Speech Delivered by Human Settlements Minister And

SPEECH DELIVERED BY HUMAN SETTLEMENTS MINISTER AND ANC NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEMBER TOKYO SEXWALE AT THE AFRICAN RENAISSANCE COLLOQIUM UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE, ALICE 28 SEPTEMBER 2012

Legacies of the Forefathers and the Youth of the African Continent Today

1. It was a deeply disturbing phone call with my elderly father… The Marikana tragedy - a massacre. Like Nelson Mandela he was born in 1918, at the tail end of the First World War. Like many young men of his age in South Africa and across the world, he answered the call in 1939 to defend his country during the World War II against the Nazis in North Africa, who were led by the famous German war officer, Field Marshall Rommel.

2. My father is a man of impeccable principles and unquestionable morality with proven credentials as a patriot. Having risked their lives for the British Empire with other having fallen, he and many other Black soldiers returned home not as heroes but as discarded lepers

whilst their fellow white soldiers were showered with distinguished honours. That’s my father.

3. He still lives in our home in Dube, which is named after the founding president of the ANC, John LangalibaleleDube, in Thabo Street, itself named after an old ANC and Communist Party stalwart Thabo Mofutsanyana. That’s the name Govan Mbeki chose for his famous son. Thabo Street also produced five death-row political prisoners. All ANC. Others survived and others died.

4. Again, the troubling Marikana conversation with my father weighed heavily on my shoulders. He had said: “No son of mine should become part of a government that has just killed with riffles its own people in the manner we saw on TV. Take a stand and leave the Cabinet.” But quickly added: “I do not say leave the ANC”. He repeated; “Leave the Cabinet”. One is always careful to argue against this ancient soldier well-known throughout Dube Village as a tough disciplinarian.

5. My response was a measured one in that one does not necessarily have to leave to make a statement as I felt that, in a modest way, I could still make a valuable contribution. There are good men and women in our

government who are all committed to making their mark towards making ours a better country and for its citizens, a better life.

6. He concluded: “It’s your call. But you know my view. I’m ANC and I will die ANC.” As we hung up, one was unsure of any assurances to him. The conversation is imprinted on my mind. It was a haunting conversation. But one question bothered me.Could it be that one may have grossly underestimated the situation? It may be so; perhaps not… What is clear is that his shaky voice on Marikana echoes inside me inasmuch as Marikanacontinues to do to all compassionate and right-thinking people in our country and around the world.

7. This exchange between father and son is instructive here at Fort Hare University, at this colloquium, whose theme is Legacies of the Forefathers and the Youth of the African Continent Today.

8. The founding father of our nation, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, and many other leaders, luminaries and forefathers havetheir footprints imprinted on this institution. Through the force of their example they have taught us – and themselves have been able to transcend –

to rise above many of the social ills which this University is well known for taking a stand against and which colloquia of this nature should be also be seized with. These include racism, ethnicity, tribalism, violence against women and children and other important issues such as the struggle against poverty, unemployment, inequity,disease in order to strengthen Africa’s political emancipation and to chart the path ahead for economicjustice. These are critical elements of Africa’s Renaissance.

9. Our Cabinet and the government at large has its policies, including the Freedom Charter, premised upon the founding ideals and principles of our forefathers. This is the essence of their legacy – bestowed to our generation particularly the young people, the youth of today.

10. It is enlightening that there should be ongoing discussion between our generation and their generation through the medium of folklore, culture, art, song, dance, poetry, prose. Through discussion about wars-of- dispossession, resistance against occupation, the struggle against white domination. In a word, through historical discourse which informs the regeneration of our renaissance.

Celebrating the ANC as a legacy project endowed to us by past generations. Is it still in safe hands?

11. Thejourney of the ANC which started 100 years ago, celebrated this year in 2012, continues to echo across the African continent where the ANC has played and continues to play a significant historical role in continental affairs for Africa’s Renaissance. The philosophy and vision of Africa’s Renaissance is captured by President Thabo Mbeki on the occasion of the 10th Anniversary of the African Union this year:

“The liberation of South Africa in 1994 marked the historic realization of the strategic task to liquidate colonialism and white minority rule on our continent. Africa could now renew its focus on the equally strategic matters of African integration and unity, and economic development.”

12. Of critical importance in respect of the legacy of our forefathers and what they have endowed to us is the question: how do we the generation of today, measure up not with regard to only the past 100 years, but most importantly the future which is to be constructed with the help of the tools left with us by our forebears?

13. Whilst Africa’s Renaissance is of paramount importance to all of us in the continent, in each country citizens ought to have strong political, economic and civil society structures aimed at advancing the interests of those countries, while at the same time resonating with the revival of our continent. Likewise, in our own country South Africa, we are better placed to play a role in Africa’s reemergence on the understanding that we too have vehicles to achieve this continental mission.

14. For purposes of today’s lecture at this colloquium, organized under the auspices of the Fort Hare African Renaissance Student Society, it is imperative not merely to speak about questions all over Africa, important as they are. It is crucial to pay particular attention to the ANC as a legacy project and to answer the question: Is the ANC still in safe hands?

15. The ANC as a special instrument of liberation bequeathed to us as a legacy from our forefathers is and has been a unique and special vehicle that serves numerous purposes. It is essentially a defender, protector, fighter for the underdog; a refuge centrefor the powerless; a thunderous voice for the voiceless; a Parliament for the disenfranchised.

16. It attracted to its safety and comfort people from all walks of life: traditionalists, believers, non-believers, conservatives, liberals, unionists, women, youth, members of the Fourth Estate, Marxist-Leninists, and people from different social classes – peasants, workers, the middle- class and the bourgeoisie.

17. The ANC, quintessentially magnetic, therefore attracted all these groupings all bound by the common desire and promise of a better life, a better country, a better future. Hence the credo – a united, non-racial, non- sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa.

18. As it begins what is hopefully the journey of its next 100 years a question arises: Quite apart from advantages and opportunities along the way, what are the risks and threats that confront it going forward which may stymie its progress long after its forthcoming Mangaung national elective conference which must chart the way for the next 100 years?

19. Several risks can be identified and are relatively easy to mitigate and eliminate. However, let us shine the light of focus upon one risk that may lead to the demise of the

ANC. Although this risk does not have a name yet, it isa process that is clearly identifiable if subjected under the harsh tools of analysis where upon it becomes crystal clear, rendering whoever refuses to see, as suffering from the most acute form of denialism. The following adage will then apply: None are so blind as those who have eyes and yet refuse to see. We the current generation must urgently address it if we are not to lose this legacy instrument from our forefathers. And to continue to say, the ANC LIVES! THE ANC LEADS!

20. The ANC as a vehicle of freedom against oppression has developed a historically protective nature to all those who seek refuge in it, for the reasons earlier stated. It has therefore developed an automatic propensity to be protective and closes ranks to protect its persona, its own, its structure, its space and theatre of activity. This is highly commendable and is an important element in the historical strength and character of the ANC.

21. What this implies, quite often is that, whenever the ANC and or its members are under attack its defence and protective mechanism gets triggered. This has been its survival mechanism because no organization will do the opposite.

22. This has prompted Deputy President KgalemaMotlanthe to remind us that even when ANC members are faced with difficulties, challenges or even attacks emanating from their mistakes associated with ill discipline, they still can be corrected and re-education. He stated:

“In the ANC the philosophy is that people can always be corrected by undermining their weak points and supporting their strong points. The approach of the ANC is that it abandons only the most incorrigible.”

23. Many members, including leaders, throughout our history, have survived due to this process and have grown to become better individuals, better ANC members and better citizens. Thus, only in highly exceptional circumstances does the ANCabandon the most unscrupulous and the most incorrigible.

24. This as a result brings us to the point of the biggest risk the ANC now faces. If we take this noble statement of the Deputy President, it presupposes therefore that the ratio of the good, the loyal and the best in the ANC branch for example, is overwhelming in relation to the

unscrupulous and incorrigibles and thus, makes it easy for the preponderant number of disciplined members to cast away one or a few unscrupulous and incorrigibles.

25. At the same time, in contrast to this, the law of nature also applies in the opposite direction. In an environment where the incorrigibles have taken centre stage and wield power in a branch - or any other structure of the movement for that matter - then the question does not even arise as to who will be cast out. The horror of this is unimaginable for the future of the ANC as this scenario, this disease of the power of incorrigibles, spreads from branch to branch, structure to structure, and so on.

26. The good, the loyal, the best in the ANC do get cast away, get isolated, humiliated, shouted down, frustrated, their roles become diminished, they become belittled, are called names, are character assassinated, marginalized, ostracized and finally made to feel unwelcome. They lose heart, lose interest, become dejected and resign themselves to being political non-entities. Each day new enthusiastic members and veterans alike become reduced to all these kinds of humiliation and subterfuge. Let alone members of the public who are potential supporters within the electorate.

27. Who maybe these incorrigibles? These are people who as comrades were originally morally upright, dedicated, well trusted and committed to the struggle. They have now become political misfits, who no longer serve the people but are self-serving, politically degenerates, morally bankrupt, power abusers, ill disciplined while disciplining others, rely upon fear, stifle debates and internal democracy from the branch, as base unit of the structure and elsewhere. In a word, they once fitted the bill of a true cadre of the ANC and are now practically political lumpens in spite of the nice sounding sophistry of their political language to conceal their true colours.

28. Today, with the ANC government where the multiple evils of power, money-politics, privilege, favoritism, factionalism, nepotism, regionalism, provincialism and tribalism are threatening to become the norm, the danger has become more aggravated. Rampant corruption has become a daily occurrence at all levels of government where some who are entrusted with public authority and funds, have become so arrogant and so conceited that there is total disregard for differentiation between public funds and their private pockets.

29. Hard earned tax payers monies have become cheaply accessible and are seen as a permanent ATMs. When such unscrupulous members are exposed, the whistle blowers, media, the clergy, civil society and so on, become targets and such unscrupulous elements simply move on to the next ATM with impunity!

30. This is to say the least about poor performance, incompetence, arrogance towards the electorate, lack of accountability, and most importantly, the abuse of sensitive state institutions to settle political scores. ANC branches complain and find it difficult to voice their objection out of fear of victimization by those who wield powers and largesse which can determine the future of their own lives. The results is that good comrades burry their heads in the sand with the hope that this situation will blow away. Regrettably it will not do so by itself. It requires man and women who are not just prepared to raise their voices but have the courage of their conviction to act.

31. When such incorrigibles have taken control of a branch and more from bottom to the top, they become extremely sly and make themselves indistinguishable by

relying on the ANC colours, symbols of struggle, our heritage and names of our leaders. They raise their voices against corruption while their fingers in the till. They take a stand against nepotism while overwhelming evidence points to their guilt. They decry factionalism when they have just attended a factional meeting. They raise their voices against abuse of power while they are the real culprits. Then they call for unity whilst all their action points the other way. This charade simply goes on and on.

32. Couple all this with incorrigibles wielding state power and resources this becomes a potent mixture, a recipe for disaster. It is in this kind of debilitating, destructive and toxic environment that one can begin to comprehend the profound and heavy words of warning, the red light, by President Oliver Tambo who proclaimed that: Since its formation nothing has been able to destroy the ANC from outside. It is only the ANC itself through failure to handle internal problems that can implode. This potential reality is frightinglyterrible to contemplate! God forbid that it should become real. For the ANC is the only home, the only hope that we have. It cannot be lost in our hands, not during our watch.

33. The General Secretary of Cosatu, ZwelinzimaVavi, at the recent Cosatu Congress referred to this situation as a crisis. But then, he had only taken a leaf from the report of the ANC Secretary General, GwedeMantashe, who at the National General Council in 2010 provided a very lengthy list of fundamental problems that exist within our structures. Among the list of 25 negative phenomena which he identified in his General Secretary’s report are, and I quote:

 A rise in ill-discipline in the ranks, especially among those in leadership positions.  A decline in political consciousness amongst the general membership as well as the leadership across all structures of the movement.  Deployment and election of people who are not suitable to positions of authority and leadership of the organisation to further certain factional interests and narrow economic agendas.  Most branches have no programme and are inactive.  Buying membership for members - patronage and nepotism.  The ANC is regarded as an employment agency.  There is a feeling that membership is being manipulated.  People are joining the organisation to access resources.  No consistent political education programmes.

 The graduation (short-circuiting) of members to the position of leadership without going through the necessary organisational development processes remains a challenge.  The role of the branch in electing leadership, including public representatives, is riddled with flaws leading the ANC to lose even safe wards in some cases.  Factionalism and lack of political debate by members.  Leadership debate and lobbying for positions having been relegated into conspiracy and plotting.  General acknowledgement that our structures are weak and not able to provide leadership to society.  Fear instead of respect of leadership.  The buying of membership and skewed recruitment.

Comrade Mantashe’s conclusion is as follows:

“The inability to grasp the essence of the organisation of those who are supposed to be politically conscious, who deliberately mislead the general membership, is the single most serious threat to the long term survival of the organisation.”

34. Understandably our partners in the tripartite alliance are equally concerned about the state of affairs within the ANC which is the leader of the Liberation Alliance.

35. At the same time, whilst our partners’ constructive criticisms are more than welcome in the revolutionary sense, what cannot be countenanced with and needs to be rethought by our partners to avoid the exacerbation of internal ANC contradictions, is a conduct where actions of our own partners can result in unintended consequences of causing divisions within the ANC.

36. It is foreign practice in our revolutionary tradition and practice that allies can utilize their conferences to make pronouncements about elections and leadership positions which have not yet occurred in the structure of another alliance organization. It would be a political sacrilege for members of the ANC, let alone we in the leadership of the organization, to use an ANC conference to make pronouncements about leaders of alliance partners.

37. Consequently, calls for the nomination by an alliance member of a leader or leaders within the structures of another alliance organization is the de-nomination of other leaders.Similarly, a pronouncement of one implies denouncement of others. Likewise, proposing one leader means opposing another within the ranks of your allies.

38. Should not such democratic conduct be left to the rank and file membership and branches of the specific alliance partner? Is it not apparent that such practice has the consequences of making members or leaders of the ANC to feel that they are being victimized and politically ostracized by alliance partners? All this by alliance partners within their own organization.Should we therefore be surprise when ANC members begin to see such conduct on the part of our allies as divisive?

39. Is it not for this reason that pre-occupation with ANC leadership election matters may have had the consequences of the partial shift of focus from core responsibilities which could have partly resulted in a situation where so-called opportunism gained foothold in the backyard of some unions. In such situations, whilst we may well point a sharp finger at perceived opportunism, it is inevitable to pose the question: Who then should shoulder the responsibility for creating space for such perceived opportunism? Who left the mine- shaftunguarded?This situation requires deep thinking and analysis in a constructive manner.

40. Having said all this, it must be very clear that influencing one another is part of the

revolutionarytradition of the alliance. This is not an issue and is not open for debate. That is how it ought to be. The basis of criticism is the manner in which this is done. It is not acceptable to have one alliance conference pronouncing on the leadership of another. That would constitute the planting of seeds that oneday will grow a tree that will destroy the alliance. That would be counter- productive to say the least.

41. The tested historical relationship between the Communist Party and the ANC is the most exemplary, where communists who were also members of the ANC are forever remembered for having played a crucial role without imposing themselves upon the ANC, let alone ANC leadership election matters. That is the Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, JoeSlovo and Chris Hani way.

42. Similarly, in respect of trade unions, notably SACTU and subsequently COSATU, both the ANC and the Communist Party played a seminal role in ensuring that trade unionism in South Africa was strengthen with revolutionary politics of national liberation beyond mere shop floor issues. All this without pronouncing upon leadership election issues of SACTU, COSATU or any of

their affiliates.This is the JB Marks, Steven Dlamini, MarkShope and Ray Alexander way.

Road to Mangaung Decline and Demise or Renaissance and Renewal

43. One hundred years ago, dedicated ANC leaders and members descended upon Mangaung, Bloemfontein, with one sole mission:To unite the people of South Africa under one objective – the creation of a vehicle that will spearhead the new phase of the struggle against colonial occupation and white domination.

44. They left us a legacy in the form of the African National Congress as our special vehicle for national self- determination, a democratic society and for freedom from oppression. In a few months time, the ANC will be returning to Mangaung, our cradle, to assess how far we have come over the century as well as to chart the way forward into, hopefully, another 100 years and more. This is highly desirable.

45. Important questions have therefore arisen. What kind of an organization is the ANC today? To what extent

has it moved with the time? What type of membership have we attracted into our ranks? What quality of leadership is in our branches, right up to the entire national executive committee including the top six? What kind of material conditionsprevailtoday which the ANC needs to carefully study in order to take forward its work? The ANC is in government and no longer an opposition as it was 100 years ago. In this respect how well is the ANC shaping up itself now as leader of government? To what extent has it taken the lead? How well equipped is the ANCtherefore in managing the twin tasks of running itself whilst at the same time governing at local, provincial and national government level?

46. In view of the threats and risks mentioned in respect of the state of which the ANC is, which includes fundamental negatives such as tribalism and factionalism, it therefore becomes abundantly clear that any arguments about things continuing in the same old way would not hold water. Such an argument, steeped in the heaviest form of denialism, would be totally counter-productive and therefore bordering on being suicidal. The ANC is well- known for always re-examining itself through the strength of criticism and self-criticism to enhance the critical element of vibrant internal democracy.

47. ANC President Jacob Zuma in his address to the June 2012 ANC policy conference said:

“To maintain its character, the ANC should be able to cleanse itself of alien tendencies which range from wanton ill discipline to those linked to incumbency. These tendencies include social distance, patronage, careerism, corruption and abuse of power; ineffective management of the interface between the movement and the state; a flawed approach to membership recruitment and a decline in ideological depth amongst cadres.”

48. Therefore, having considered all these set of circumstances, it is an imperative that change should occur. Yet, are we talking the same language when referring to change because in the world everything is static but change in constant.What therefore in this respect is change? This aspect of the debate seems to be heavily over leaning towards the change of leaders. That may well be so and indeed necessary.

49. However, the mere change of leaders which leaves the substance and content of the problem as defined, would not only be pointless but would be an encouragement of the perpetuation of the deterioration of our movement. This cannot and should not be allowed to happen under our watch.

 We need change in attitude towards one and another and the electorate, for it would be a cardinal sin to underestimate the electorate  We a change of attitude, a change of heart

 We need a change of conduct, behavior and discipline at all levels of the movement

 Change is required to win back diminished public trust in our leadership structures and government we are running

 We need change to restore the credibility of the ANC within society and government, if not the State.

 We need change to recoup the losses we suffered over the last two elections which saw our majority in all provinces, except one being significantly reduced.

 We require change avoid a situation where 11 000 service delivery protests nationally in 2011 have ballooned to more than 11 000 even before the end of 2012. This during the year the ANC is celebrating its centenary.

 We need change in order to stabilize local government and where there is a danger of the ANC losing Mandela Bay

 We need change in order to re-establish the authority of the state as a servant and not the master or boss of the people

 We need a change of tactics so that coherent strategies are clearly understood in order to jerk up the performance of our economy and not just to pay lip services to the intractable triple problems of poverty, unemployment and inequality.

50. Indeed real change is required to give our young people, the youth, who are leaving schools and seeking employment that they are not destined to the hopelessness of the ranks of the unemployed which is

estimated officially around 25% yet other estimates take it to around 40%, a figure that include people who have given up the hope of finding jobs.

51. Fundamental change is requistein our thinking to understand that fundamentally, whatever happens in 2012 at Mangaung, the real test is 2014 elections where a frustrated electorate is awaiting leadership. Our conduct at Mangaung and thereafter shall determine whether confidence in us shall have been restored or whether the electorate should continue to dwindle our majority as they did during the past elections

52. All these challenges about change can be summed up in one word, RENAISSANCE. The ANC requires to slaughter its own ghost and undergo soul searching, introspection, critical analysis based on the fundamentals of its own democratic norms in preparation for the journey over the 100 years.

53. Yet, our watchword around changeought to be accompanied by a word of caution: If the ANC comes second or last in Mangaung, the there shall be no victors amongst us.