2021 Humanitarian Response Plan for Libya
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Nationwide School Assessment Libya Ministry
Ministry of Education º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report - 2012 Assessment Report School Nationwide Libya LIBYA Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya © UNICEF Libya/2012-161Y4640/Giovanni Diffidenti LIBYA: Doaa Al-Hairish, a 12 year-old student in Sabha (bottom left corner), and her fellow students during a class in their school in Sabha. Doaa is one of the more shy girls in her class, and here all the others are raising their hands to answer the teacher’s question while she sits quiet and observes. The publication of this volume is made possible through a generous contribution from: the Russian Federation, Kingdom of Sweden, the European Union, Commonwealth of Australia, and the Republic of Poland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the donors. © Libya Ministry of Education Parts of this publication can be reproduced or quoted without permission provided proper attribution and due credit is given to the Libya Ministry of Education. Design and Print: Beyond Art 4 Printing Printed in Jordan Table of Contents Preface 5 Map of schools investigated by the Nationwide School Assessment 6 Acronyms 7 Definitions 7 1. Executive Summary 8 1.1. Context 9 1.2. Nationwide School Assessment 9 1.3. Key findings 9 1.3.1. Overall findings 9 1.3.2. Basic school information 10 1.3.3. -
Covid-19 Epi Weekly Libya 9 May 2021.Pdf (English)
Libya COVID-19 Surveillance Weekly Bulletin Epidemiological Week 19 (3 – 9 May) Data as received from the National Center for Disease Center (NCDC) Total New Total Total New Total New Total New tested tested active confirmed confirmed recovered recovered deaths deaths 995,373 12,241 10,474 180,226 1,891 166,680 2,484 3,072 25 Highlights: • 23 COVID-19 labs (out of 32) reported 12,241 new 12,000 11,310 lab tests done for Epi-week 19. Out of the total 995,373 tests done in Libya since the beginning of the 10,000 response, 180,226 (18.1%) were confirmed positive for 8,000 SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19). • As compared to Epi-week 18, there was a 22% 6,000 decrease in overall national testing: by regions a 24% decrease in the West and 62% decrease in the South. 4,000 The East reported a 95% increase (-see fig. 1) 1,684 2,000 795 • The national positivity rate for Epi-week 19 further 187 5 136 20 3 17 decreased from 16.4% to 15.4%; this is attributable to - overall decreased case numbers in the West and East South West Lab tests Cases Deaths South, positivity rates of 14.7%. It cannot be generalized based on a much higher positivity rate in Fig. 1: COVID-19 cases, deaths, and lab tests for Epi week 19 by region the East (23.5%) than the national-level positivity rate. • The overall number of new cases reported shows a 27% decrease compared to the prior week, with West reporting a 30% decrease in new patients. -
Post-Revolutionary Discontent and F(R)
Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)action- alisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Clingendael Report Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)actionalisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Clingendael Report August 2016 August 2016 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. Cover photo: © Flickr, A young Libyan boy raises the Tunisian and Free Libya flags in Tataouine. About the authors Grégory Chauzal is a Senior Research Fellow at the Clingendael Institute, where he specializes on security and terrorism issues, with a special emphasis on Sub-Saharan Africa, the Maghreb and the Middle East. -
The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa. -
The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states. -
Factors Affecting Recent Vegetation Change in North-East Libya
FACTORS AFFECTING RECENT VEGETATION CHANGE IN NORTH-EAST LIBYA GHADA. M. A. AHWAIDI Ecosystems and Environment Research Centre School of Environment and Life Sciences University of Salford Salford, M5 4WT, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 19 July 2017 i Contents Table of contents…………………………………………………………………… ... i List of tables………………………………………………………………………….. v List of figures………………………………………………………………………….. vi Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………. ix Declaration…………………………………………………………………………….. x Abstract………………………………………………………………………………… xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………..… 1 1.1 Introduction to the research……………………………………………… 1 1.2 Research aims and objectives……………………………………………. 4 1.3 Thesis structure………………………………………………………….. 7 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………….…... 10 2.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………... 10 2.2 Vegetation cover change in the Mediterranean region…………………... 11 2.3 Factors affecting vegetation change……………………………………... 12 2.3.1 General factors affecting vegetation change…………………………...… 12 2.3.2 Effects of human activity on vegetation change in the Mediterranean region 13 2.3.3 Effect of climate change on vegetation in the Mediterranean region….… 14 2.4 Approaches to monitoring vegetation change……………………………. 17 2.4.1 Ground based measurement of vegetation……………………………….. 18 2.4.1.1 Vegetation cover …………………………………………………………. 18 2.4.1.2 Leaf area index…………………………………………………………… 19 2.4.1.3 Density…………………………………………………………………… 19 2.4.2 Remote sensing of vegetation change……………………………………. 19 2.4.2.1 Spectral response of vegetation…………………………………………… 20 2.4.2.2 Vegetation Indices (VI)…………………………………………………... 22 2.4.2.2.1 Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI)……………………….. 22 2.4.2.2.2 Soil Adjusted Vegetation Index (SAVI)………………………………….. 23 2.4.2.2.3 Enhance Vegetation Index (EVI)…………………………………………. 24 2.4.2.3 Image classification………………………………………………………. 25 2.5 Remote sensing of vegetation change in the Mediterranean…………….. -
The Turkey-UAE Race to the Bottom in Libya: a Prelude to Escalation
The Turkey-UAE race to the bottom in Libya: a prelude to escalation Recherches & Documents N°8/2020 Aude Thomas Research fellow, Fondation pour la recherche stratégique July 2020 www.frstrategie.org SOMMAIRE THE TURKEY-UAE RACE TO THE BOTTOM IN LIBYA: A PRELUDE TO ESCALATION ................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 1 1. TURKEY: EXERCISING THE FULL MILITARY CAPABILITIES SPECTRUM IN LIBYA ............................. 3 2. THE UAE’S MILITARY VENTURE IN LIBYA ................................................................................ 11 2.1. The UAE’s failed campaign against Tripoli ....................................................... 11 2.2. Russia’s support to LNA forces: from the shadow to the limelight ................ 15 CONCLUSION: LOOKING AT FUTURE NATIONAL DYNAMICS IN LIBYA ................................................... 16 FONDATION pour la RECHERCHE STRATÉ GIQUE The Turkey-UAE race to the bottom in Libya: a prelude to escalation This paper was completed on July 15, 2020 Introduction In March, the health authorities in western Libya announced the first official case of Covid- 19 in the country. While the world was enforcing a lockdown to prevent the spread of the virus, war-torn Libya renewed with heavy fighting in the capital. Despite the UNSMIL’s1 call for a lull in the fighting, the Libyan National Army (LNA) and its allies conducted shelling on Tripoli, targeting indistinctly residential neighbourhoods, hospitals and armed groups’ locations. The Government of National Accord (GNA) answered LNA’s shelling campaign by launching an offensive against several western cities. These operations could not have been executed without the support of both conflicting parties’ main backers: Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The protracted conflict results from both the competing parties’ unwillingness to agree on conditions to resume political negotiations2. -
The Back Way to Europe a Case Study About Why Young Men in Gambia Are Prepared to Risk Their Lives to Get to Europe
Department for Social Studies Peace and Development studies Bachelor’s Thesis The Back way to Europe A case study about why young men in Gambia are prepared to risk their lives to get to Europe Author: Frida Strand Jagne Supervisor: Per Dannefjord Examiner: Jonas Ewald Date: 2014-06-08 Subject: Peace and development 1 studies III Course code: 2FU31E Abstract Irregular migration is one of our times challenge and the news about migrants dying in the Mediterranean Sea seems to be more and more common these days. African migrants are risking their lives migrating by routes through the desert on trucks packed with migrants to get to Libya; this route is called the back way. From Libya they are crossing the Mediterranean Sea in small over loaded boats with the hope to reach Italy. This study focus on young Gambian men who say that they are prepared to risk their life by going the back way in order to reach Europe. Gambia is a small country in West Africa, a country that has been free from violence and war, a peaceful country. Yet the back way is something that is on everybody’s lips in Gambia today and a lot of people, especially young men, are trying to get to Europe through that way. This research is looking into why these young men are prepared to risk their lives to reach Europe; it is showing what it is that make people take their decisions to go. In order to find answers to this, interviews with young men in Gambia has been done and the material have then been analyzed with the help of the push and pull model, the rational choice theory and Charles Tilly’s ideas about durable inequality. -
IOM – Gambia / Synthesis Report / May 2018 1
IOM – Gambia / Synthesis Report / May 2018 1 the presentation of the material throughout the guide do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. The European Union or IOM makes no warranties or representations, express or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of this document. In no event shall they be liable for any loss, damage, liability or expense incurred or suffered as a result of the use of this study, including, without limitation, any fault, error, omission, interruption or delay in this regard. This document contains links to third party websites. Sites that can be accessed from these links are not managed or controlled by the European Union or IOM. The European Union or IOM is therefore not responsible for the availability, content or accuracy of any linked site or link contained in this linked site. These links are provided for informational purposes only, and in no way constitute a recommendation or an invitation to use a service. The inclusion of any link does not imply any endorsement of the linked website of the European Union or IOM. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. -
Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A
Who “Won” Libya? Who “Won” Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A. The Force-Diplomacy Debate and Its Whytock Implications for Theory and Policy Having promoted glo- bal radicalism and regional rejectionism, engaged in terrorism, and pursued weapons of mass destruction (WMD) for years, Libya has shifted away from its “rogue state” policies, most especially by settling the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie terrorism case and by abandoning its programs for the development of nu- clear, chemical, and biological weapons.1 The key policy changes started in 1999, when Libya surrendered two Lockerbie suspects for trial in The Hague, and culminated in 2003 with the settlement of the Lockerbie case that August and particularly Libya’s December 19 announcement that it had agreed to abandon its WMD programs and allow international inspections. The debate over who deserves credit for these important changes in Libyan policy is a lively one politically and a challenging one analytically.2 Among the questions that analysts have sought to answer are: To what extent was Libyan leader Muammar Qaddaª intimidated by the George W. Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq and the broader Bush doctrine of preemptive force? How important was diplomacy, especially the secret talks between Libya and the United States that started late in Bill Clinton’s administration and contin- ued into the Bush administration, with the British playing a signiªcant role? What other factors, including Libya’s internal politics and economy, came into play? And what are the lessons for dealing with other terrorism-supporting, WMD-seeking, and otherwise aggressive states? Positions in this debate have been sharply staked out. -
SMUGGLING of MIGRANTS from WEST AFRICA to EUROPE What Is the Nature of the Market?
4.2. From Africa to Europe: Flow map BM 01.03.09 SPAIN ITALY TURKEY Mediterranean Atlantic Sea Ocean Lampedusa GREECE (ITALY) MALTA CANARY TUNISIA ISLANDS MOROCCO (SPAIN) ALGERIA Western Sahara LIBYA EGYPT MAURITANIA Red Sea MALI SENEGAL SUDAN CHAD THE GAMBIA NIGER GUINEA-BISSAU GUINEA BURKINA FASO BENIN SIERRA Flows of irregular migrants TOGO LEONE CÔTE discussed in this chapter D’IVOIRE LIBERIA GHANA NIGERIA 1,000 km SMUGGLING OF MIGRANTS FROM Figure 19: Region of origin of irregular WEST AFRICA TO EUROPE migrants detected in Europe Evolution of measured apprehensions at several European countries' borders, 1999-2008 (vertical scales are differents) Migrant smuggling occurs most frequently along the fault 300,000 lines between twoMigrants regions appr ehendedof vastly in Spain different levels of Migrantsdevel- apprehended250,000 in Italy 26,140 Migrants apprehended in Malta at sea border (thousands) (thousands) 23,390and Africans apprehended in Greece opment, such as West Europe and West Africa. Though the (thousands) 20,465 30 Sahara Desert and theStrait Mediterranean of Gibraltar/ Sea pose formidable50 200,000 3 Alborean Sea Canary Islands 20 Malta 17,665 obstacles, thousands of people cross them each year in40 order 2.5 Rest of Italy150,000 10 2 to migrate irregularly. Almost all of those who choose30 to do Sicily* Egyptians 244,495 230,555 in Greece so require assistance, and the act of rendering this assistance 100,000 1.5 212,680 20 Somali 171,235 for gain constitutes the crime of migrant smuggling.40 1 in Greece 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 10 Sardinia 50,000 0.5 In recent years, about 9% of irregular migrants detected in 0 Europe came from West Africa. -
Libya Is Located in the North of Africa Between Longitude 9O ‐ 25O East and Latitude 18O ‐ 33O North
Libya is located in the north of Africa between longitude 9o ‐ 25o east and latitude 18o ‐ 33o north. It extends from the Mediterranean coast in the north to the Sahara desert in the south, with a total surface area of approximately 1.750 million km2.Itis bounded on the east by Egypt, on the west by Tunisia and Algeria and on the south by Chad, Niger and Sudan. According to 2006 census, the total population of Libya amounted to about 5.658 millions (5.298 Libyans and 0.360 non‐Libyans) The population density varies widely from one area to another. About 70% of Libyan population lives in the coastal cities, where more than 45% live in Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrātah and AzZawayah, with a population density of about 45 person per km2. This density does not exceed 0.3 person per km2 in the interior regions. Location map Rainfall in Libya is characterized by its inconsistency as a result of the contrary effects of the Sahara from one side and the Mediterranean from the other. Intensive thunderstorms of short duration are fairly common. Abou t 96% of Libyan ldland surface receives annual raifllinfall of less than 100 mm. The heaviest rainfall occurs in the northeastern region (Jabal al Akhdar) from 300 to 600mm and in the northwestern region (Jabal Nafūsah and Jifārah plain) from 250 to 370mm. There is no perennial surface runoff in Libya, a part of the precipitation falling on the Jabal Nafūsah and Jabal al Akhdar cause a surface runoff trough many seasonal wadis. Wadis in a desert environment generally are dry during the whole year except after sudden heavy rainfall which often resulting a flash flood.