Empowering Local Actors: the UN and Multi-Track Conflict Prevention

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Empowering Local Actors: the UN and Multi-Track Conflict Prevention IPA Policy Report Empowering Local Actors: The UN and Multi-Track Conflict Prevention INTERNATIONAL POLICY WORKSHOP Executive Summary The International Peace Academy convened an interna- 10 December 2001, New York tional policy workshop in New York on 10 December 2001 in the conference room of Chadbourne and Parke LLP IPA gratefully acknowledges the direct bringing together approximately fifty members of the UN support of the Government of Germany for system and civil society representatives from around the this workshop, as well as the general world. The purpose of the workshop was to follow up on the June 2001 report of the United Nations Secretary- support of the Governments of the United General on the Prevention of Armed Conflict and address Kingdom, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, some of the opportunities and challenges involved in Sweden, Portugal and Italy for its ongoing working to prevent the outbreak of armed conflict in programme, “From Promise to Practice: tandem with relevant local actors. Strengthening UN Capacities for the The conference was designed to extract lessons from three Prevention of Violent Conflict.” case studies of partnerships between the UN and local actors, and among local actors—more specifically civil society organizations (CSOs)—that could inform future efforts in multi-track prevention where a multiplicity of actors have complementary, and conflicting, mandates and objectives. The lessons informed several normative Rapporteur: and operational recommendations that follow at the end Ben Rawlence of this report. Program Associate: The key elements that emerged from the conference Chandra Lekha Sriram proceedings are as follows: ❏ Conflict prevention is one of four key priorities for the United Nations (UN). However, the primary responsibility for the prevention of armed conflict TABLE OF CONTENTS rests on local actors. The UN must focus on the ways Executive Summary . .1 in which it can support their efforts to manage I. Introduction . .3 conflicts before they turn violent. II. Addressing Key Challenges . .4 ❏ III. Recommendations for Empowering Relevant CSOs and actors have a crucial role to play Local Actors . .8 in creating the conditions for sustainable peace. There Processes of Collaboration: Values, are two key obstacles to greater collaboration Methods and Attitudes . .8 between civil society actors and CSOs, and the UN: IV. Conclusion . .10 Agenda . .11 •Perception and misperception: Raised expecta- Participants . .13 tions combined with lack of familiarity regarding the operating procedures, mandates, resources and limits of the many UN departments and 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10 017 T E L [ 212]687-4300 FA X [ 212]983-8246 W E B w w w. i p a c a d e m y. o r g IPA Policy Report agencies and the many civil society actors and enhance collaboration between the UN and CSOs CSOs generate frustration and militate against and civil society actors. Such mechanisms include collaboration. the creation of sustainable partnerships and networks that bring together relevant parts of the • Identifying entry points and appropriate UN system and appropriate local actors with interna- partners: The timing and nature of the UN’s role tional NGOs, academics, regional organizations and in supporting civil society actors and CSOs in subregional organizations. conflict prevention is extremely important. Identifying entry points requires early warning ❏ At the same time, CSOs and actors are no panacea, that links, effectively, analysis of the local and there are limits regarding what the UN can conditions and response. achieve in attempting to create the conditions for peace. In determining whether and how to engage ❏ The UN urgently needs to focus on ways in which it together, both the UN and CSOs and actors could can better interact with civil society actors and benefit from establishing clear goals as to how and organizations. Specific options include fostering why their collaboration would seek to prevent better linkages through contact with the Security conflict by asking themselves basic questions before Council as well as the Economic and Social Council proceeding: (ECOSOC). Intermediation by international NGOs might be the most feasible entry point for other 1. Why should the UN and CSOs be engaged in this CSOs and actors. In the field, the responsibility of the matter? Resident Coordinator or Special/Resident 2. When should they be involved? Representative to ensure coordination and collabo- 3. What, precisely, would the UN and CSOs be called on ration must include enhancing interaction with and to do? support of relevant civil society actors and organi- 4. Where would they be involved: at what political zations. level and in what geographic area? 5. How best should the UN and CSOs engage, with what ❏ There is a clear role for two-way advocacy and processes, personnel and financing? intermediaries—and intermediation mechanisms—to (l-r) Amb. Dieter Kastrup, David M. Malone, and Julia Taft 2 Empowering Local Actors: An International Peace Academy Report The UN and Multi-Track Conflict Prevention IPA Policy Report I. Introduction the UN in any country or region may be very different from that experienced in another. Typically a few agencies have an established, long-term presence in “the In June 2001, the United Nations Secretary-General field”—this is especially true of UNDP. Often, several issued a comprehensive report on the prevention of agencies and sometimes departments will be active, and armed conflict. The basic premise of the report “is that their efforts coordinated by a UN resident representative the primary responsibility for conflict prevention rests or coordinator. In some countries, a Special with national governments and other local actors.”1 The Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) may International Peace Academy held a one-day interna- have been appointed. tional policy conference in New York on 10 December 2001 entitled Empowering Local Actors: The UN and Partnerships between the UN and CSOs can thus be Multi-Track Conflict Prevention, which sought to address difficult to arrange and even harder to replicate. Every some of the opportunities and challenges involved in case is likely to be unique. This workshop attempted to working to prevent the outbreak of armed conflict in focus on the extent to which modes of engagement could tandem with relevant local actors. move beyond ad hoc arrangements to some generalized guidelines for cooperation applicable in multiple The conference was designed to extract lessons from three situations. examples—in the Crimea, the Mano River subregion, and Central America—that could inform future efforts in multi- Bridging the gap between Perception and Misperception track prevention where a multiplicity of actors have distinct (complementary as well as conflicting) mandates A key theme that emerged from the proceedings of the and objectives. The conference began by examining conference was the difference in perceptions and existing UN capacities and tools for supporting local expectations within and between CSOs and the UN preventive initiatives and to discuss the avenues open to system. This perceptual gap is the primary obstacle to the UN and local actors to engage early, and together, in improving collaboration between these groups and to the prevention of armed conflict. Through a practical empowering local actors to play a lead role in conflict focus on case studies of partnerships among the UN, prevention. Conference discussions revealed criticisms of national governments and local actors, the conference the UN based on misperceptions about the capacities and attempted to extract preliminary best practices from past mandates of the various UN organs. Conversely, calls by efforts. These lessons inform several operational the UN for civil society to play a more forceful role in recommendations that follow at the end of this report. conflict prevention often fail to recognize the limits on CSO operations. Many UNs, and many ‘other local actors’ Nonetheless, while increased mutual familiarity amongst There are a multiplicity of organizations, networks, UN and civil society actors should enhance the process businesses and people that fall under the definition ‘local of empowerment, not all barriers to increased coopera- actor’. For the purposes of this conference, the term civil tion can be explained by mere misunderstanding. In society organizations (CSOs) was defined so as to some cases CSOs have a clear idea of what the UN can indicate the focus on the range of non-state actors active contribute in a given situation, and yet they find that the in conflict prevention work including religious organiza- UN does not deliver—sometimes because it cannot, tions, the media, trade unions, civic associations, sometimes because it should not, and other times registered NGOs and private sector organizations. CSOs because it tries, but fails. CSOs often offer serious are not seen in opposition to governments; rather civil critiques of the way in which the UN is organized at the society is seen as encompassing the range of domestic country level, how financial assistance is administered and international social organizations that surround, and and the lack of cooperation among CSOs with similar in many ways shape, the state. expertise that could render partnering slightly easier. Some of these critiques are included in this report. Similarly, the UN is multifaceted: it comprises a set of departments, funds, and agencies with differing The problems encountered when the UN and CSOs think mandates, objectives and structures. The public face of about, and attempt, collaboration reveals an important 1 United Nations, Report of the Secretary-General on the prevention of armed conflict, A/55/985-S/2001/574, 7 June 2001, pg. 6. 3 An International Peace Academy Report Empowering Local Actors: The UN and Multi-Track Conflict Prevention IPA Policy Report opportunity for the future: the importance of two-way The regional NGO network has members and chapters in advocacy and the role of intermediaries—and intermedi- three countries throughout the region: Guinea, Sierra ation mechanisms such as networks and partnerships— Leone and Liberia.
Recommended publications
  • Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community
    Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community A Study by Bronwen Manby for UNHCR September 2018 Commissioned by UNHCR Regional Service Centre, Nairobi, Kenya [email protected] STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY 2 September 2018 STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY Table of Contents List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... i List of Boxes ................................................................................................................................ i Methodology and acknowledgements ...................................................................................... ii A note on terminology: “nationality”, “citizenship” and “stateless person” ........................... iii Acronyms .................................................................................................................................. iv Key findings and recommendations ....................................................................... 1 1. Summary ........................................................................................................... 3 Overview of the report .............................................................................................................. 4 Key recommendations .............................................................................................................. 5 Steps already taken ..................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • December 1999 Zanzibar
    No. 64 SEPTEMBER - DECEMBER 1999 ZANZIBAR - AGREEMENT IN DETAIL TANZANIA LEAVING COMESA MREMA CHANGES PARTY AGAIN CUF ADVANCES ON THE MAINLAND FIVE-YEAR-OLD TANZANIAN 'MESSIAH' £8,000 FOR TANZANIAN PAINTING ZANZIBAR - THE AGREEMENT On the day (June 10, 1999) that the media of the world were trumpeting the end of the war in the Balkans and the signing of a peace treaty, the beginning of week-long celebrations surrounding another peace treaty went virtually unnoticed in the world outside. After 1,225 days of political impasse in Zanzibar, an agreement, put together by Commonwealth Secretary General Chief Anyaoku and his negotiator Dr Moses Anafu after four years of effort, was signed between representatives of the combative political parties in the Isles - Mr Khatib Hassan, a member of the National Executive Committee for the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and Mr Shabaan Mloo, Secretary General of the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) for his party. Special prayers were read at the ceremony in the House of Representatives and seven white pigeons were released. A multitude of guests attended a dinner in the evening and heard President Amour say: "I can now welcome to State House myoid friend Maalim Seif (a term of affection for Seif Shariff Hamad, the CUF leader) for a bottle of soda, a cup of coffee or even haluwa. In a convivial atmosphere he added "You and I understand each other, CCM and CUF understand each other, let us build the nation patriotically". Chief Anyaoku, who was given honorary Zanzibar citizenship said in his speech that Zanzibar was now 'the real pearl of Africa'.
    [Show full text]
  • Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community
    Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community A Study by Bronwen Manby for UNHCR September 2018 Commissioned by UNHCR Regional Service Centre, Nairobi, Kenya [email protected] STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY 2 September 2018 STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY Table of Contents List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... i List of Boxes ................................................................................................................................ i Methodology and acknowledgements ...................................................................................... ii A note on terminology: “nationality”, “citizenship” and “stateless person” ........................... iii Acronyms .................................................................................................................................. iv Key findings and recommendations ....................................................................... 1 1. Summary ........................................................................................................... 3 Overview of the report .............................................................................................................. 4 Key recommendations .............................................................................................................. 5 Steps already taken ..................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Dadaab Returnee Conflict Assessment August 2017
    DADAAB RETURNEE CONFLICT ASSESSMENT AUGUST 2017 PREPARED FOR DANISH DEMINING GROUP (DDG) BY KEN MENKHAUS Dadaab Returnee Conflict Assessment | i Foreword and Acknowledgements This conflict assessment was implemented as part of the UK Department for International Development (DFID) funded and Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and Danish Refugee Council (DRC) implemented project: ‘Promoting Durable Solutions through Integrated Return, Reintegration and Resilience Support to Somali Displacement affected Populations’. The project aims to support conditions conducive for safe and dignified return and sustainable reintegration of Somali refugees. The project was implemented between October 2016 and June 2017. The Conflict Assessment was implemented by the Danish Demining Group (DDG), under the supervision of Mads Frilander. The principal investigator and author of the study is Ken Menkhaus, and he alone is responsible for any errors or misinterpretations in the report. He and Ismahan Adawe formed the research team that conducted fieldwork for this study in Mogadishu, Kismayo, Baidoa, and Nairobi in December 2016 and January 2017. The analysis combines existing studies and reports collected in a literature review with over 60 field interviews, as well as a survey carried out in Kismayo. The interviews were semi-structured in format, some held with key informants and others with focus groups of men and women representing host communities, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and returnees. The survey was carried out by the company Researchcare Africa. The research was conducted in challenging security and political conditions, and the research team is deeply indebted to many individuals and organisations who provided essential help to overcome those obstacles. We are also very grateful to the hundreds of Somali stakeholders and international aid officials who volunteered their time to meet with the research team and discuss these issues.
    [Show full text]
  • City of Thorns by Ben Rawlence
    ELPL Lit Kits City of Thorns by Ben Rawlence To the charity workers, Dadaab refugee camp is a humanitarian crisis; to the Kenyan government, it is a 'nursery for terrorists'; to the western media, it is a dangerous no-go area; but to its half a million residents, it is their last resort. Situated hundreds of miles from any other settlement, deep within the inhospitable desert of northern Kenya where only thorn bushes grow, Dadaab is a city like no other. Its buildings are made from mud, sticks or plastic, its entire economy is grey, and its citizens survive on rations and luck. Over the course of four years, Ben Rawlence became a first-hand witness to a strange and desperate limbo-land, getting to know many of those who have come there seeking sanctuary. Among them are Guled, a former child soldier who lives for football; Nisho, who scrapes an existence by pushing a wheelbarrow and dreaming of riches; Tawane, the in- domitable youth leader; and schoolgirl Kheyro, whose future hangs upon her edu- cation. In "City of Thorns," Rawlence interweaves the stories of nine individuals to show what life is like in the camp and to sketch the wider political forces that keep the refugees trapped there. About the Author: BEN RAWLENCE is a former researcher for Human Rights Watch in the horn of Africa. He is the author of "Radio Congo "and has written for a wide range of publications, including "The Guardian, "the "London Review of Books, "and "Prospect." He lives in the Black Mountains in Wales with his wife and daughter.
    [Show full text]
  • Contingency Routes: Somali Financial Flows and Transnational
    Contingency Routes: Somali Financial Flows and Transnational Spaces between Kenya and Uganda Researcher: Gianluca Iazzolino Introduction Since the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, the Somali diaspora has been forced to navigate a very volatile landscape. Neighbouring countries in East Africa, particularly Kenya, have been prime recipients of waves of displaced persons from Somalia. Macro-level factors— such as the so-called War on Terror—have interacted with national refugee regimes and local dynamics of refugee camps and urban settings to shape refugee experiences. At the same time, refugees have not simply reacted to external circumstances, but have cultivated desires and life projects that are reflected in mobility patterns, vocational aspirations and in general decision- making processes. Financial arrangements play a crucial role in how Somali refugees are able to hedge against volatility. Established and more recent financial institutions—and particularly their interplay—allow the mobilization and accumulation of strategic resources through which Somalis foster physical and social mobility aspirations. Migration—a coping strategy deeply ingrained in Somali society and culture—is thus entwined with access to financial institutions. For this reason, a primary concern of my research is to flesh out the dynamics presiding over the interweaving of human and monetary flows. In so doing, it seeks to understand: What role do financial institutions play in the key decision-making processes in the case of the Somali diaspora? How is value stored, transferred, and enhanced amid a rapidly changing political scenario? And what is the logic underpinning the combination, or replacement, of long- standing and recent financial practices? 1 I investigate the relationship between financial practices, livelihoods, and mobility among members of the Somali diaspora in East Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening Refugee Protection in Low- and Middle-Income Countries
    Towards a Global Compact for Migration: A Development Perspective A Series to Inform the Debate February 2019 Issue No. 7 Strengthening Refugee Protection in Low- and Middle-Income Countries By Susan Fratzke and Camille Le Coz Executive Summary For refugees, the process for seeking and receiving humanitarian protection looks vastly Europe, North America, and elsewhere usually (though not always) assess refugees’ status different depending on the country in which they find themselves. High-income countries in are granted a secure legal status, core social and economic rights, and access to basic assis on an individual basis, in a process based on international law. Typically, recognized refugees struggle to receive legal recognition of their residence, exercise their right to work or own - tance and social services. In many low- and middle-income countries, however, refugees may property, or obtain basic health care or permission to send their children to school. The result isstretches a massive on, gap they between are often the relegated quality of to life a state available of limbo to refugees with no realisticin high-income hope of countries resuming and theanything rest of close the world. to their As predisplacement the duration of refugees’lives, resulting stay in in low- considerable and middle-income wasted human countries poten - tial. Thismajority protection (85 percent) gap between of the world’s countries refugees, is the result and the of threelevel offactors. international First, the resettlement global distri or- bution of responsibility is clearly unequal. Countries in developing regions host the vast the governments of these countries are often unwilling or reluctant to afford refugees the full humanitarian aid these countries receive does not come close to balancing the scales.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military's Role in Counterterrorism
    The Military’s Role in Counterterrorism: Examples and Implications for Liberal Democracies Geraint Hug etortThe LPapers The Military’s Role in Counterterrorism: Examples and Implications for Liberal Democracies Geraint Hughes Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. hes Strategic Studies Institute U.S. Army War College, Carlisle, PA The Letort Papers In the early 18th century, James Letort, an explorer and fur trader, was instrumental in opening up the Cumberland Valley to settlement. By 1752, there was a garrison on Letort Creek at what is today Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. In those days, Carlisle Barracks lay at the western edge of the American colonies. It was a bastion for the protection of settlers and a departure point for further exploration. Today, as was the case over two centuries ago, Carlisle Barracks, as the home of the U.S. Army War College, is a place of transition and transformation. In the same spirit of bold curiosity that compelled the men and women who, like Letort, settled the American West, the Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) presents The Letort Papers. This series allows SSI to publish papers, retrospectives, speeches, or essays of interest to the defense academic community which may not correspond with our mainstream policy-oriented publications. If you think you may have a subject amenable to publication in our Letort Paper series, or if you wish to comment on a particular paper, please contact Dr. Antulio J. Echevarria II, Director of Research, U.S. Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute, 632 Wright Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5046.
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya0213webwcover.Pdf
    HUMAN RIGHTS HIGH STAKES Political Violence and the 2013 Elections in Kenya WATCH High Stakes Political Violence and the 2013 Elections in Kenya Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-986-0 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2013 ISBN: 1-56432-986-0 High Stakes Political Violence and the 2013 Elections in Kenya Map of Kenya .................................................................................................................................... ii Summary ..........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • "City of Thorns: a Conversation with Ben Rawlence"
    TRANSCRIPT "CITY OF THORNS: A CONVERSATION WITH BEN RAWLENCE" A conversation with Ben Rawlence and Howard French Recorded Jan. 6, 2016 ANNOUNCER: You are listening the a recording of the Open Society Foundations, working to build vibrant and tolerant democracies worldwide. Visit us at OpenSocietyFoundations.org. HOWARD FRENCH: Welcome everyone. Thanks-- thanks for coming out. Fortunately not as cold a day today as it was yesterday. I-- I-- I-- I have-- yesterday we had a brief phone conversation. This is the first time I've met Ben. I've known his work since Radio Congo and have enjoyed him-- as an author-- from the very first. And I begged off talking about how I wanted to approach this conversation. So now I'm gonna spring-- the terms that I have in mind. And because it's a conversation it's negotiable. You can saw whatever (LAUGH) you'd like and proposed whatever you'd like. But I have-- I have three particular lenses in mind for coming up the book. (THROAT CLEARING). First of all, one should b-- begin by saying what a remarkable work of reportage this is. Getting r-- really deeply into seeing and into (COUGH) character and personal histories and experiences. And-- and developing a real kind of fly-on-the-wall kind of perspective on-- on some much of what you read in-- in these pages. But, you know, the book pretends, or is ostensibly about, a particular place, a refugee camp this is-- set to be the largest refugee camp in the world. It's really a permanent city-- in-- in effect.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Foreign Policy: an Inquiry Into Sources and Prospects
    WORKING PAPER 35 Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: An Inquiry into Sources and Prospects J. Peter Pham James Madison University Novembro 2007 INTRODUCTION In stark contrast to long-dominant viewpoints which framed the continent almost exclusively in terms of outsiders’ condescending preoccupation over the humanitarian consequences of poverty, war, and natural disaster theatre, these first years of the 21st century have witnessed Africa emerging once again as a region of enormous strategic importance and, indeed, a theatre of intense geopolitical competition among the world’s Great Powers.1 Especially illustrative is the case of the United States of America which has not only come to be dependent upon Africa for approximately one-fifth of its hydrocarbon needs—a figure which is estimated to rise to one-quarter by 2015— but which, since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the American homeland, has increasingly raised Africa’s profile within the “Global War on Terror,” recognizing the potential of the poorly governed spaces of the continent to provide facilitating environments, recruits, and eventual targets for Islamist extremists who threaten Western interests in general and those of the United States in particular.2 Thus the 6 February 2007 decision by President George W. Bush to establish a U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), which achieved its “initial operating capacity” on 1 October 2007 and which is expected to be a fully-operational “unified combatant command” within one year.3 However, the new “scramble for Africa”—to recall the 19th century term which Thomas Pakenham reprised as the title for his monumental historical study of the period of African history between 1872 and 19124—that is afoot differs from its predecessor in a number of fundamental characteristics, chief among which is the existence of African states which are not only relative regional powers but which also have, in their own right, the potential to play even more significant roles on the international political stage.
    [Show full text]
  • “WAITING HERE for DEATH” Displacement and “Villagization” in Ethiopia’S Gambella Region WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS “WAITING HERE FOR DEATH” Displacement and “Villagization” in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region WATCH “Waiting Here for Death” Forced Displacement and “Villagization” in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-854-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JANUARY 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-854-6 “Waiting Here for Death” Forced Displacement and “Villagization” in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region Glossary of Abbreviations .................................................................................................. 1 Summary ..........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]