Ghost Towns and Zombie Mines: the Historical Dimensions of Mine Abandonment, Reclamation, and Redevelopment in the Canadian North

University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2017-01 Ice Blink: Navigating Northern Environmental History Bocking, Stephen; Martin, Brad University of Calgary Press http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51791 book http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 4.0 International Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca ICE BLINK: NAVIGATING NORTHERN ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY Edited by Stephen Bocking and Brad Martin ISBN 978-1-55238-855-6 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. 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Acknowledgement: We acknowledge the wording around open access used by Australian publisher, re.press, and thank them for giving us permission to adapt their wording to our policy http://www.re-press.org 11 Ghost Towns and Zombie Mines: The Historical Dimensions of Mine Abandonment, Reclamation, and Redevelopment in the Canadian North Arn Keeling and John Sandlos In the past two decades a new approach to mining history has emerged to ask, in effect, what happens after the gold rush. Authors such as -Ri chard V. Francaviglia, Ben Marsh, William Wyckoff, and more recently David Robertson have all extended their narratives beyond the demise of mining towns to question what they consider to be the “mining imaginary,” the idea that the historical end-point for mining activity is inevitably community collapse and ecological destruction. They provide valuable case studies where communities have survived past the end of mining, diversifying their economies through industrial activity or the development of tourism. Historical memory often provides a sense of continuity for these communities, as mining heritage landscapes and museums become touchstones of tourist activity, and ecological restoration activities reveal a deep sense of attachment to the mining landscape. For this loosely defined community resilience school of mining history, mining is not an 377 ephemeral economic activity but offers communities a long-term sense of deep intimacy with their history of labour within the local landscape.1 Without a doubt, this newer approach to mining history provides a powerful corrective to environmental histories that position mineral exploitation as a physical and symbolic marker of environmental decline. Some authors, such as Jared Diamond, have gone so far as to evoke mining as a metaphor for the ecological collapse of civilization.2 However import- ant it may be to critique such overblown, declensionist narratives, much of the published work of the community resilience school suffers from its own limitations. Many of these scholars extrapolate their theories of community renewal and survival from individual case studies rather than regional, national, or international studies, and most of the case studies are situated in or close to relatively well populated areas of Britain, the United States, and southern Canada. In these regions, communities are likely to have better access to markets and infrastructure to support economic diversification. In general, the impact of mines on individual communities varies across time and space according to several regional factors. The sociologist Lisa Wilson has argued, for example, that the con- sequences and impacts of mining on local communities are conditioned by the nature of the resource being exploited, the type of mining technology employed, the status of labour−management relations, fluctuations in international commodity prices, and varying levels of regional economic dependence on mining.3 Similarly, reacting to simplistic models of resource-based development versus underdevelopment, rural sociologists Scott Frickel and William Freudenberg have called for detailed historical-geographical studies of “the ways in which the relationships between resource extraction and regional development have changed over time.”4 Drawing on these ideas of regional heterogeneity, this paper will argue that themes such as continuity and local attachment to place often have very little relevance in hinterland regions such as Canada’s remote terri- torial north, where geographically isolated communities and mining oper- ations sit at the economic margins of an international commodity trade, and where historical experiences of collapse and continuity are governed more by mineral price fluctuations than the ties that bind a community to its local place.5 Abandoned mines and ghost towns, or at least severe- ly depressed former mining settlements, remain a prominent feature of the northern Canadian landscape. Another characteristic of the northern 378 Arn Keeling and John Sandlos Canadian context is the presence of a significant Aboriginal population, who may interpret historical mining developments undertaken by settler society as a colonial appropriation of their local environments and a threat to their local attachment to place, impacts symbolized by the physical leg- acies of abandoned mine sites in their traditional territories.6 As the literature on the “mining imaginary” suggests, however, mine abandonment does not constitute an end to the material and social relations that mining generates. Many former mine sites in northern Can- ada (and around the globe) are seeing renewed mineral exploration and development activity.7 The redevelopment of previously worked mineral deposits may be driven by rising commodity prices, changing extraction technologies, and improvements in transportation and access that permit formerly uneconomic deposits to become attractive to investors and mining companies. In some cases, this redevelopment has the prospect of re- newing long-closed, once-profitable mines and reanimating depressed or even moribund mining communities. This phenomenon intersects with ongoing reclamation, rehabilitation and/or re-use of abandoned mine landscapes; in some cases, redevelopment may take place simultaneously with post-closure cleanup and remediation activities. The redevelopment of formerly abandoned mines raises both theor- etical and practical questions for understanding the impact of mineral development on resource-dependent regions and the environment. The classical image of the “natural history” of a mine, outlined by Homer Aschmann, suggests a linear (and inevitable, based on the finitude of the resource) process of mine development and exhaustion, closure and/or abandonment.8 Similarly, the idea of the mining cycle is widely promoted by the industry as a model for understanding mining’s purportedly tran- sient impacts on local environments, and is even linked to the notion of “sustainable” mining.9 This notion of a mining cycle may, to some extent, accommodate the “repass” phenomenon, whereby changing technology or market and regulatory conditions make possible the renewed exploitation of formerly profitable mineral deposits (though often under very different scales of operation, capitalization, labour arrangements, etc.).10 But this cyclical, yet ultimately terminal model fails to account for the afterlife of closed mines, in both physical and human terms. Our research suggests that the environmental and social conflicts sur-

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