges such as the Mathew Talbot Homes and the Sydney City Mission attest to this fact. What is distinctive about the category two villages is the need of the residents to be in an "ethnic" atmosphere. The less contentious nature of this group is partly demonstrated by the fact that funding for accommodation is comparatively easy to obtain (comparatively when compared with the categories one and three villages) as the residents financial status allows applications under Housing Commission guidelines.

German and Greek villages were chosen as they respectively represented Category 1 and Category 3. Of crucial importance, because in depth interviewing was involved, was the support offered by the administration. Both Superintendents were sensitively aware of the need for this type of research. The aim here was to provide case material to explore various features of the paradigms and their usefulness. The ethnic characteristics of these villages made them very suitable for the task. - 293 -

CONSIDERATIONS MEDIATING THE NEED FOR ETHNICALLY SEGREGATED RETIREMENT VILLAGES

The research reinforced the view that upon arrival in Australia people do not, cannot, jettison the culturally based understanding of reality which they absorbed prior to their migration experience; nor should they be expected to do so. The diversity of the migrant population and the rapidly changing social, political and economic climate into which immigrants to Australia have come preclude the use of any one explanatory paradigm. Migration can be a lonely, threatening experience, it can be a movement into a warm supportive milieu or contain elements of both these extremes depending upon characteristics of both the immigrant group and of the receiving country. Some of the relevant factors which mediate this experience ·are the cause of migration, whether it is a voluntary act or fleeing from political

persecution~ whether individual or chain; whether or not, return to the country of origin is possible; the availability of work, accommodation and structural supports

in the receiving country~ the educational level and age of the immigrant and the climate of acceptance for specif.ic immigrant groups.

The study has used a range of middle level theories to examine the position and needs of aged people from non-English speaking backgrounds. The focus is upon ethnicity and the paradigms used are drawn from the sociology of migration literature. This does not deny that - 294 - social class influences the experience o£ ageing, this issue has been addressed by other researchers (Kendig, 1984a; Wild, 1978). Nor does it deny the validity of micro-ethnographic studies such as Bottomley (1979), De Lepervanche (1984a) and Huber (1977) who have made a valuable contribution to an understanding of ethnicity in Australia. It does argue that ethnicity influences the needs of the aged and their expectations and behaviour and that an understanding o£ aged ethnic relations can be enhanced by using such middle level theory.

Five major theoretical paradigms were selected as contributing most to understanding the immigration process in Australia. Their differing focuses can encompass the range of immigrants, with their multitude o£ differing values, who have been received by Australia. Kluckhohn (1967) used relationship with nature to examine intra-family relationships and attitudes to change. Willen's (1983) focus was time. He opined that a group's social and moral values developed from and were dependent upon modes of thought which were time based. Newman (1973) was more interested in the interpersonal and inter-group relations which developed in complex societies when the assessment of worth of particular groups was mediated by stereotypic evaluations of group status and characteristics. Many of the same considerations were used by Smolicz and Secombe (1979) in their discussion o£. the interaction between any two cultures. Their questioning of whether groups would remain separate, interact or be absorbed by the dominant - 295 -

culture and what this would mean for individuals within a group raised a number of issues which need to be examined in understanding the migration experience but proves more useful in describing a society than in forecasting possible future interaction. The most useful paradigm for a developmental understanding was Gordon•s (1964) paradigm which differentiates between acculturation and assimilation.

As mentioned above the theoretical paradigms were used in sta.ge two of this research to develop both its theoretical framework and the questionnaire for interviewing. Kluckhohn (1967) defined societies by their relationship with nature suggesting that a three-fold division into societies who were in subjection to nature, in co-operation with nature, or were dominant over nature enabled the observer to understand the basic social groupings and values within the society. For example those in subjection to nature were past oriented and relationships were organized in a lineal manner. Willen (1983) defined societies using concepts of time. A fourfold division, labelled mythological, eschatological, historical and rational, concentrated attention on the social and moral values of the particular society. The historically oriented society was concerned with the preservation of socio-moral values and customs and in arresting the cultural erosion which occurs with the passing of time whereas the rational society looked to science and utility. - 296 -

If we apply these paradigms to Australia the core society strongly exhibits 11 dominant over nature 11 and 11 rational 11 characteristics. Immigrant communities differ in quite profound ways. For example, as demonstrated by the New South Wales Ethnic Affairs Commission research (1985), Sydney's Turkish community has strong elements of Kluckhohn's first two categories, being present oriented and having lineal or collateral relationships. In Willen's terms it is historically oriented. These differences are important for the group's relationship with the core society and for their cohesion and continuity, as well as for their acceptance of the governmental services and the structure of other supports which exist in the core society.

The acceptability of immigrants by the host society is related to the degree of similarity, culturally and racially of the immigrant group to the host society. Dissimilarities can feed intolerance and may lead to exclusion from economic success. Where intergenerational value shift occurs, as is almost inevitable if the younger generation attends mainstream schools, the older generation is likely to become progressively isolated.

Newman (1973) focused upon differing majority, minority group interpretation of what it means to be a member of a given physical, cognitive or behavioural minority. His focus was upon what it means when these majority, minority definitions of an hyphenated identity conflict with each other. The examples given in Chapter 4 included Aboriginal- - 297 -

Australians, German-Australians and Jewish-Australians, in each case the majority definition conflicts with the definition individuals within the group have of themselves. Even where the community response to a group is positive, those individuals may prefer to maintain their own ethnic allegiance - that is the boundary maintenance may come from within rather than be imposed from without. This internal boundary maintenance may result in a group choosing to maintain its religious and/or ethnic cohesion. Where the individual's preference for, or dislike of, the role location of his/her reference group is generationally mediated there is an added likelihood that intergenerational households will contain tensions. In order to preserve family harmony the older generation may then seek an ethnic retirement village, for example the Russian Village, or be persuaded to enter one, as my research would indicate is the case for the Greek and Italian Village residents. In this latter case where the younger generation is moving away from the traditional values described by Kluckhohn an ethnic village would provide contact with a network which shared a common understanding of reality.

The thoughts, feelings and activities of individuals as cultural beings, and as active participants in the life of a group, occasion Smolicz and Secombe (1979) to examine ethnic tenacity. They identify the crucial role played by parallel institutional structures in preserving ethnic identity. They argue that Australian official acceptance of, and support for, religious freedom and a plurality of - 298 - educational establishments, has facilitated ethnic identity retention. For example, a strong sense of ethnic identity can, and does, exist despite strong intergenerational value shifts within the Greek and Italian communities (Bottomley, 1979; Huber, 1977). It is thus evident that even where the structures which exist in a country facilitate structural pluralism and the retention of ethnic identity, acculturation can occur (Gordon, 1964). This acculturation in Australia can include an acceptance of retirement villages which would be a foreign concept in the culture of origin. At the same time, where there is retention of ethnic identity, this will affect the type of village that is acceptable and needed. This is demonstrated by the demand for places in ethnically segregated villages.

Gordon's (1964) discussion differentiated the component processes of assimulation, through acculturation to the total integration of identificational assimilation. He argued that this differentiation facilitates an understanding of the ongoing process of the changes occuring in the component parts of an immigrant population. The United States of America experienced enormous waves of migration many decades earlier than Australia. The processes therefore have had longer to develop, and to be analysed. Differentiation between acculturation and assimilation in its various forms, structural, marital and identificational provides a conceptual framework within which individual national groups can be examined. He further argues that acculturation does not necessarily - 299 - progress to identificational assimilation, that is that culture shift can occur without diminution of ethnic identity. When this occurs parallel structures develop, those structural supports in turn facilitate ethnic identity retention in a continuous process of mutually reinforcing interaction.

The interaction between all the variables seen as important by these theorists can produce an infinite number of variations. The diversity of the immigrant experience in Australia bears testimony to this, however a number of patterns are also discernible. In promoting an understanding of the migration process it is therefore necessary to examine the similarities between immigrant groups as well as the dissimilarities between, and within, them. Australian literature and my research have demonstrated this point. Using these theoretical insights it is possible to attempt predictive statements about the wishes and needs of the elderly from a particular ethnic group.

There are, for example, significant similarities between the Poles and the Vietnamese. Their countries were both ravaged by a long war, the immigrants experienced displaced persons camps, broken families and the impossibility of return to their country of origin. Dissimilarities are, however, also strong. These inqlude such factors as the economic, social and political climate fn Australia at the time of their arrival and their length of time in Australia and - 300 -

acceptable by the core society. As well, dissimilarities include race, religion, educational level and alphabet. Value orientations, as interpreted by Kluckhohn and Willen also differ. As previously argued these values determine reaction to mainline culture (Hassan, Healy, McKenna and Hearst, 1985). I have pointed out earlier that such similarities may produce from the Vietnamese settlers a group of people suffering from similar traumas to those that necessitated the establishment of the Polish Village. It is possible that Lebanese Moslems, Kampucheans and Tamil Sri

Lankans will need a similar suppo~t structure.

Chain migration, the possibility of return to the country of origin, a strong endogamatic preference, levels of education and long history of migration to Australia provide similar experiences for Greek and Italian immigrants. They are similar also in both Kluckhohn and Willen's categorisations of value orientations. There are, nonetheless, significant differences between the groups. Italians arriving in Australia had a conquered nation status, forgiven rather than accepted, seen as luck,to be coming to the "Lucky Country" whereas Greeks were the brave, loyal ally. Religious differences also existed. Italians slotted into the mainstream Roman Catholic culture: Greek Orthodoxy was strange, different, exotic. Greeks brought their own religious leaders who were intent upon, and largely successful in, maintaining that religion. The tenacity of the culture, lack of educational sophistication and the different alphabet all combined to restrict primary contacts - 301 -

with the host society. This in turn, aided by structural supports and continuing migration, family reunion and return visits to Greece, facilitate Greek cohesion. The initial migrants ambition for the educational success of their children on the other hand ensured that a high level of second generation acculturation, with its individualist (Kluckhohn, 1967) rational (Willen, 1983) values. Though the acculturation process demonstrates significant gender differences with greater tensions in relation to girls and women. Inevitably there will be growing acceptance of the concept and of the appropriateness of retirement villages by the younger generation. Inevitably also that accommodation will need to be for the Greek aged, that is to be ethnically segregated, if the aged people are to have a positive experience.

Many of the characteristics of city dwellers as described as early as the 1930s by researchers such as Wirth (1938, 1964), independence, loss of primary relationship, weaker social control and the tendency of urbanites to treat each other instrumentally are inevitable consequences of the modes of thought described as future oriented and rational. These value orientations are shared by immigrants from advanced industrial societies such as from Holland, Germany and the Baltic States. Internalization of these values has mean widespread acceptance of retirement villages as the preferred option for aged accommodation. It does not however necessarily follow that mainstream villages are acceptable. Cohort experience, as was so articulately - 302 -

described by respondents in my survey, creates a climate in which a segregated village maximizes life satisfaction. An understanding of the importance of cohort experience also enables an appreciation of the need for the Estonian village. It is a last refuge after having lost one's country and having seen one's descendants structurally, maritally, and identificationally absorbed into mainstream society. This thesis initiates a different orientation to the study of the ethnic aged. The perspectives used are grounded in the theoretical analysis of ethnic/race relations. Firstly the ethnic groups have been located in their economic, educational and occupational position. Language competency is reviewed with a particular focus upon intergenerational and inter sex dissonance. This dissonance is identified as an indicator of acculturation. Intergenerational value shift can occasion feelings of loneliness and devaluation in the aged, even when they are living in a multigenerational household (AIMA, 1983). Loneliness is exacerbated in situations where the 11 Women in the middle 11 are in outside employment (Table 7) and where geographic dispersion is prevalent (Table 14).

The above information is essential in establishing parameters. The significance of this thesis lies in the application of various theoretical models to an understanding of the position of the ethnic aged in Australian society and in the development of a methodology for forecasting the need for ethnically segregated retirement accommodation. - 303 -

A final point is that as people age there is, not infrequently, a return to the values, tastes, and language of their youth. Thus despite many years residence in Australia, during which immigrants sought to re-establish themselves and to provide a secure home for their families, in old age, even for those people apparently well integrated into the Australian community, there can be a revival of the importance placed on cohort experience and ethnicity. That is, socio-economic imperatives become less important and values become more traditional and significant.

The resear.ch demonstrates that Sydney• s ethnically segregated accommodation units can be divided into three categories by examining the population they service. First,

there are those residents who are 11 culturally regressive 11 and who have never entirely ceased to see themselves as

11 strangers". Second, there are those who are emotionally and physically traumatised by their pre-migration experience. Finally, there are those who have never fully accepted the Australian milieu, learnt the language and accepted its values.

From a summary of salient factors a model has been constructed. It is designed to incorporate the various factors which contribute to the need for retirement accommodation. It thus also points to the features that are likely to best respond to the needs o£ a particular group o£ people. It is hoped that the model will provide a framework for assessing likely need and developing social policy. - 304 -

Hopefully its practical value will not be restricted to those in governmental or formal organizational positions but will also assist with the development of submissions by groups who are applying for retirement accommodation funding.

Very obviously this is a preliminary attempt to apply sociological insight to a very important practical issue. The insights gained, also feed back into theory and hence to our potential understanding of a broad range of issues relating to the migration experience. Nonetheless further research is needed to establish the validity of this approach. It is hoped that researchers will respond by examination of the importance of, and continuation of, values related to nature and time, the continuity of ethnic identity and the effect of intergenerational value shift as well as changing governmental responses and above all, the

general life satisfaction of all Australia 1 s aged citizens.

In summary then no single theoretical paradigm provides an understanding of the characteristics of any single immigrant group nor accounts for the variety of migration experiences. Insights from a range of paradigms, mediated by the social, economic and political circumstances of the receiving society assist us towards a broad appreciation of the key social processes. As Australia•s immigrant citizens age, their quality of life will be determined by an understanding of these ~onsiderations, and the action that results from this understanding. - 305 -

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APPENDIX 1

CUMBERLAND COLLEGE 6F HEALTH SCIENCES

- RESEARCH PROJECT - Personal Details: l} Sex: Male 1 2} Generation: oldest 1 Female 2 middle 2 youngest 3

3. In what country were you born?------(

4. In what country was your mother born?·------( )

5. In what country was your father born?·------(

6. In what year did you come to Austra 1i a?------{_

7. Did you come alone? Yes 1 No 2 a. If not alone, with whom did you come? ______

9. Who made the decision to mi~rate? ------10. Did you already have relatives here? Yes 1 Na2 11. What relationship to you were they? ------12. Have other members of your family arrived here since you came? Yes 1 No 2 13. Could you tell me about them? e.g. Did they stay with you? Who paid their fare? Do they still live close to you? ------·------14. Did relatives or government assist you with passage money? ------15. Government assistance Yes 1 No 2 16. Family assistance Yes 1 No 2 17. Have you been back to visit Greece/Germany/Italy? Yes 1 No 2 18. Do you still have relatives there? Yes 1 No 2 19. Do you keep in regular touch with them? Yes 1 No 2 Is this contact important to you? Yes 1 No 2 - 328 -

20. Can you tell me your reason for saying that? ______._ -----·------~---- -•------••••-••w-••- 21. Would you say your friendships were: more Australian 1 more Italian 2 22. Do you visit Australians: frequently 1 sometimes 2 never 3 23. Do you visit Greeks/Germans/Italians: frequently 1 sometimes 2 never 3 24. Group Membership: A1.1stralian only Yes 1 I tal ian only Yes 2 No group membership Yes 3 25. Attend Italian/Greek/German festivals: Yes 1 No 2 26. English rated as fluent: Speech Yes 1 No 2 27. English rated as fluent: Reading Yes 1 No 2 28. English rated as fluent: Writing Yes 1 No 2 29. Greek/Italian/German rated as f1 uent: Speech Yes 1 No 2 30. Greek/Italian/German rated as fluent: Reading Yes 1 No 2 31. Greek/Italian/German rated as fluent: Writing Yes 1 No 2 32. Think in Greek/Italian/German Yes 1 No 2 33. Think in English Yes 1 No 2 34. Think in both Yes 1 No 2 35. On 1y Greek/ Ita1 ian/German spoken at home. Yes 1 No 2 36. Only English spoken at home Yes 1 No 2 - 329 -

37. What language do you speak ta your adult children? ------grande hi 1dren? ------38. What languages do they speak? ------39. Haw do you feel about this? ------40. Ethnic background of children's spouses? ------41. Read Greek/Italian/German newspapers :frequent 1y 1 sometimes . 2 never 3 42. Cook food 1n the Greek/Italian/German way frequently 1 sometimes 2 never 3 43. Do you think governments should have a responsibility to provide financial assistance to the old or unemployed? Yes 1 No 2 44. Have you ever applied for social service assistance? Yes 1 No 2

45. Was ~~ur application successful? Yes 1 No 2 46. Does the Australian Social Service scheme give you a feeling of security? Yes 1 No 2 (pro be} 47. Was the attitude of the Government agent: helpful 1 unhelpful 2 (.probe}

48. What aspects of life in Australia do·you find most satisfying? (~robe} ------49. Of the things you mention, which do you think most important? ------·------·------50. What do you find the most unsatisfactory aspect of life in Australia? ------330 -

51. Of the things you mention, which do you think most important? ------52. Is life in Australia more satisfying for some age groups than it is for other age groups?

53. Could you tell me why?

54. Would you like to return to Greece/Germany/Italy to live when you retire? Yes 1 No 2 55. What type of accommodation would you like when you are/grow old? living with family 1 living in a retirement village 2 independent accommodation 3 other 4 56. Have you heard of the Greek/German/Italian Retirement Village? Yes 1 No 2 57. Do you think ethnically segregated retirement accommodation is a good idea? Yes 1 58. Would you prefer that, to retirement villages to which people from all different countries go? Yes 1 59. Could you tell me why?

60. Since you came to Australia in how many houses have you lived?

61. Did you know your neighbours? How well?

How often would you speak to them? daily, weekly, monthly.

How often would you visit them? ------62. Could you ask for material help? Yes No - 331 -

63. Could you ask for advice? Yes No

64. Do you still see them? ------65. Have you developed any real friends since you came to Australia? Yes No 66. What were their countries of origin?

67. How would you describe your health?

physical ------

68. If you were King for a day what big change would you make to Australia?

To the .village (or locality)?

69. Overall would you describe your life as happy? ------·------As happy as you expected? ------­

As if you had not migrated? ------332 -

APPENDIX 2

"EXPECTATIONS OF COMMUNITY AND FAMILY INVOLVEMENT IN CARING FOR THE AGED"

Auckland University Centenary Conference May, 1983

Varoe Legge - 333 -

ABSTRACT:

How and where people live in their latter years is a function of many interlocking variables such as socio-economic level and physical and mental health. Community, family and personal attitudes and expectations are fundamental in the decision making process.

This study is a preliminary investigation whose function is to look at attitudes towards the aged and the community of which they are a part.

Five groups of people were surveyed, rural based third generation Australians, first year tertiary students with Anglo-Australian backgrounds, Greek, German and Italian families living in an extended family relationship. Considerable differences emerged between the various groups about the importance of family roles and the perceived responsibility of the broader community towards the position and care of the aged. - 334 -

Australian Government policy towards non-English speaking immigrants has traditionally reflected the general opinion of the majority of the existing population. Assimilation into the 'Australian Way of Life' was expected of those arriving in Australia until 1955 {Harris, 1979). Anglo-conformism encouraged migrants to, and believed that it was indeed possible for migrants to shed their cultural past, and show their gratitude to Australia for accepting them, by adapting as quickly as possible to the Anglo-saxon-Celtic core culture which existed in Australia.

By 1955 it was clear that assimilation was not going to happen. Increasingly also both the Government and people of Australia were beginning to recognise that the inflow of migrants had not just brought muscles to build Australia but many interesting and valuable attributes. Assimilation gave way to Interaction - "it was very gradually being realized that one could be 'a good Australian' without sacrificing all European traits" (Harris, 1979 : 28).

Integration emphasised a melding of the whole people rather than a one-sided effort at the assimilation of our settlers, or in other words a version of the old melting pot idea. By 1970, in Australia,· no less than in the United states, it was clear that the philosophy was doomed to failure (Glazer and Moynihan 1964), those supposed to melt just did not do so.

Reflecting reality, official policy, and somewhat more gradually the general public accepted 'the concept' of multiculturalism, or cultural pluralism, until by 1978 Dr. Tanya Birrell was able to state "In scholarly and political - 335 -

circles, the notion of 'multiculturalism' has recently come into ·such favour that it is about to take its place alongside motherhood" (1978 : 133). Realistically she does add "unfortunately whereas motherhood is patently achievable, multiculturalism as usu~lly understood is not easily within reach". Possibly a closer analogy would have been 'family' rather than motherhood because motherhood is capable of an explicit definition whereas 'family' is subject to varying definitions, by time, locality and circumstance. Multi­ culturalism means as many things as the definers are prepared to incorporate. Frequently discussions abort or participants leave dissatisfied because each has assumed that the same understandings of the issues under discussion are held by the discussants. A clear definition and an acceptance of that definition are necessary prerequisites for meaningful discussion. There are two broad categories of definitions of multiculturalism which can be labelled structural pluralism and cultural pluralism.

structural pluralism (or Social Pluralism as it is not infrequently called) (Birrell, 1978) involves, at least to some extent, parallel systems of institutional arrangement. While many citizens are content to see differing educational, religious and health care institutions these have very severe limits placed upon them. For example all girls must attend school until the legal minimum age and cannot be given in marriage in infancy. Health care cannot be withheld from children needing blood tranfusions and clitorectomy is forbidden by law. Men may not acquire more than one wife nor dispose of that wife other than by due process of law. In - 33G -

other words where customs and laws conflict with the existing national laws freedom to maintain these customs and laws does not exist. As Birrell (1979 : 136) points out:

"Not all groups in a plural society can be catered for institutionally. The point is that while many cultural groups do coexist in Australia, thus making Australia a 'multi­ cultural' society, there is no equality among the various groups. Because the English settled the country in the first place, Anglo­ Saxon cultural, social, legal, political and economic patterns dominate Australian society. There is no parity between Anglo-Saxon culture and, for example, Turkish culture, the former holds sway here and Turkish immigrants must conform at least minimally or risk retrench­ ment, ostracism or even gaol." Ultimately, no matter how diverse a community, the political­ economic-legal order must be the same for all citizens whether or not this appears fair to various individuals or groups who claim exemption for conscientious reasons. That is cultural not structural pluralism is advocated.

The maintenance of cultural identity however predicates some degree of structural support if that cultural identity is not to be subsumed into the broader Australian community within a few generations. Continuing contact with the 'homeland', religious, educational and perhaps language maintenance have been identified as crucial factors in this regard (Bottomley, 1979; Gordon, 1964). Indeed frequently it can be said of the immigrant communities in Australia, as in other countries, that there is one thing at least which they have in common "reservation or antipathy towards the ways and values of British society, and, more fundamentally, their wish to preserve their own identity" (Brown, 1970 :P 220). Where these conditions are met there is considerable evidence to - 337 -

suggest that not only are the immigrant groups refusing to melt, but that there is a resurgence of their ethnic identity. This can take place even after as much as five generations and despite the fact these ideas may have experienced a transmog­ rification (Martin, 1981; Medding, 1971; Novak, 1974; Parenti, 1974).

The Australian council on Population and Ethnic Affairs is firmly of the opinion that "Multiculturalism cannot be reduced to cultural and language programs alone" (1982 : 13). They propose four principles upon which demands for social cohesion can be balanced by equality of opportunity to minority groups. These principles are 1) social cohesion; 2) cultural identity; 3) equality of opportunity and access; 4) equal responsibility for, commitment to, and participation in society.

These sentiments have been given institutional support through a variety of programmes and institutions such as the commission of Community Relations, Anti-discrimination Legislation, Ethnic Affairs Commission, Galbally Report as well as through various departmental initiatives especially in the education system (Lacey and Poole, 1979).

Australia, as the most ethnically diverse country in the world (Grassby, 1981) speaking some three hundred and fifty different languages and dialects (Australian Council 1982 19) has no single group large enough to influence the predominantly Ango-Australian institutional structure (Price, 1977). Nevertheless institutional pluralism does, and has for the whole of Australia's history, existed in a number of ways. For example, early German settlers brought their own religious - 338 - and educational support systems to the Barossa Valley and have survived an hundred years of life in Australia. One advantage enjoyed by them was geographic cohesion. This is an advantage few other groups have had. In early post World War II years immigration officers consciously fragmented groups arriving in Australia.

Since 1970 innovations in the education system have given some recognition to the difficulties encountered by children from a non-English speaking background and there have been some initiatives with the State system to reinforce - or stop devaluing - their experience (Eckerman and Kerr, 1979; Smolicz, 1975) and to provide teachers who are aware of cultural difference.

Various groups such as the Greeks, Lebanese, German and Turks have established religious support systems and gradually professionals from within a number of ethnic groups are appearing who are capable of assisting people with health, financial and legal problems, that is, they have appropriate cultural and language skills. These initiatives by individ­ uals and groups have in part been supported, and in some cases even fostered by, governmental action (Galbally, 1978; Totaro, 1978) •

Despite these changes over the years, the situation of the non-English speaking aged is only recently being recognised (Hearst, 1981; Moraitis, 1981; Ware, 1981). Reasons for the delay can easily be found within the ethnic community itself because of the urgency of the re-establishment tasks and the population age distribution (Kovacs and Cropley, 1975; Price, - 339 -

1981; Storer, 1981). Lack of research and governmental interest in all gerontological areas, previously alluded to, is further exacerbated by difficulties of research funding; comparatively (when compared with education and occupation) low urgency and the small nUmbers of migrant aged appearing to need support. ware using 1976 census data, showed that the total number of Italian-born aged in sydney who were living in nursing homes was no higher than seventy out of a total aged population of 7,181 and twenty three were living in hostels or boarding houses (1981 97).

Nevertheless, despite the low numbers and the other pressing concerns, some of the groups longest resident in Australia, have established a variety of aged care institutions. During visits to all of these facilities in the Sydney region during early 1982, one of the most interesting factors to emerge was their wide diversity. Diversity in locality; from semi-rural (the Estonian Village is approximately ten kilometres south west of Picton) to inner city; from three stages to single stage; from ethnically exclusive with very restrictive entry qualifications to servicing the whole community and from an authoritarian administration to a totally laissez faire approach.

While this is not the place to describe these administrative differences some of the reasons given for the differing entry requirements are relevant to the topic of this paper. For example both Juliana Village (the Dutch single stage independ­ ent unit complex) and the Greek independent units have only approximately ten to thirty per cent residents of Greek and Dutch origin respectively. The other units being occupied by - 340 - people from many countries, with many, if not the majority, being of old Anglo-Australian background. The reasons for this however are quite different and have considerable implications for governmental funding policies and the development of support services.

Juliana Village, which incidently won a design award, is situated nearby a big shopping complex and is comparatively inexpensive to enter. It does not attract people from Holland, because to quote the admission secretary "Dutch people do not like to be herded together, they prefer to enter villages near their own previous residences so they can maintain their own (non-Dutch) social networks".

The Greek Village on the other hand does not attract aged Greeks because to enter a village one needs to be able to look after oneself. Whilst one can do that one can still be of service to one's family and there is no pressure either to give up one's own home or vacate the home of adult children. There is however a desperate shortage of Greek nursing home beds. Even though prior residence in the Village would have conferred priority for Greek nursing home placement this avenue is not utilized. Similarly neither Scalabrini Village or Montefiore have a waiting list for independent living units. The attached nursing homes do however have a long waiting list.

The~e villages can be contrasted with both the Estonian and German Villages, both of which have long waiting lists - so long in fact if they were emptied of residents tomorrow they could be overfilled again a day later. The entry donation to - 341 - the Allambie Heights Lutheran Village is only $5,000 whereas the Estonian is $35,000. Both villages require the residents to be of German;Estonian extraction and to speak that language in ordinary daily interaction.

This paper has so far sought to examine the reasons underlying provisions, or lack thereof, of facilities and services to the aged from non-English speaking backgrounds. These facilities, it has been argued have been influenced by the diversity of the population itself and by the lack of response of the broader community. It has been argued that powerlessness and ignorance have been the two main limiting factors. Powerless­ ness arises from many factors, comparatively small numbers, low priority and competing needs for both the ethnic communities themselves and the broader funding and academic communities. Ignorance can be seen of existing provisions and of the right to require from governments, funding for various facilities. This ignorance is based however more crucially in the attitudes of the broader community and until an attempt is made to understand these diverse attitudes, there is little reason to expect a change in governmental, academic or community response.

The study reported in this paper is a contribution to that understanding.

Specifically this study sought to examine whether geographic location, age, education or ethnicity affected perceptions about the role of families in making provisions for their aged members. - 342 -

In order to try and isolate these factors incidental groups of respondents were surveyed. 1. A rural group; 2. Tertiary students; 3. German families; 4. Greek families; 5. Italian families.

The rural sample came from people approached at a farm machinery show near Tamworth, N.s.w. Their ages ranged from eighteen to sixty five in a fairly even spread. There were eight men and fourteen women and they were all at least third generation Australian, i.e. they and both their parents were Australian born.

The students were first year students surveyed in the first week of Semester 1 - before the College had a chance to influence their opinions. There were one hundred and nineteen respondents of whom only eight were males. This sex distrib­ ution is not atypical of the students at this particular college. They were all Australian born of Australian born parents. About ten per cent were non urban. They were all in the top twenty per cent of H.s.c. passes.

The German, Greek and Italian respondents were referred by community service and church organizations. They were all living in three generation households. The younger generation was aged between eighteen and twenty five, had been born in Australia or had arrived in Australia before the age of seven. There were thirty five of Greek origin, thirty one of German and twenty seven of Italian origin. In the case of the elder Greeks and Italians younger family members had to supplement as interpreters. This is acknowledged as not to be ideal as older members frequently feel constrained to say what is - 343 -

The difficulty intrinsic to attitude surveying, is graphically illustrated by statement 9: 'Old people should not occupy too much of their children's time'. The affirmative response rate - Rural 23%, students 18%, Greeks 36%, Italians 26% and Germans 58%, would indicate.very strong support for aged family members, except for the German sample. A further breakdown of the sample shows younger people hold very much more firmly to the belief that older people deserve their family's time (Appendix III) than do older respondents.

How much is too much? If, by the way of illustration, an elderly person expects a daily visit but would like a twice daily visit, that person may well respond that she should not expect too much. Whereas a young person who thinks a fortnightly visit not unreasonable, may in fact be responding to an extremely different set of circumstances, and one with which the elderly person would be extremely unhappy. In the evidence of responses to this questionnaire, younger people are prepared to be much more filial than the older generation expects them to be. It would be a very rash person indeed to conclude on this evidence that that, in fact, is the case. Only extensive unstructured interviews and participant observation studies are sufficiently discriminatory to resolve the question. There is considerable conflicting evidence in Australia and elsewhere which would indicate that no one answer can be definitive (Hochschild, 1972; Job, 1981; Russell, 1981; Shanas, 1968; Townsend, 1977).

It can be argued that age, geographical location and ethnicity are influences affecting the responses to quite a considerable extent. Rural based people were consistently different, even - 344 - if usually only in degree to most of the other respondees. Germans were also likely to take a different position to the Greeks and Italians on one hand and the third generation Australians on the other. The rural based were frequently further from the Greek and Italian view than any other single group but some of the Italian and some of the Greek response rates were the same as the students - and some the same as the rural based group. In view of these responses it is impossible to say that any single variable tested is of sufficient power to account for the differences described.

It is impossible to leave this study without acknowledging that possibly the most important omission is the lack of any discussion of the social class of the respondents. The reason for its omission is two-fold. Firstly, there was some hesitation about asking people to define their own class. It was felt that a number of the questions were likely to be seen as intrusive and that any further alienation of the respondent would be counter productive for the purpose of the study.

Secondly, using Congaltons {1969) seven point status scale, the students (families) and Germans ranged from 2 - 5, whereas the Italians and Greeks were in the 3 - 6 range. All Greek Italians and Germans were in employment and owned their own homes. In a study covering so few respondents and already broken down into so many categories it was the researcher's decision to limit the discussion to those variables which in her judgement would be likely to be of the greatest significance. - 345 - acceptable or conventional when younger family members are present. However for the preliminary stage it was decided to risk the distortion as it would not be likely to affect the results of any group vis-a-vis the other groups. It could have a really strong affect if surveying intergenerational differences rather than intergroup. There were approximately twice as many women as men in each of these three groups. All the groups were surveyed during 1982.

The questionnaire consisted of twenty six questions. Each question was a statement and the respondents were asked if they strongly agreed, agreed, were neutral, disagreed or disagreed strongly. The first two groups had no difficulty with the procedure but it was confusing for the middle and older generations of the Greeks and Italians. Familiarity with the language and with answering questionnaires and multichoice type answers at school was the probable reason. In subsequent interviews the respondents were asked only if they agreed, were neutral or disagreed. These interviews however do not form part of this paper.

To quite a remarkable degree the different groups surveyed are in broad agreement. Differences in the depth of agreement or disagreement are apparent between the group but only rarely is the order reversed. As a prerequisite for inclusion in the Greek, Italian and German samples was that the younger generation had been through the Australian school system in Appendix II. Their responses were abstracted from the overall group. This procedure demonstrated that there were considerable differences in attitude between the parents and grandparents and the Australian educated sample. The movement - 34~ -

of the generation three responses, were usually towards that of the student group. Consistently throughout the responses, Greek and Italian groups showed considerable similarity whereas the German responses were more similar to the student and rural groups.

The German group were the firmest of all the groups that immigrants should accept Australian ways (2*), should not stop children's assimilation (4), that children should be guided by their parents (7), that old people should not be a financial burden to their children (8) or occupy too much of their children's time (9). They were more likely to think each generation should look after itself (10) but that nevertheless Australians do not understand the importance of family (13). Regarding this statement the Greeks and Italians were more prepared to see the Australian family as strong than were either of the third generation Australian groups. Germans were undecided whether government programmes of assistance make adult children shirk their responsibilities (19) but were more inclined to this view than any of the other groups.

* The number appearing in brackets after a statement refers to the number of the statement. See Appendix I for the questionnaire and Appendix II for a breakdown of the responses. - 347 -

To assimilate, or not, again produced differing emphasis. Twenty three per cent of Greeks and Italians and 42% of Germans considered that public use of foreign language is objectionable (1). However.the question is open to varying interpretations, it could be interpreted from the point of view that a person themse1f thinks it is discourteous to the receiving society or from the persons perception of how the members of the receiving society react to its use. From discussion with the respondents during other non-reported interview schedules, it is fairly clear that the latter interpretation is the one used.

Only Greeks (36%) and Italians (37%) considered that immigrants should not stay in national groups (2). This is very close to the students attitude (39%) whereas Germans (55%) and the rural group (68%) were less inclined to accept this proposition.

Whether they do in fact remain in national groups is open to considerable doubt, as Greeks (81%), Italians (61%) and Germans (94%), agreed that immigrants should not stop children's assimilation (4). Greeks (69%), Italians (85%) and Germans (78%), saw neighbours as friendly (15) and Greeks (89%), Italians (85%) and Germans (84%) claimed to like having friends from other countries (16).

Attitudes towards female education (18), female careers (20) and their role in looking after aged family members (23, 25, 26), all produced very similar responses, with, not surpris­ ingly, the students (92%) being the firmest in rejecting the idea that sons in a family should be given more encouragement - 348 - to go on to further education (18). All three immigrant groups, Greeks (92%), Italians (82%), Germans (84%), thought young women should plan to have careers (20) compared with Rural {59%) and Student (66%). This is clearly the outcome of their migration experience and the high levels of women in employment which has been necessary for re-establishment. It could well be influenced also by the instability of the labour market and the levels of pay in the unskilled employment market.

Older Greeks {83%) and Itali.ans (71%), still see adult children as having a responsibility to live near their parents (17), but the youngest generation are not nearly as pursuaded of this necessity. Only 22% of the rural group, reflecting reality, felt adult children should remain geographically close to their parents.

All groups were strongly of the opinion that adult children do not take as much care of their elderly parents as did previous generations {21) and all groups were also of the opinion that professional services cannot replace family care {22), although in this latter point Greeks appeared more prepared to accept them than any other group. The most significant shift of opinion between the generations in the whole survey occurred regarding statement 24, 62% of elderly Greeks as against 29% of generation 3, were prepared to agree to the statement 'I would rather pay a professional to do things for me than ask for assistance from my family and friends'. This position seems to be contrary to the experience of health professionals. - 349 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Australian council on Population. and Ethnic Affairs. Multiculturalism for all Australians. Canberra: AGPS, 1982. Berger, John and Mohr,· J. A' Seventh Man. Penguin, 1975. Berger, P. and Luckman, T. The Social Construction of Reality. Penguin, 1971. Birrell, Tanya "Migration and the Dilemmas of Multiculturalism" in Robert Birrell, and Colin Hay, (eds.). The Immigration Issue in Australia. Fitzroy, Vic.: Globe, 1978. Bottomley, Gillian After the Odyssey. st. Lucia: Uni. of Queensland, 1979. Brown, J. The Un-Melting Pot. London: MacMillan, 1970. Coleman, Marie (Chairman) Care of the Aged. canberra Union, Offset, 1975. Clyne, Michael "Factors Promoting Migrant Language Maintenance in Australia" in Philip R. De Lacey and Millicent E. Poole, Mosaic or Melting Pot. Sydney: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979. commission of Enquiry into Poverty. Welfare of Migrants. Canberra: AGPS, 1975. De Lacey, Philip R. and Poole, Millicent E. (eds.) Mosaic or Melting Pot. Sydney: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979. Parts II and III. Eckermann, A.K. and Kerr, A.M. "Education and Multiculturalism" in Philip R. De Lacey and Millicent E. Poole, (eds.), Mosaic or Melting Pot. Encel, s. (ed.) The Ethnic Dimension. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1981. Galbally, Frank (Chairman) Report on the Review of Post­ Arrival Programs and Services to Migrants. Canberra: AGPS, 1978. Garfinkel, H. studies in Ethnome'thodology. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1967. Glazer, N. and Moynihan, D. Beyond the Melting Pot. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1966. Goffman, E. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Penguin, 1971. Goldberg, Matilda and Connelly, Naomi. The Effectiveness of Social care for the Elderly. London: Heinemann, 1981. - 350 - Gordon, M.M. Assimilation in America's Life. New York: Oxford, 1964. Grassby, A. Introduction in Legge, v. Migrants and Health. Lidcombe: Cumberland College of Health Sciences, 1981. Harris, Roger MeL. "Anglo-conformism Interactionism and Cultural Pluralism: A study of Australian attitudes to migrants" in Philip R. De Lacey and Millicent E. Poole (eds.) Mosaic or Melting Pot. Sydney: Harcourt Brace, Jovanovich, 1979. Hearst, susan Ethnic Communities and their Aged. Clearing House on Migrant Issues. Richmond, Vic.: 1981. Holmes, A.S. (Chairman) Report of the Committee on the Care of the Aged and the Infirm. canberra: AGPS, 1977. Huber, Rina From Pasta to Pavlova. St. Lucia: University of Queensland, 1977. Job, Eena Health in Extreme Old Age. in J. Sheppard (ed.) Advances in Behavioural Medicine, Vol. III. Johnston, Ruth, Future Australians. Canberra: ANU, 1972. Kovacs, M.L. and Cropley, A.J. Immigrants and Society. sydney: McGraw-Hill, 1975. Legge, Varoe (ed.) Migrants and Health. Sydney: Cumberland College of Health Sciences, 1981. Martin, J.I. Refugee Settlers. Canberra: ANU, 1965. Martin, J.I. The Migrant Presence. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1978. Martin, Jean, Ethnic Pluralism and Identity ins. Encel (ed.) The Ethnic Dimension. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1981. Martin, Jean Meredith Memorial Lecture 1972 ins. Encel (ed.) The Ethnic Dimension. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1982. McLeay, L.B. (Chairman) In Home or At Home: Accommodation and home care for the aged. Report of the House of Representatives Committee on Expenditure. Canberra: AGPS, 1982. Medding, P.V. "Jews in Australia" in F.S. Stevens, Racism: The Australian experience. Vol. I, Sydney: ANZ, 1971. Mendelsohn, Ronald The Condition of the People. Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1979. Moraitis, Spiro "The Migrant Aged" in AnnaL. Howe (ed.) Towards an Older Australia. st. Lucia: Uni. of Queensland, 1981. - 351 -

Novak, Michael The Seventies: Decade of the ethnics, in Richard J. Meister (ed.). Race and Ethnicity in Modern America. Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1974. Parenti, Michael Ethnic Politics and the Persistence of Ethnic Identification in Richard J. Meister (ed.) Race and Ethnicity in Modern America. Price, Charles A. "The IllUtiigrants" in A. Davies and s. Encel (eds.). Australian Society. 3rd ed. Melbourne: Cheshire, 1977. Prinsley, Derek, Research Perspectives in Anna L. Howe, Towards an Older Australia. Schutz, A. The Phenomenology of the Social World. London: Heinemann, 1972. Smolicz, J.J. "Migrant Cultures and Australian Education" in Education News, Vol. 15, No.1, 1975. Storer, D. Migrant Families in Australia. Institute of Family studies, Melbourne: 1981. Thompson, stephanie L. Australia Through Italian Eyes. Melbourne: DVP, 1980. Totaro, P. (Chairman) Participation. Ethnic Affairs commission of N.s.w. Sydney: N.s.w.P.s., 1978. Walters, J. et al. Cultures in Context: A study of three ethnic groups and their welfare needs in Australia. Melbourne: Victorian Council of Social Service, 1977. Ware, Helen A Profile of the Italian Community in Australia. CO.AS.IT., Hawthorn: Citadel, 1981. Weher, M. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Talcott Parsons (ed.) New York: Free Press, 1964. Wilson, Elizabeth Women and the Welfare state. - 352 -

ADDENDUM Australian Population and Immigration Council. A Decade of Migrant settlement. Canberra: AGPS, 1976. Congalton, A.A. Status and Prestige in Australia. Melbourne: F.W. Cheshire, 1969. Hochschild, A.R. The Unexpected community. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1972. Job, Eena, Retrospective Life-span Analysis. Paper presented at the 12th International congress of Gerent9logy, Hamburg: 1981. Shanas, Ethel et al. Old People in Three Industrial Societies. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968. Townsend, Peter The Family Life of Old People. Pelican, 1977. Russell, Cherry The Aging Experience, sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1981. - 353 - CUMBERLAND COLLEGE OF HEALTH SCIENCES

ATI'ITUDE QUESTIONNAIRE

We would be most grateful for your assistance in helping us by filling in the questionnaire. Personal Details

Sex: Male ln (tick Age: 15-24 01 one) 25-34 02 Female 2u 35-44 03 (tick 45-54 DLt one) 55-64 os 65 and over 0 6 In which country were you rom? .••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••• (

In which country was your mother rom? •••••..•••••••••••.••••.• (

In which country was your father born? •••••••.••.••..•••••••••• (

The following are a series of value statements. There are no right or wrong answers. For each of the statements, please circle the number which best indicates your opinion.

QJ >tQJ ~ r-l r-i QJ 0'1 ~ 0'1~ m ~ CO'I Ul 8 ffi ~~ j ·r-l .jJ ·r-l (})$ z Cl (J)Cl 1. Public use of foreign language is objectionable. 1 2 3 4 5

2. Inmigrants should accept Australian ways. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Inmigrants should not stick in national groups. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Inmigrants should not stop children's assimilation 1 2 3 4 5 5. Inmigrants true to their heritage are best Australians 1 2 3 4 5 6. Old people's retirement homes are a good idea 1 2 3 4 5 - 354 - Q) ~ r-1 ,?(ffi

ffi ell~ §~ B::s (I) ·r-i l:L~ II ~ ~ Q CllQ 7. Children should be guided by 1 2 3 4 5 their parents.

8. Old people should not be a financial burden to their children. 1 2 3 4 5

9. Old people should not occupy too much of their children' s time. 1 2 3 4 5

10. Each generation should look after itself. 1 2 3 4 5

11. Festival days are family days. 1 2 3 4 5

12. Australians neglect their old people. 1 2 3 4 5 13. Australians do not understand the importance of family. 1 2 3 4 5

14. It is important to retain one's m::>ther tongue 1 2 3 4 5

15. Neighbours are not friendly. 1 2 3 4 5

16. I like having friends from different countries. 1 2 3 4 5 17. Once adult children are on their own, they should not be expected to live close to their parents. 1 2 3 4. 5

18. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement than daughters to go on to further education. 1 2 3 4 5

19. Government programs for older people only make grown children shirk their responsibilities. 1 2 3 4 5

20. Young vvomen should plan to have careers. 1 2 3 4 5

21. Nowadays, adult children do not take as much care of their elderly parents as they did in past generations. 1 2 3 4 5

22. Professional services can usually take the place of family care. 1 2 3 4 5

23. Adult sons should be expected to do the same kinds of household chores as adult daughters for their elderly parents. 1 2 3 4 5 - 355 -

Q) ~ r-1 01 ~~ ~ C::O'l m m ·r-1 ~.~ ~~ $ z~ Cl CI)Cl 24. I would rather pay a professional to do things for me than ask for assistance from my family and friends. 1 2 3 4 5

25. It is better for a working woman to pay someone to take care of her elderly mother than to leave her job to take care of her herself. 1 2 3 4 5

26. Taking care of elderly parents is as much a son's responsibility as a daughter's. 1 2 3 4 5 ......

In the next question, please tick two of the phrases which canplete the following sentence.

I would be prepared to move into a retirement village if •..

(a) my children asked me to. 1 n 2. (b) I am too frail to look after myself. D (Tick ,__., (c) it enables me to be independent. 3 two ~ only) (d) I have not enough money to live alone. I+ u (e) my family haven't room for me. 5 n (f) my other old friends are doing so. 6 D

Thank you very much for your time and help.

Varoe Legge, Lecturer in Sociology. - 356 -

Statement 1. Public use of foreign language is objectionable. G '" generation

AS A N 0 OS K Rural 23 32 27 14 4 2.4 Greek Italian Gennan Student 8 34 24 24 10 2.9 0 0 0 0 0 0 Greek 6 17 17 23 37 3.7 G. 1+2rn G.1+2 G.l+2 I tal ian 8 15 19 39 19 3.5 G. 3 50 50 G. 3 ITrr]5 G. 3 m3 Gennan 23 19 29 13 16 2.8

Statement 2. Immigrants should accept Australian ways.

AS A' N 0 OS X Rural 14 50 9 23 4 2.6 Greek Italian Gennan Student 12 38 26 22 2 2.6 A 0 A 0 A 0 G. 1+2 G.1+2 G.1+2 Greek 28 31 11 17 14 2.6 G·. 3 [ill2 G. 3 G. 3 Italian 15 56 11 18 2.3 ru ~ German 37 48 13 3 1.9

Statement 3. Immigrants should not stick in national groups.

AS A N D OS X Rural 4 64 9 23 2.5 Greek Italian German Student 4 35 34 26 1 2.8 0 0 0 0 0 0 Greek 17 19 19 33 11 3.0 G.1+2 ltalian 7 30 18 44 3.0 G. 3 0 0 7 German 26 29 22 19 3 2.5 ru Gill m

Statement 4. Immigrants should not stop childrens' assimilation

AS A N 0 OS K Rural 36 50 !) !:1 1.9 Greek I tal ian German Student 43 39 14 3 1 1.8 A 0 A 0 A 0 Greek 39 42 3 6 11 2.2 G. 1+2 ~ Italian 33 26 4 18 18 2·.6 G. 3 . 76 24 Gennan 58 36 3 3 1.5 m m

Statement 5, Immigrants true to their heritage are best Australians.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 9 55 27 9 3.4 Student 2 5 43 41 9 3.5 Greek I tal ian German 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 40 11 23 6 2.5 Greek G. 1+2 26 44 22 2.8 Ital fan 7 G. 3 German 3 19 36 29 13 3.3 rn m rn

.. - 357 -

Statement 6. Old peoples' retirement homes are a good idea. G " generation

AS A N _0_ OS X Rural 32 50 9 2.0 9 Greek Italian German Student 17 52 18 10 3 2.3 A 0 A 0 A 0 Greek 28 42 11 14 6 2.4 G.1+2 G.1+2 G.1+2 I 83 Italian 19 45 7 22 7 2.6 G. 3 ru9 G. 3 0 G. 3 ! so Gennan rn 37 33 10 20 2.1.

Statement 7. Children should be guided by their parents.

AS A N 0 OS x Rural 18 82 1.8 Student 17 74 7 2 1.9 Greek I tal ian German Greek 42 42 6 8 3 1.9 A 0 A 0 A 0 G. 1+2 G.1+2 I tal ian 41 55 4 1.7 G.1+2~ G. 3 G. 3 German 52 42 6 1.5 m ~0 G. 3 83 17

Statement 8. Old people should not be a financial burden to their children.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 46 9 41 4 3.0 Greek Italian Gennan Student 4 24 26 44 2 3.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 G. 1+2 6.1+2 Greek 19 28 17 28 8 2.8 G. 1+2m G. 3 3 G. 3 0 G. 3 75 25 I tal ian 4 41 18 33 4 2.9 ru rn German 29 42 13 16 2.2

Statement 9. Old people should not occupy too much of their children's time

AS A N 0 OS x Rural 23 9 64 4 3.5 Greek Italian German 0 0 0 D 0 D Student 18 11 63 7 3.6 G. 1+2 G.1+2 Greek 6 31 11 42 11 3.2 G.l+2m G. 3 0 G. 3 0 G. 3 42 58 I tal ian 4 22 19 44 11 3.4 illTI rn German 19 39 13 29 2.5

Statement 10. Each generation should look after itself.

AS A N 0 OS x Rural 18 9 55 18 3.7 Greek Italian Gennan Student 3 7 12 65 51 3.9 0 D 0 D 0 ·D Greek 8 14 17 47 14 3.4 G. 1+2 G.l+2 G.l+2rn I tal ian 15 15 4 33 33 3.6 G. 3 rn0 G. 3 rn0 G. 3 50 SO German 10 30 10 37 13 3.1 - 358 - Statement 11. Festival days are family days. G • generation

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 14 64 9 14 2.2 Greek I tal ian Gennan A 0 A 0 A Student 12 39 38 10 2 2.5 0 G. 1+2 G. Greek 33 33 8 25 2.2 1+2Jill G.1+2rn Italian 19 63 18 2.0 G. 3 rn6 G. 3 80 20 G. 3 33 67 German 29 35 16 10 10 2.4

Statement 12. Australians neglect their old people.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 14 50 14 17 5 2.5 Greek Italian Gennan Student 15 50 17 18 2.4 0 0 0 0 0 0 G. 1+2 G. Greek 9 46 34 11 2.5 1+2rn G. 1+2rn Italian 15 30 52 4 2.4 G. 3 ru7 G. 3 00 G. 3 75 25 Gennan 17 47 17 17 3 2.4

Statement 13. Australians do not understand the importance of family.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 35 30 24 5 2.9 Greek Italian Gennan Student 5 42 20 32 1 2.8 0 0 0 0 0 0 Greek 9 46 26 14 6 2.6 G. 1+2 G. miG.1+2rn Italian 11 22 52 15 2.7 G. 3 G. 3 75 25 G. 3 Gennan 26 26 39 10 3.3

Statement 14. It is important to retain ones mother tongue.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 64· 23 9 4 2.5 Greek !tal ian Gennan Student 9 44 32 14 1 2.5 A 0 A 0 A 0 Greek 53 36 6 6 1.6 G. 1+2 G.1+2~ G.1+2rn Italian 59 33 4 4 1.6 G. 3 rn2 G. 3 75 25 G. 3 67 33 Gennan 48 35 3 10 3 1.8

Statement 15. Neighbours are not friendly,

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 9 4 23 55 9 3.5 Greek Italian German A 0 A 0 A 0 Student 1 10 26 47 17 3.7 G. 1+2 G.1+2 G.1+2 Greek 11 14 6 40 29 2.6 G. 3 9 G. 3 0 G. 3 3 Italian 4 11 59 26 4.0 m lL:J rn Gennan 6 10 6 42 36 3.9

.. - 359 - Statement 16. like having friends from other countries. G • generation

AS A N D OS X Rural 14 73 9 4 2.1 Greek Italian German A D A 0 A 0 Student 19 59 22 2.0 G. 1+2 G.l+2 G.l+2 Greek 43 46 9 3 1.7 G. 3 6 G. 3 0 G. 3 [;TI]7 Ita 1ian 41 44 11 4 1.8 rn rn ·German 48 36 10 6 1.7

Statement 17. Once adult children are on their own they should not be expected to live close to their parents.

AS A N 0 OS X 14 4 Greek Italian German Rural 54 18 2.5 A 0 A 0 A 0 Student 11~ 34 17 27 9 2.8 Greek I 12 19 19 36 13 3.2 G. 1+2 G. 1+2 G. 1+2 I G. 3 0 G. 3 0 G. 3 0 Ita 1ian ! 4 26 11 48 11 3.4 rn ~ rn Gennan 13 36 23 19 10 2.9

Statement 18. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement than daughters to go on to further education.

AS A N 0 OS X 3,g Rural 5 14 5 45 32 Greek Italian German Student 3 2 3 16 76 4.6 0 0 0 0 0 D Greek 9 17 3 40 31 3.7 G. 1+2 G.1+2 G. 1+2 I tal ian 11 15 4 37 33 3.3 G. 3 29 71 G. 3 ill0 G. 3 d 3 German 10 10 6 29 45 3.9 m

Statement 19. Government programs for older people only make grown children shirk their responsibilities.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 9 14 18 55 4 3.3 Greek Italian German Student 7 21 53 18 3.8 0 D 0 D 0 0 G. Greek 11 17 2G 34 11 3.2 G. 1+2rn G.1+2 rn 1+2rn I tal ian 33 30 30 7 3.1 G. 3 43 57 G. 3 80 20 G. 3 33 67 German 3 23 13 52 10 2.5

Statement 20. Young women should plan to have careers.

OS X Rural 2.2 Greek Italian German Student 25 41 25 6 3 2.2 G. 1+2 G. Greek 29 63 6 3 1.8 G. 1+2~ 1+2~ G. 3 100 G. 3 0 G. 3 100 Italian 19 63 7 11 2.1 rn German 39 45 13 3 1.8

.. - 360 -

G • generation Statement 21. Nowadays adult children do not take as much care of their elderly parents as they did in past generations.

AS A N 0 OS X 2.5 Greek Ita 1ian Gennan Rural 9 50 18 23 0 0 0 0 0 0 Student 9 52 24 14 2 2.5 G. 1+2 G. 1+2rn G. 1+2ru Greek 34 52 14 1.8 G. 3 - G. 3 80 20 G. 3 83 17 Italian 19 59 7 7 7 2.3 ru German 10 58 16 10 3 2.3

Statement 22. Professional services can usually take the place of family care.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural ~ 'J b/ ~ 3.7 Greek Italian 0 Student 6 8 61 25 4.1 0 0 0 G. 1+2 Greek 23 23 40 3 3.0 G. 1+2m G.1+2 G. 3 6 G. 3 40 60 G. 3 I;~ I tal ian 30 37 4 30 3.7 m German 9 15 12 47 18 3.5

Statement 23. Adult sons should be expected to do the same kinds of household chores as adult daughters for their elderly parents. •

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 123 50 14 14 2.3 Greek Italian Gennan A 0 A 0 A 0 Student ~6 40 11 10 2 2.0 1+2 Greek 26 43 28 3 2.4 G. G. 1+2rn_ G. 1+2 G. 3 9 G. 3 60 40 G. 3 8 I tal ian 15 44 4 15 2.6 rn m German 26 55 10 10 2.0

Statement 24. I would rather pay a professional to do things for me than ask for assistance from my family and friends.

AS A N 0 OS X Rural 23 9 50 18 3.6 Greek ·!tal ian German Student 1 6 19 54 20 3.9 A 0 A 0 A 0 1+2 Greek 7 31 8 34 9 2.8 G. 1+2rn G. 1+2 G. Italian p 23 11 35 19 2.6 G. 3 29 71 G. 3 m7 G. 3 rn2 Gennan 3 13 27 43 13 3.5

Statement 25. It is better for a working woman to pay someone else to take care of her elderly mother than to leave her job to take care of her herself. AS A N 0 OS X Rural ·32 41 18 9 2.0 Greek Italian Gennan Student 2 21 54 20 4 3.0 A 0 A 0 A 0 Greek 1 29 20 29 11 2.9 G. 1+2~ G. 1+2 G. 1+2 I tal ian 33 18 41 7 2.7 G. 3 29 71 G. 3 m0 G. 3 8 German 3 19 50 19 6 2.8 rn

.. - 361

~ .

G • generation Statement 26. Taking care of elderly parents is as much a son's responsibility as a daughter's.

AS A N 0 OS !{

Rural 32 68 1.7 Greek Italian German Student 51 35 14 1.6 A 0 A 0 A 0 Greek 46 34 3 14 3 1.9 G. 1+2 G. 1+2m G. 1+2~ Italian 44 38 7 1.7 G. 3 9 G. 3 100 - G. 3 92 8 German 55 42 3 1.5 rn - 362 -

APPENDIX 3.. EI'HNICALLY SEGREGATED REI'IREMENT VILLAGES

1. GREEK Laurantos Village, LAKEMBA.

Sister Dorothea Village, ANNANDALE.

2. GERMAN Allambie Lutheran Hane, ALLAMBIE HEIGHTS.

3. DU'IQI Juliana Village NORI'H MIRANDA

4. ESTONIAN Senior Citizens' Harne, THIRIMERE

5. HUNGARIAN St. Elizabeth Harne for Aged Hungarian People, BLA.CK'I'a\lN.

6. ITALIAN Scalabrini Village, AUSTRAL.

7. POLISH Brother Albert's Harne for the Aged, MARAYONG.

8. RUSSIAN Kentlyn Retirement Village, CAMPBELLTOWN.

9. JEWISH B'nai B'rith Parents' Horne, WAITARA. Montefiore, HUNTERS HILL.

NUmbers represent location on the accompanying maps. • .. • • .. • • • I • • • • • ; ,. • . . . ' • .- ' . .... --......

w ~ Number of Northern Aggregated C-u$ Standard w European born Collectors D••tr.cta Oevoatoort • ..... • ..... 0- 15 ..... ti31 -1 .0 to 0.0 • 15 - 34 8.3 00 to 10 • • • • • 34- 53 211 10 to 20 • • ------• • • > 53 ee > 20

Total populatoon 45.858 MMn number per ACD 15 02 •Standard Oevoatoon 18.88 . .. • 6 ...••· 42 8 • Copyro9hl Poulotn ond Spoarroll . 1980 - _ _, '•I I '-•I a ·.• II . : : ./ . ,':,I I I \1 • • ~ ,.... ,. . \ ~ . .. \ I . . ! ; I • • a \ Ia 9 /, . -· •• I • I ,.., . . ,'. -... ; ' .\ .. \ ,';- -..... - ...... / .-:.. \ ,:. ' ' . . ,. - ,.- ..... __ ...... EB .... ~ . ~ .• a '\ r a \ \ a .._I a a a 1 , , a 1... --a . .a' ',...... , . (,..- ·... _ -- -;' . \, .. 'I... a ' -I-,""• a . i a ..•: . . .• .:•:·.·.: . . .. .•. 'J. .• \ ' .... ' • • ...... '..• •• •• ,' f • ; ..... - ,~ • •• .:.: • • • : •• •: .. :::.::· • • • .:. ' '-· • ·'- • ,- ;,, - : ~ , , s=· ...~-' ·.··.·.: • •...... :·· :· .. • ••• ·.',_, ' ... : . ,.: =···•· -.-.. : . --.-. ~ .· ::·.· ...: .. ·.- ..= .. ·:. ·.: ·:.=::=.: ·=:·::·: • 'f: .. ·.. ~ =· I • ·.:::-~=.===·· = ••••• • •••• •• • • \ • • • .... -.. ;... • • s·.I . .• . ..• ... • ••• • •• -•• •••••• • • ·.·:":• • • • -•...... , .,... .; .f. · _JL... - --'._ .... , ... -' -t 7-- ••••• .. ,. •...... • •••• . ' • •:.,, !,._.... -- .. _"!! .. ' ' •• ·: :·:.::••••• ''-• "' • ~~ ':.. !,':"·.a·:·:··.:· D Numbet ot GrHll born AfJfJf.,..O C_, C~eo..tr~eta • ::::: ..... 0 . 1$ 2413 ·1.0 10 0.0

11 · 5o4 438 0.010 1.0

~ , . &4 · 1G 104 1.0 to 2.0 . . • J' I • I a a . ~ ·-.: • > > 2.0 ... .,, • • ' , ~ .. ,' Tot•l popul•hofl +4.188 ~~per ACO 14.71 ,'• . ,' Slanderd DewMtlon , f • •oe . . • / ... ;. • I .. '• ' . .. ., ~ :::. .. _,; ' ,'••: ~ 6 ·- :. ·:·:- '/ ' ~.'' • ; 44 8 • 4J, Copy roght Pout " n and Sp*arrttt . 19 8 0 ,._,.ALL 0\IEIISEAS...... _. BORN

w 0"1 r-a...... -... U1 --- ... '

:i: " ' ··-·­­

6

...U ti.... .

8 - 366 -

APPENDIX 4

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE ADMITTING OFFICERS ETHNICALLY SEGREGATED RETIREMENT ACCOMMODATION

1 Could you tell me about this organization? 2 When was it established?

3 By Y.horn?

4 Who were the motivating people? 5 What were the motivating factors?

6 Do you have a long waiting list? How long? (in time)

7 What criteria are there for acceptance? Can you jump the queue? 8 What do you think are most liked features? What do you think are least liked features? 9 Area most in need of improvement?

10 Have mosTresidents adjusted to living here?

11 Do they make new friends? 12 Are friendship patterns based on - place they carne from originally? place they lived in Australia? length of residence in Australia? education? physical condition? 13 What age do you like them to enter? 14 Language spoken by staff, nationality of staff (domestics, professionals)?

15 Type of food prepared?

16 Subjective assessnent of happiness of resident.

17 Who initiates the application? Self: G.P.; Social WOrker; family? - 367 -

18 Marital status? 19 Length of residence in Australia? 20 Language spoken, any other language? 21 How long residence in Australia? 22 Naturalized?

23 Why did they come to Australia? (economic, political, family pressures) 24 With Whom did they came, who made the decision? 25 How was the journey financed? 26 What type of occupation in country of origin? 27 What type of occupation in Australia?

28 Are children in same type of occupation? 29 With wham did they live? 30 What type of housing did they have (own, rented, etc.)? 31 How would this family/living structure compare with what it would have been in country of origin? 32 What is their educational level? Do they read and write another tongue/English?

33 Do they ever go back to family from here? 34 Does family want them back?

35 Do they still have close ties with relatives overseas?

36 Do they have any "old" Australian friends v.ho visit or friends from other ethnic groups? 37 What is their main entertainment- radio, T.V., {which channel)?

38 Do they read newspapers (English or foreign language)? • 368 -

Could you tell me about the residents' family background? 39 How many children? 40 Any cousins/nieces/nephews?

41 Do they visit here? Frequently?

42 Do old neighbours come out here? Maintain contact? 43 Does the family support them financially?

44 Whose responsibility are they seen as by ethnic group as a whole? the family? .~ themselves?

45 Do family maintenance guarantees have any influence? 46 Nationality of children's spouses, does this influence any of the above? (visiting, responsibility, conception) 47 OVerall do you think they view their decision to emigrate in positive or negative terms? >007458436