Australian Political Chronicle 73

QUEENSLAND The premier's decision to call a state election prematurely for 7 December focused national attention once again on this state. The subsequent decimation at the polls of the parliamentary Labor party, whose previous representation of thirty three in the Legislative Assembly was slashed to eleven, was taken to be compelling evidence of the low level of national support for the federal government at the close of 1974, and as strengthening considerably the case of those members of the federal opposition who sought to force a federal election early in 1975. The election results were likely to have far reaching consequences for politics also.

The Elections Speculation on the prospects of an early election intensified in September with supporters of the move claiming that the recent change in the leadership of the parliamentary Labor party and the anticipated 'soft' state budget (see previous chronicle) provided cogent political reasons for bringing on an election before Christmas. It was also argued that predicted increases in inflation and un- employment for 1975 made it even more urgent for the Queensland government to capitalise immediately on the unpopularity of the national government, as recorded by the federal poll in this state in May.

17. Ibid., 3 November 1974, p. 1. 18. Ibid., 19 September 1974, p. 14. 74 The Australian Journal of Politics and History

The premier, however, remained firm in his contention that he could win an election as handsomely in May 1975 as in December 1974 and cabinet was reported split on party lines over the issue, with the deputy premier, Sir Gordon Chalk pushing strongly for the earlier date. Late in October the premier reversed his decision, setting 7 December as polling date and stating that he would fight the election on 'the alien and stagnating, centralist, socialist, communist-inspired policies of the federal Labor government.' 1 A quick survey by his National party organization had confirmed a high level of support outside and the federal Country party was said to be pressing the premier for a December poll in Queensland to clear the way for the possible forcing of a federal election in May 1975. Though the leader of the opposition, Mr Tucker, endeavoured to contain the campaign to 'bread and butter' state issues and even the Courier-Mail editorialised that the election 'should not become merely an exercise aimed at proving the unpopularity of the federal Labor government', 2 the premier set the tone and pace from the outset. It was to be a crusade against Socialism and Communism and one in which he cast himself in the role of leader and saviour of Queensland. Little emphasis was placed on the government policy speeches once they were delivered and consequently the electoral promises of all the party leaders aroused only slight interest and reaction. The premier stood on his government's record of development and achievement which had brought to Queensland a prosperity now being quickly eroded by the federal Labor government. The Liberal party leader, Sir Gordon Chalk offered, among other things, a multimillion dollar cultural centre complex for Brisbane, portable long service leave benefits for all workers in Queensland and the phasing out, within three years, of road transport fees on the carriage of all goods. The ALPs policies appeared more progressive and imaginative, but sank without a ripple of public debate on the relative merits of the various electoral pledges. Some of the specific promises given by the ALP in what was a wide ranging programme were: maternity, paternity and study leave for state public servants; price and rent control; a petrol price 'equalisation' scheme; free textbooks and supplies to all state school children and a significant strengthening and extension of control of environmental matters and consumer protection. During the campaign some interesting highlights emerged. The National party used the dual en- dorsement system in four seats; Cook, Isis, Kurilpa and West: the ALP made history by nominating two candidates for Callide, one a woman, Mrs Babel Edmund. In Townsville West, held narrowly by the opposition leader, Percy Tucker, the National party endorsed a company director, Mr Bryan Newell as well as the mayor of Townsville, Alderman Max Hooper. In Kurilpa, the double endorsement policy of the National party brough back into the political limelight the controversial barrister, Mr Colin Bennett, former ALP state member for South Brisbane, shadow minister for justice and representative of the ALP in the Legislative Assembly from 1949 to 1972. The ALP had denied him re-endorsement prior to the state election in 1972 and he had been subsequently expelled from the party when he ran in his old electorate as an independent. Tension between the coalition partners came to the surface early in the contest when the retiring National party member for Flinders and former state parliamentary speaker, Mr D. Lonergan came out publicly in support of the Liberal candidate for his former seat, Dr Brian McGucken. The endorsed National party candidate was Mr Bob Katter Jr., son of the federal member for Kennedy. In Lockyer, the Liberal party leader, Sir Gordon Chalk was opposed by a nominal independent in Mr Ken Hooper, a Gatton solicitor. The latter admitted to having been a member of the National party until a week prior to nominating, and Liberal sources alleged that large sums of 'grazier' money were being spent to attack Sir Gordon. The DLP selected Mr Jack Williams, its candidate for Hinchinbrook to lead its team of forty three contestants. The party decided against giving a 'blanket' preference to any one party, but in the majority of cases these were directed to National party candidates. The party fielded a team of four only, all in north Queensland electorates. The federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI) formed a party — the Australian Advancement party — to contest the election and put up FCAATSI general secretary, Ms Evelyn Scott in Hinchinbrook and Mr E. Dymara in Cook. As the campaign progressed, it became abundantly clear that, on the government side, two battles were being fought, one for its return to office, the other between Mr Bjelke-Petersen and Sir Gordon Chalk for the premiership. Sir Gordon became increasingly and publicly confident that his party would win sufficient seats to give him a majority within the coalition, an unrealistic assessment even then, as the Liberal party was clearly outclassed by its National party rival in all departments — leadership, candidate selection, campaign tactics and general administration. Federal intrusion from both sides of the national parliament was a feature of the campaign and

1. Australian, 24 October 1974 2.= Courier-Mail, 24 October 1974 Australian Political Chronicle 75 much was made in the media of the prime minister, Mr Whitlam, 'taking-on' Mr Bjelke-Petersen on his home ground and making `Queenslandism' (the continuous opposition of the premier to almost every domestic and international policy of the federal Labor government) the focus of the election. The state branch of the ALP was said to be divided as to the wisdom of importing the prime minister and fifteen cabinet ministers into the campaign and once the final results were known some were quick to put this forward as one of the reasons for the party's defeat. In the opinion of this observer Mr Whitlam's forays into Queensland had little influence on the final outcome, one way or another. This was an election lost by the ALP before it was ever called. The Queensland results in the May federal election had indicated that many voters here were being hurt by national government policies; the latest ANOP poll, taken a month before the election, had shown a dramatic rise of 7 per cent in support for Mr Bjelke-Petersen's government vis-a-vis Mr Whitlam's, and significantly the rating had been the same for the urban areas as the rural. Finally it is doubted whether Mr Whitlam could have countered the effectiveness of the premier's personal election campaign. For five weeks Mr Bjelke- Petersen quartered the state, with hardly a hamlet or whistle stop missed on his campaign trail. While he did mention inflation, unemployment, the superphosphate bounty and other economic issues, his standard speech, the main points of which were taken up, in turn, by National party candidates and supporters, was directed exclusively to the question of Socialism and Communism in Canberra. 3 Fear of Communism present and future, and its equation with the federal Labor government became a very important and live issue in the campaign, but one which received little attention from the media. The final election results showed the National party capturing thirty nine seats (an increase of thirteen), including the metropolitan electorate of Wynnum, Albert and Redlands, both containing dormitory suburbs of Brisbane, and Ipswich West which was won from the only woman member of the previous parliament, Mrs Vi. Jordon (ALP). The Liberal party increased its representation from twenty one to thirty, adding seven to its previous total of metropolitan seats and Pine Rivers and Toowoomba North in the southeast zone, but failed to make inroads in the provincial cities where the swing to the National party was 7.52 per cent as against that to the Liberals of 5.47 per cent. Here the National party snatched four seats from the ALP (Barron River, Isis, Mt Isa and Townsville West). The DLP dropped 5.82 per cent to collect a state average vote of only 1.91 per cent while the Australia party, Australian Advancement party, several Socialist candidates and assorted independents could only muster 3.1 per cent of the vote between them, most of which went in support of Mr Tom Aikens (north Queensland party) and Mr E. D. Casey (independent Labor) who retained their respective seats of Townsville South and Mackay. Two women were returned to the new parliament: Mrs Victoria Kippin (National party, Mourilyan) and Mrs Rosemary Kyburz (Liberal, Salisbury) while the successful National party candidate for Cook, Mr Eric Deeral will be the first Aborigine to sit in the state Assembly. The debacle on the Labor side was almost complete, with both leader (Mr Percy Tucker, Towns- ville West) and deputy leader (Mr H. P. Newton, Belmont) losing their seats. The state wide movement against the ALP averaged 10.73 per cent with the swing favouring the Liberal party by 8.87 per cent and the National party by 7.87 per cent. Across the zones the swing away from the ALP was irregular, ranging from a high of 11.04 per cent in the southeast to a low of 8.35 per cent in the country zone, presenting one of the imponderables of this election — why the National party which was anticipated to chalk up its best results in the rural areas scored so heavily in the outer metropolitan area and in the electorates which lie close to it. Certainly the name change from Country to National party would appear to have borne fruit more rapidly than this observer, for one, believed possible at the time it was made. The success of the National party in the southeast and also the provincial city zone will doubtless be cause for concern within the Liberal party. A breakdown of figures for each seat won by the coalition from the ALP indicated how narrowly many of them will now be held, and of these, the majority are represented by the new Liberal members. While the Liberal party's share of the total vote exceeded that of the National party, the former came out of the election in a weaker position vis-a-vis its partner than it entered it. Fielding an almost identical number of candidates (53-52) and polling over 3 per cent higher than the National party (31.1-27.9), the Liberal party secured nine fewer seats. With eighty three candidates attracting 36 per cent of the vote, the ALP could only muster eleven seats in a parliament of eighty two.

Cabinet and the Government Prior to the election the resignation through ill-health of Mr H. McKechnie, minister for local government and electricity brought Mr R. Hinze (NP, South Coast) into cabinet as replacement. The major reshuffle promised for some months by the premier was carried through after the election amid

3. The Writer's personal observations. Cf. Hugh Lunn, Australian, 6 December 1974. 76 The Australian Journal of Politics and History a flurry of rumours of revolt by some Liberal parliamentarians and their defection to the National party, and an abortive move to secure the education ministry for Mr Charles Porter (Liberal, Toowong). Ultimately in the coalition discussions, the Liberal leaders sacrificed all for retention of the Treasury and National party ministers once again retained the majority of portfolios of importance, The new cabinet, enlarged from fourteen to eighteen (only eight of whom were Liberals) gave Queensland the same number of ministers as New South Wales and two more than Victoria, and was widely criticised as adding at least $200,000 to the annual cost of government and as being a 'jobs for the boys' exercise productive of a cabinet of the premier's cronies. On the face of it, it appeared an unadventurous choice of personnel and the down-grading of the education portfolio and the selection of Mr Val Bird (NP, Burdekin) as its minister remained a puzzle. Dr Scott-Young (Liberal, Townsville) has already indicated that he will cross the floor when parliament votes to increase the size of cabinet. The following is a list of state ministers and their portfolios: Premier — J. Bjelke-Petersen (NP) 63 Deputy premier and treasurer — Sir Gordon Chalk (Lib.) 61 Mines, energy and northern development — R. E. Camm (NP) 59 Justice and attorney-general — W. E. Knox (Lib.) 46 Community, welfare services and sport — J. D. Herbert (Lib.) 49 Industrial development, labour relations and consumer affairs — F. A. Campbell (Lib.) 63 Primary Industries — V. B. Sullivan (NP) 56 Police — A. M. Hodges (NP) 57 Water resources — N. T. E. Hewitt (NP) 54 Transport — K. W. Hooper (Lib.) 46 Local government and main roads — R. T. Hinze (NP) 55 Tourism and marine services — T. G. Newbery (NP) 60 Lands, forestry, national parks and wildlife services — K. B. Tomkins (NP) 56 Health — Dr L. R. Edwards (Lib.) 39 Education and cultural activities — V. J. Bird (NP) 49 Works and housing — N. E. Lee (Lib.) 54 Aboriginal & Islanders advancement & fisheries — C. A. Wharton (NP) 60 Urban & regional affairs (and minister assisting the premier with planning, development and the environment) — W. D. Lickiss (Lib.) 50 As anticipated, the pre-election state budget was the mildest of any state in this period of national inflation and high unemployment, largely due to the increased mining royalties. Few if any additional charges were imposed on the public and Sir Gordon Chalk was able to defer also any escalation of rail freights and fares, thus forestalling an anticipated outcry from National party supporters in the country areas. The mining royalties themselves remained a contentious issue. Heavy pressure to moderate the enabling legislation was brought to bear by the mining companies on the government, particularly through the National party organization and some ministers. MIM Holdings and the Commonwealth Aluminium Corp. Ltd. (the Queensland bauxite-mining subsidiary of Comalco) offered to voluntarily triple the amount of royalties paid by them in 1971-72, but Sir Gordon Chalk once again rejected the old principle of a royalty scale based on company profits and held firmly to one approximating 10 per cent of the value of the mineral loaded from the field. The national government strengthened Sir Gordon's hand by announcing that any 'sell-out' to the companies by the state government on this issue would be vetoed in Canberra. Comalco fought back and was granted an injunction in the Supreme Court on 18 September, restraining the state government from increasing mineral royalties by regulation. A demurrer entered in the full court by the government was allowed on 19 December but at the same time Comalco was granted leave to appeal to the Privy Council against the court's judgement upholding the validity of the Mineral Royalties Act of 1974.

Parliament The last session of the old parliament saw the resignation of the Speaker, Mr D. Lonergan, on the grounds of ill-health and the election of Mr James Houghton, 64 (NP, Redcliffe) to that office. The new Speaker has had a chequered career in state politics, entering parliament as an independent, switching his allegiance to the Liberal party and ultimately to the National party. He was the premier's nominee for Speaker in 1972 but was defeated by the man he now replaced. In mid-October state parliamentarians and Brisbane City Council aldermen received substantial salary increases; for MLAs rising by 28 per cent to $15,630 a year. The size of the increase evoked strong criticism particularly from trade union circles. When the mineral royalties bill came before the House the opposition made a determined but unsuccessful effort to have a schedule of rates attached to the act. This would have prevented determination by regulation and made it possible for parliament to discuss more fully future variations in the scale for royalty payments. Debate on the report of the select committee of inquiry into Australian Political Chronicle 77

punishment of crimes of violence revealed the palaeolithic views of some members on the question, one offering to take the hangman's job while another argued that sex offenders should be castrated. Fortunately for Queensland, the committee had voted five to four against recommending the re- introduction of capital punishment and the government appeared unlikely to support the minority viewpoint. Mr David Low (NP, Coorpoora) died on October 22, shortly after resigning from parliament. He entered the Assembly at the May election of 1947 and together with the premier and Sir Gordon Chalk was the only parliamentarian whose tenure dated back so far. He had been chairman of the Maroochy shire from 1952 to 1967.

The ALP The postponed Labor in politics convention was held in Cairns early in October where the party thrashed out the policies on which, as it turned out, it was to fight the election. Two items on the agenda proved to be highly controversial. Voting eighty three to forty six, the delegates passed a resolution requiring all Queensland Labor members of parliament, whether state or federal, together with Brisbane City Council aldermen to give 3.5 per cent of their salaries to the party organization. The motion was strongly opposed by Messrs Tucker, Houston, Bill Hayden (federal minister for social welfare) and others who wished to see the voluntary levy system continued. A resolution on prostitution brought a storm of protest from many ministers of religion and women's groups. Put to convention as a recommendation from the law reform committee, it stressed that while not condoning prostitution, it should be 'decriminalised' and for that reason 'legalised' to ensure health standards and that it was kept out of the control of criminals. Convention also decided against readmitting the AWU to affiliation with the ALP until or unless it paid its full year's fee for 1969 (the year in which it disaffiliated). It also agreed to retain the plebiscite system of candidate selection for lower house elections. Morale in the state branch of the ALP sank to its lowest possible level following its election debacle. With only eleven parliamentarians on the opposition benches it was assumed that they would be unable to mount any workable system of shadow committees as had been done in the past. The leadership question was resolved with the election to that post of Mr Tom Burns (Lytton), former president of the federal ALP. Much to the surprise of most observers the deputy-leadership went to Mr John Melloy (Nudgee), sixty six years old, who had the 'numbers' to defeat the youthful Mr Keith Wright (Rockhampton). In the elections for the inner executive of the QCE late in October, Mr T. Chard of the Building Workers' Industrial Union was dropped, being defeated by one vote by Mr H. Hauenschild, state president of the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union. Mr Tucker replaced the former parliamentary leader Mr Houston, but did not contest the vice-presidency which went to Mr T. Burton, state secretary of the Printing Union. The composition of the inner executive then was: J. Egerton (president), B. Lourigan (secretary), T. Burton (vice-president), P. Tucker, A. Bevis (Transport Workers' Union), N. Kane (Electrical Trades' Union), H. Hauenschild (Amalgamated Metal Workers). It can be assumed that Mr Burns will now replace Mr Tucker on the executive.

Conservation Following the removal from the Bellevue Hotel of the New Orleans style verandahs and iron lace railings and awning frills by state works department employees earlier in the year, and the calling of a well-attended public meeting by the National Trust to protest this 'government vandalism by stealth', nothing further was heard until late October of the government's plans for the lower George Street precinct. Cabinet then gave the hotel and the Mansions a four to five year reprieve while it built a new major government office complex at the rear of these buildings. It would seem to have been a hollow victory for the conservationists as unless much needed maintenance is done on these two buildings, which seems unlikely, they will be beyond repair by the time cabinet has to finally decide on their future. The National Trust and other groups were also alarmed by city council plans to remove a belt of trees along Coronation Drive in the interests of road widening. The council's whole policy (or lack of it) over use of parkland came under attack, and will presumably have to be modified to some degree following the success of a full court action brought by architect, Mr Geoffrey Pie, against the council which in effect banned the alienation of any part of New Farm park for the establishment of a library. Late in the year a summary of the report of the Great Barrier Reef Petroleum Drilling Royal Commission was released simultaneously by the national and state governments. While saying that there was a definite risk of oil spills, the majority report recommended that drilling could be allowed in some areas, with certain designated buffer zones. The National, Liberal and Labor parties had all previously given assurances that they would not allow such drilling, but no similar statement had 78 The Australian Journal of Politics and History emanated from the Queensland government. Sources in the premier's department maintained however that the earlier gazetting of the whole of the reef within Queensland territorial waters as a marine park and therefore not open to drilling, would ensure the integrity of the area. Doubts still remained. The alienation of leasing land in state parks for developmental purposes is not unknown in Queensland. National government reaction was to initiate legislation to create a Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority to oversee all activities on the reef and to develop a management programme. A legal clash between the two governments on this question is foreseen.

Local Government At the local government level the first of a series of community welfare centres was opened at Everton Park. Trained staff and facilities to handle all kinds of social problems were to be provided and it was hoped that community residents would participate in local government policy-making for their area. Ward offices and secretaries were also to be set up for council aldermen and it was expected that these would also assist in bridging the gap between the council and the citizen. Brisbane's controversial lord mayor since 1961, Alderman Clem Jones announced he would not contest the next local government elections and would stand down before then to make way for the vice-mayor and a Jones protege, Alderman Bryan Walsh. Alderman Jones stood unsuccessfully as an ALP candidate for the state seat of Yeronga in 1972 and the federal seat of Griffith in 1974. He bows out with a record of substantial achievement within Brisbane and local government generally, though his methods have frequently been called into question.

Federal — State Relations These continued to be bedevilled by clashes between the national and state governments over a range of issues. Some appeared trivial: the removal by Mr Whitlam, from state government ministers and officials, of diplomatic passports and the special privileges which go with them; legislation by the Queensland government to establish a Treaties Commission which appeared to be an attempted in- trusion upon the foreign affairs' power of the national government. Others were of greater importance to Queensland, economically and involved the conditions for funding new hospitals, unemployment benefits, Aboriginal affairs and other projects by the national government. One must assume that the premier will be even more intransigent in the future now that his previous stands have been so overwhelmingly endorsed by the voters and he has carried off the award of Australian of the Year for 1974, offered by the Australian newspaper. M. N. B. C.