Australian Political Chronicle 73 QUEENSLAND the Elections

Australian Political Chronicle 73 QUEENSLAND The premier's decision to call a state election prematurely for 7 December focused national attention once again on this state. The subsequent decimation at the polls of the parliamentary Labor party, whose previous representation of thirty three in the Legislative Assembly was slashed to eleven, was taken to be compelling evidence of the low level of national support for the federal government at the close of 1974, and as strengthening considerably the case of those members of the federal opposition who sought to force a federal election early in 1975. The election results were likely to have far reaching consequences for Queensland politics also. The Elections Speculation on the prospects of an early election intensified in September with supporters of the move claiming that the recent change in the leadership of the parliamentary Labor party and the anticipated 'soft' state budget (see previous chronicle) provided cogent political reasons for bringing on an election before Christmas. It was also argued that predicted increases in inflation and unemployment for 1975 made it even more urgent for the Queensland government to capitalise immediately on the unpopularity of the national government, as recorded by the federal poll in this state in May. 17. Ibid., 3 November 1974, p. 1. 18. Ibid., 19 September 1974, p. 14. 74 The Australian Journal of Politics and History The premier, however, remained firm in his contention that he could win an election as handsomely in May 1975 as in December 1974 and cabinet was reported split on party lines over the issue, with the deputy premier, Sir Gordon Chalk pushing strongly for the earlier date. Late in October the premier reversed his decision, setting 7 December as polling date and stating that he would fight the election on 'the alien and stagnating, centralist, socialist, communist-inspired policies of the federal Labor government.' 1 A quick survey by his National party organization had confirmed a high level of support outside Brisbane and the federal Country party was said to be pressing the premier for a December poll in Queensland to clear the way for the possible forcing of a federal election in May 1975. Though the leader of the opposition, Mr Tucker, endeavoured to contain the campaign to 'bread and butter' state issues and even the Courier-Mail editorialised that the election 'should not become merely an exercise aimed at proving the unpopularity of the federal Labor government', 2 the premier set the tone and pace from the outset. It was to be a crusade against Socialism and Communism and one in which he cast himself in the role of leader and saviour of Queensland. Little emphasis was placed on the government policy speeches once they were delivered and consequently the electoral promises of all the party leaders aroused only slight interest and reaction. The premier stood on his government's record of development and achievement which had brought to Queensland a prosperity now being quickly eroded by the federal Labor government. The Liberal party leader, Sir Gordon Chalk offered, among other things, a multimillion dollar cultural centre complex for Brisbane, portable long service leave benefits for all workers in Queensland and the phasing out, within three years, of road transport fees on the carriage of all goods. The ALPs policies appeared more progressive and imaginative, but sank without a ripple of public debate on the relative merits of the various electoral pledges. Some of the specific promises given by the ALP in what was a wide ranging programme were: maternity, paternity and study leave for state public servants; price and rent control; a petrol price 'equalisation' scheme; free textbooks and supplies to all state school children and a significant strengthening and extension of control of environmental matters and consumer protection. During the campaign some interesting highlights emerged. The National party used the dual endorsement system in four seats; Cook, Isis, Kurilpa and Townsville West: the ALP made history by nominating two candidates for Callide, one a woman, Mrs Babel Edmund. In Townsville West, held narrowly by the opposition leader, Percy Tucker, the National party endorsed a company director, Mr Bryan Newell as well as the mayor of Townsville, Alderman Max Hooper. In Kurilpa, the double endorsement policy of the National party brough back into the political limelight the controversial barrister, Mr Colin Bennett, former ALP state member for South Brisbane, shadow minister for justice and representative of the ALP in the Legislative Assembly from 1949 to 1972. The ALP had denied him re-endorsement prior to the state election in 1972 and he had been subsequently expelled from the party when he ran in his old electorate as an independent. Tension between the coalition partners came to the surface early in the contest when the retiring National party member for Flinders and former state parliamentary speaker, Mr D. Lonergan came out publicly in support of the Liberal candidate for his former seat, Dr Brian McGucken. The endorsed National party candidate was Mr Bob Katter Jr., son of the federal member for Kennedy. In Lockyer, the Liberal party leader, Sir Gordon Chalk was opposed by a nominal independent in Mr Ken Hooper, a Gatton solicitor. The latter admitted to having been a member of the National party until a week prior to nominating, and Liberal sources alleged that large sums of 'grazier' money were being spent to attack Sir Gordon. The DLP selected Mr Jack Williams, its candidate for Hinchinbrook to lead its team of forty three contestants. The party decided against giving a 'blanket' preference to any one party, but in the majority of cases these were directed to National party candidates. The Australia party fielded a team of four only, all in north Queensland electorates. The federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI) formed a party — the Australian Advancement party — to contest the election and put up FCAATSI general secretary, Ms Evelyn Scott in Hinchinbrook and Mr E. Dymara in Cook. As the campaign progressed, it became abundantly clear that, on the government side, two battles were being fought, one for its return to office, the other between Mr Bjelke-Petersen and Sir Gordon Chalk for the premiership. Sir Gordon became increasingly and publicly confident that his party would win sufficient seats to give him a majority within the coalition, an unrealistic assessment even then, as the Liberal party was clearly outclassed by its National party rival in all departments — leadership, candidate selection, campaign tactics and general administration. Federal intrusion from both sides of the national parliament was a feature of the campaign and 1. Australian, 24 October 1974 2.= Courier-Mail, 24 October 1974 Australian Political Chronicle 75 much was made in the media of the prime minister, Mr Whitlam, 'taking-on' Mr Bjelke-Petersen on his home ground and making `Queenslandism' (the continuous opposition of the premier to almost every domestic and international policy of the federal Labor government) the focus of the election. The state branch of the ALP was said to be divided as to the wisdom of importing the prime minister and fifteen cabinet ministers into the campaign and once the final results were known some were quick to put this forward as one of the reasons for the party's defeat. In the opinion of this observer Mr Whitlam's forays into Queensland had little influence on the final outcome, one way or another. This was an election lost by the ALP before it was ever called. The Queensland results in the May federal election had indicated that many voters here were being hurt by national government policies; the latest ANOP poll, taken a month before the election, had shown a dramatic rise of 7 per cent in support for Mr Bjelke-Petersen's government vis-a-vis Mr Whitlam's, and significantly the rating had been the same for the urban areas as the rural. Finally it is doubted whether Mr Whitlam could have countered the effectiveness of the premier's personal election campaign. For five weeks Mr Bjelke- Petersen quartered the state, with hardly a hamlet or whistle stop missed on his campaign trail. While he did mention inflation, unemployment, the superphosphate bounty and other economic issues, his standard speech, the main points of which were taken up, in turn, by National party candidates and supporters, was directed exclusively to the question of Socialism and Communism in Canberra. 3 Fear of Communism present and future, and its equation with the federal Labor government became a very important and live issue in the campaign, but one which received little attention from the media. The final election results showed the National party capturing thirty nine seats (an increase of thirteen), including the metropolitan electorate of Wynnum, Albert and Redlands, both containing dormitory suburbs of Brisbane, and Ipswich West which was won from the only woman member of the previous parliament, Mrs Vi. Jordon (ALP). The Liberal party increased its representation from twenty one to thirty, adding seven to its previous total of metropolitan seats and Pine Rivers and Toowoomba North in the southeast zone, but failed to make inroads in the provincial cities where the swing to the National party was 7.52 per cent as against that to the Liberals of 5.47 per cent. Here the National party snatched four seats from the ALP (Barron River, Isis, Mt Isa and Townsville West). The DLP dropped 5.82 per cent to collect a state average vote of only 1.91 per cent while the Australia party, Australian Advancement party, several Socialist candidates and assorted independents could only muster 3.1 per cent of the vote between them, most of which went in support of Mr Tom Aikens (north Queensland party) and Mr E.

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