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Resilient Ukraine Resilient
Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement. -
Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500-1700
Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500–1700 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Muscovy waged a costly struggle against the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire, and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth for control of the fertile steppe above the Black Sea. This was a region of great strategic and economic importance – arguably the pivot of Eurasia at the time. Yet, this crucial period in Russia’s history has, up until now, been neglected by historians. Brian L. Davies’s study provides an essential insight into the emergence of Russia as a great power. The long campaign took a great toll upon Russia’s population, economy, and institutions, and repeatedly frustrated or redefi ned Russian military and diplo- matic projects in the West. The struggle was every bit as important as Russia’s wars in northern and central Europe for driving the Russian state-building process, forcing military reform and shaping Russia’s visions of Empire. Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500–1700 examines the course of this struggle and explains how Russia’s ultimate prevalence resulted from new strategies of military colonization in addition to improvements in army command-and-control, logistics, and tactics. Brian L. Davies is Associate Professor of History at the University of Texas at San Antonio. His publications include State Power and Community in Early Modern Russia: The Case of Kozlov, 1635–1649 (2004). Warfare and History General Editor Jeremy Black Professor of History, University of Exeter Air Power in the Age of Total War Modern Chinese Warfare, Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500– John Buckley 1795–1989 1800: Maritime Confl icts and the Bruce A. -
Russian Military Capability in a Ten-Year Perspective 2016
The Russian Armed Forces are developing from a force primarily designed for handling internal – 2016 Perspective Ten-Year in a Capability Military Russian disorder and conflicts in the area of the former Soviet Union towards a structure configured for large-scale operations also beyond that area. The Armed Forces can defend Russia from foreign aggression in 2016 better than they could in 2013. They are also a stronger instrument of coercion than before. This report analyses Russian military capability in a ten-year perspective. It is the eighth edition. A change in this report compared with the previous edition is that a basic assumption has been altered. In 2013, we assessed fighting power under the assumption that Russia was responding to an emerging threat with little or no time to prepare operations. In view of recent events, we now estimate available assets for military operations in situations when Russia initiates the use of armed force. The fighting power of the Russian Armed Forces is studied. Fighting power means the available military assets for three overall missions: operational-strategic joint inter-service combat operations (JISCOs), stand-off warfare and strategic deterrence. The potential order of battle is estimated for these three missions, i.e. what military forces Russia is able to generate and deploy in 2016. The fighting power of Russia’s Armed Forces has continued to increase – primarily west of the Urals. Russian military strategic theorists are devoting much thought not only to military force, but also to all kinds of other – non-military – means. The trend in security policy continues to be based on anti- Americanism, patriotism and authoritarianism at home. -
The Ukrainian Left During and After the Maidan Protests
THE UKRAINIAN LEFT DURING AND AFTER THE MAIDAN PROTESTS Study requested by the DIE LINKE. delegation in the GUE/NGL Volodymyr Ishchenko [email protected] ABSTRACT The paper seeks to present a balanced, well documented and nuanced discussion covering the full range of positions of the Ukrainian left and activities in relation to the Maidan and Anti-Maidan movements and the war. It covers all the major groups and parties who at least identify with the socialist and/or anarchist tradition: from ‘old left’ parties originating from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to ‘new left’ organisations, unions and informal initiatives that did not have any relation whatsoever to the CPSU. The paper gives a brief overview of the most important (and often still unresolved) questions about major political events in Ukraine starting from 2013. Then it describes and explains the positions and political activities of the various Ukrainian organisations on the left towards the Maidan uprising, the Anti-Maidan movement and the war in eastern Ukraine. The paper attempts to answer the following questions. How did different left wing organisations try to intervene in the Maidan and Anti-Maidan movements and how successful were their interventions? To what extent were they able to defend the left agenda against liberals and (both Ukrainian and Russian) nationalists? To what extent did they rather follow the agenda of their political opponents? What were the differences not only between the different left wing organisations but also between -
Between History and Memory: Cultural War in Contemporary Russian And
Title Page Between History and Memory: Cultural War in Contemporary Russian and Ukrainian Cinema by Tetyana Shlikhar B.A. in Philology and Translation, Taras Shevchenko National University, Ukraine, 2005 M.A. in Translation Studies, Taras Shevchenko National University, Ukraine, 2006 Ph.D. in Translation Studies, Taras Shevchenko National University, Ukraine, 2010 M.A. in Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh, 2016 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2020 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Tetyana Shlikhar It was defended on July 31, 2020 and approved by David Birnbaum, Professor, Slavic Languages and Literatures Vladimir Padunov, Associate Professor, Slavic Languages and Literatures Randall Halle, Professor, German Dissertation Director: Nancy Condee, Professor, Slavic Languages and Literatures ii Copyright © by Tetyana Shlikhar 2020 iii Abstract Between History and Memory: Cultural War in Contemporary Russian and Ukrainian Cinema Tetyana Shlikhar, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2020 Any approach to the past tailors our perception of the present, which is in turn inevitably elusive and unstable. The present is a site of contestation between memory and history, as well as a site for recounting the distant past by reflecting it through the prism of the present. The transition from the Soviet Union to independent states in 1991 triggered tensions within these newly created nation-states, with the collective and individual past being given a range of new interpretations. The connection between memory and identity obtained a renewed force. -
Nebesna Sotnia Formation of a New Narrative from Protest Lore to Institutionalized Commemorative Practice Nataliya Bezborodova
Document generated on 10/01/2021 1:36 p.m. Ethnologies Nebesna Sotnia Formation of a New Narrative from Protest Lore to Institutionalized Commemorative Practice Nataliya Bezborodova Volume 40, Number 1, 2018 Article abstract The one hundred people shot dead on the Maidan were given the collective URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1054314ar name Heavenly Hundred (Nebesna Sotnia). It became the central memory of DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1054314ar the uprising; a hymn, a new state award, a national memorial day, poetry, monuments, memorial plaques and books were produced. Dozens of streets See table of contents and squares were renamed in different regions. The paper focuses on the interpretations of large-scale historical events (the Cossack, the Ukrainian National Republic and World War II), and their Publisher(s) incorporation into a new institutionalized narrative after drastic societal events on the example of the protests in Ukraine known as the Maidan in the Association Canadienne d’Ethnologie et de Folklore winter of 2014. The research is based on original protest lore, 8905 Facebook posts from 1647 individuals, collected by the author on the day they were ISSN published on Facebook between January 19 – February 28, 2014. This timeframe includes both peaceful days and the most dramatic confrontation of 1481-5974 (print) the protests. The data originally was organized in 5 categories and 16 topics. 1708-0401 (digital) The paper provides evidence of how personal stories function and validate the Explore this journal participants’ experiences and the significance of the events from the protestors’ perspectives; and protest lore impact on institutional changes of commemorative practices in the field of collective memory. -
Rediscovering Zaporozhians Memory, Loyalties, and Politics in Late Imperial Kuban, 1880–1914
Rediscovering Zaporozhians Memory, Loyalties, and Politics in Late Imperial Kuban, 1880–1914 Oleksandr Polianichev Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 26 May 2017 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Rediscovering Zaporozhians Memory, Loyalties, and Politics in Late Imperial Kuban, 1880–1914 Oleksandr Polianichev Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Alexander Etkind, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) Professor Pavel Kolář, European University Institute Professor Vladimir Lapin, European University at St. Petersburg (External Supervisor) Professor Mark von Hagen (Arizona State University) © Oleksandr Polianichev, 2017 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization - Doctoral Programme I Oleksandr Polianichev certify that I am the author of the work Rediscovering Zaporozhians: Culture, Memory, and Politics in Late Imperial Kuban, 1860–1914 I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297). -
The Far Right in the Conflict Between Russia and Ukraine
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 95 The Far Right in the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine Vyacheslav LIKHACHEV July 2016 Russia/NEI Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-611-3 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2016 Cover: © Verbitskyi/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vyacheslav Likhachev, “The Far Right in the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 95, Ifri, July 2016. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
The Anti-Bolshevik Movement in the Semirechensk Cossack Host – a Brief Historical Essay from the “White Guard” Almanac, No
The Anti-Bolshevik Movement in the Semirechensk Cossack Host – a Brief Historical Essay From the “White Guard” Almanac, No. 8. Cossacks of Russia in the White Movement. M., Posev, 2005, pp. 225-235 . The history of the Semirechensk Cossack resistance to the Bolsheviks is reflected only in fragmentary form in historical literature, and still awaits a researcher similar to N.V. Ledenev, the author of the fundamental "History of the Semirechensk Cossack Soldiers" (Verniy, 1909). This essay attempts to show the main milestones in the struggle of Semirechensk Cossacks against Bolshevism during the Civil War in Russia from 1917 to 1922. Map of 1920 Semirechye. An appendix gives the modern place names. The year 1917 was very difficult for the Semirechensk Cossacks. In addition to extreme tensions on the Caucasian and European fronts of the World War, where the main forces were stationed, the Semirechensk Cossacks were forced to deal with the consequences of the bloody Kirghiz Insurrection1 of 1916 in the Semirechye. Almost every man in the Host was "called to the colours". At that time, the 3rd Semirechensk Cossack Regiment, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Semirechensk Special Cossack Sotnias2, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Semirechensk Opolcheniye3 Cossack Sotnias, and also the Reserve Sotnia of the Semirechensk Cossack regiment were in the Semirechensk region. In addition, the 6th Orenburg Cossack “Ataman Ugletsky” Regiment and several infantry and artillery units were located on the border with China. In July and August 1917, the Cossack detachments had to suppress the revolutionary unrest in the province, created this time by the non-Cossack Russian population. -
The History of the Family Household Composition and Family Structures Of
This article was downloaded by: [Yuriy Voloshyn] On: 21 August 2014, At: 07:38 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The History of the Family Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rhof20 Household composition and family structures of Ukrainian Cossacks in the second half of the eighteenth century Yuriy Voloshyna a Department of Ukrainian History, Poltava National Pedagogical University, Poltava, Ukraine Published online: 18 Aug 2014. To cite this article: Yuriy Voloshyn (2014): Household composition and family structures of Ukrainian Cossacks in the second half of the eighteenth century, The History of the Family, DOI: 10.1080/1081602X.2014.944552 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1081602X.2014.944552 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Huseyin Oylupinar
Remaking Terra Cosacorum: Kozak Revival and Kozak Collective Identity in Independent Ukraine by Huseyin Oylupinar A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies and Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Huseyin Oylupinar, 2014 ABSTRACT This dissertation was undertaken to test the premise whether the modern Kozak revival was or could be used as a platform by the Ukrainian national cultural establishment for renegotiation, reformation, and consolidation of national identity in post-Soviet Ukraine. Its primary aim was to observe the relevance and function of deeds, images, traditions, memories and spaces—that is, the symbolic sources of the Kozak forefathers in addressing the problems of national consolidation in the present time. Secondarily, it was to explore the tools used in communication, propagation and negotiation of Kozak identity in Ukraine today. To observe the functions of Kozak symbolic sources, the dissertation traces them from the late 17th century to the fall of the Soviet Union. To investigate the tools used for communicating, propagating and negotiating Kozak identity the dissertation examines modern-day Kozak communities, and Kozak physical and cultural spaces. Working on the presumptions —that post-Soviet Ukraine would require national consolidation, —that bridging the Kozak past into the present would constitute an essential process of national consolidation, and —that via Kozak symbolic sources nationally oriented Ukrainians would efficiently rediscover, reinterpret and regenerate the Kozak identity, an examination of the primary and secondary sources, and the original oral narratives gathered in the course of on-site fieldwork demonstrated ii convincingly that the Kozak revival has been an active and effective tool of the Ukrainian national establishment in negotiating and propagating national identity in independent Ukraine. -
THE EVOLUTION of RUSSIAN HYBRID WARFARE the Evolution of Russian Hybrid Warfare
THE EVOLUTION OF RUSSIAN HYBRID WARFARE The Evolution of Russian Hybrid Warfare Contents Acknowledgements Introduction ........................ 2 The authors are grateful for research assistance provided by U.S.-based Ukraine ................................. 7 journalist Iryna Solomko, as well as the Estonia .................................. 18 communications and editorial team at the Center for European Policy Analysis United Kingdom ................ 27 (CEPA). The authors would also like to EU/NATO ............................. 36 thank the external peer reviewers for their invaluable comments and suggestions, Conclusion ........................... 44 as well as Donald Jensen for his original Endnotes .............................. 48 framing of the research question. This report was made possible with generous support from the Smith Richardson Foundation. About CEPA The Center for European Analysis (CEPA) is a non-partisan think-tank dedicated to strengthening the transatlantic relationship. Headquartered in Washington, D.C. and led by seasoned transatlanticists and young leaders from both sides of the Atlantic, CEPA brings an innovative approach to the policy arena. Our cutting- edge analysis and timely debates galvanize communities of influence while investing in the next generation of leaders to understand and address present and future challenges to transatlantic values and principles. All opinions are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the position or views of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. Cover: Members of the Emergencies Ministry of the separatist Donetsk People’s Republic demine the area at the militants’ former positions on the contact line with the Ukrainian armed forces following troop withdrawals near the settlement of Petrivske (Petrovskoye) in Donetsk region, Ukraine November 19, 2019. REUTERS/ Alexander Ermochenko.