AUSTRALIAN ARMY CHAPLAINS

SOUTH WEST PACIFIC AREA

1942-1945

R.W.TIPPETT. UNIVER3! • wF N.S.W. 7 h AUG 1393 LIBRARIES AUSTRALIAN ARMY CHAPLAINS SOUTH WEST PACIFIC AREA 1942-1945.

BY

RODNEY W. TIPPETT, B.A., B.SOC.SCI.

A THESIS

submitted to the

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

of the

AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE ACADEMY A COLLEGE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES. in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS(Hons).

SEPTEMBER, 1989. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.

I wish to gratefully acknowledge the encouragement and guidance of my supervisors, PROF. A. D. Gilbert and Dr R. Thompson together from February 1986, and Dr Thompson from June 1987 to the present. I also wish to thank the librarians and staff of the Royal Military College (in particular, Miss Patty Bourke) and the Australian Defence Force Academy for their diligence in locating various works and for arranging for inter-library loans. I wish to thank my superior officers in the Australian Regular Army, World War II chaplains, my present and former colleagues in the Royal Australian Army Chaplains' Department for their interest and encouragement. My wife, Jennifer, has not only shown those two qualities, but patience endurance as well, for which I thank her most sincerely. CONTENTS.

I. BACKGROUND.

THE LINK WITH WORLD WAR I. p.l.

DENCSS ATIONAL AIMS, AMBITIONS & PRIORITIES.

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL FACTORS, p.31.

III. CHAPLAINCY IN AUSTRALIA, p.82.

IV. CHAPLAINCY OVERSEAS, p.162.

V. CHAPLAINS AS PRISONERS OP WAR. p.240.

VI. AN EVALUAT1ON. p.2 8 9.

VII. APPENDICES, p.328. ABBREVIATIONS.

AAChD Australian Army Chaplains’ Department.

AAMC. Australian Army Medical Corps.

AAMWS. Australian Army Medical Women’s Service. AANS. Australian Army Nursing Service.

A/CHAPGEN. Assistant Chaplain General.

ADJ. Adjutant.

ADJGEN. Adjutant General.

AGH. Australian General Hospital.

AHS. Australian Hospital Ship.

A. I. F. Australian Imperial Forces.

A. M. F. Australian Militia Forces.

AMH. Australian Military Hospital.

AMR* & 0. Australian Military Regulations Orders.

ANG. Anglican.(see also CE)

AUS.DIV.ORD. Australian Division Ordnance.

AWAS. Australian Women’s Army Service.

BAPT. Baptist.

BDE. Brigade. BFBS. British And Foreign Bible Society.

BN. Battalion.

BRIG. Brigadier.

CAPT. Captain.

CBE. Commander of the Order of the British Empire.

CHAP Chaplain.

CHAPGEN. Chaplain General.

CHAPSGEN. Chaplains General.

CC Churches of Christ.

CCS. Casualty Clearing Station.

CE. Church of England.(see also ANG)

C-IN-C. Commander In Chief.

CMF. Citizen Military Force.

CPL. Corporal.

CO. Commanding Officer.

COL. Colonel.

CPAFW. Catholic Patriotic Armed Forces Welfare Organization.

CON.DEP. Convalescent Depot. CONG. Congregational.

CS. Christian Scientist.

CUSA. Catholic United Servicemen’s Auxilliary.

DAAG. Deputy Assistant Adjutant General.

DACHAPGEN. Deputy Assistant Chaplain General.

DCHAPGEN. Deputy Chaplain General.

DIV. Division.

ED. Efficiency Decoration.

ELCA. Evangelical Lutheran Church of Australia.

GOC. General Officer Commanding.

GRO. General Routine Order.

HEB. Hebrew.

HQ. Headquarters.

LO. Liaison Officer.

L. of C. Lines of Communication.

LUTH. Lutheran.

LTCOL. Lieutenant Colonel.

LTGEN Lieutenant General.

MAJ. Major MAJGEN. Major General.

MAJSGEN. Majors General.

MBE. Member of the Order of the British Empire.

MC. Military Cross.

MD. Military District.

MID. Mentioned In Dispatches.

MDS. Medical Dressing Station.

METH. Methodist.

OBE. Officer of the Order of the British Empire.

OCTU. Officer Cadet Training Unit.

OPD. Other Protestant Denomination.

PD. Protestant Denomination.

POW: Prisoner of War.

PRES. Presbyterian.

PTE. Private.

QCWO. Queensland Catholic Welfare Organization.

QMG. Quartermaster General.

RAChD. Royal Army Chaplains’ Department. RAF. Royal A5r Force.

RAN. Royal Australian Navy.

RAAF. Royal Australian Air Force.

RAAChD. Royal Australian Army Chaplains’ Department.

RC. Roman Catholic.

RO. Routine Order.

R.of 0. Reserve of Officers.

SDA. Seventh Day Adventist.

SENCHAP. Senior Chaplain.

SGT. Sergeant.

SWPA. South West Pacific Area.

UB. United Board.

UC. United Churches.

UELCA. United Evangelical Lutheran Church of Australia.

US/USA. United States of America.

VC. Victoria Cross.

VD. Valour Decoration.

VD. Venereal Disease.

YMCA. Young Men's Christian Association. YWCA Young Women's Christian Association. ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plate 1. Conference of United Church chaplains, Sydney, NSW. p.85.

Plate 2. Detail of the chaplains' uniform.(Class 4, and CHAPGEN) p.145.

Plate 3. Burial of Australian soldiers killed during the breakout of .Japanese POWs, Cowra, 1944. p. 155.

Plate 4. Dedication of the cenotaph, Tarakan War- Cemetery, Tarakan Island, 1945. p.229.

Plate 5. Church service prior to the Battle for Gona, New Guinea, 1942. p.231.

Plate 6. Holy Communion in the Rarnu Valley, New Guinea, 1943. p. 233.

Plate 7. The military funeral of Colonel P.J. Me Cormack, DSO, OBE, VD, Victoria, 1943. p. 235

Plates 8 & 9. The burial ground at Gilli Gilli, New Guinea, and the simple cross to mark the first grave of CPL. J.A. French, VC. p.237.

Plate 10. A sketch by a POW of a burial ground in Thai land. p. 275.

Plate 11. A Christian altar in Singapore, p.277.

Plate 12. Interior of the Jewish synagogue, Changi. p.279

Plate 13. A contemporary photograph of the Roman Catholic chapel, Changi. p.281.

Plate 14. Bishop Mayne and Principal Chaplain G. Cudmore inspect the cross from the Roman Catholic chapel, Changi. p. 283.

Plate 15. A rosary carved by Mr W.J.Jouaneau from a mahjong tile, Changi. 285.

Plate 16. CHAP A. Toms blesses the memorial plaque at Hell Fire Pass, Thailand, p.287. APPENDICES.

1. Army Chaplaincy. A paper by CHAP. K. Henderson.

2. The Chap]ain's Duty In Battle. CHAP F.L1.

Hughes.

3. Honours And Awards. (SWPA) Citations of some major awards and examples of citations for those

awarded the MID. if. Chaplain’s Letter To A Next Of Kin.

S’. Deaths Of Full Time Duty Chaplains (SWPA). f. Prisoners Of War Chaplains (SWPA). j. Statistics OF Communicants And Camp Strengths,

Singapore Camps.

$. Nomina). Roll Of Chaplains. HAT AND COLLAR BADGES

OF THE

AUSTRALIAN ARMY CHAPLAINS 1 DEPARTMENT

DURING WORLD WAR II.

Christian. Jewish.

Both badges were in black oxidised copper. Manufacturer not known, (i)

(i) Festberg, A.N. Hat Badges of the Australian Army. 'I950~19i*8. Australian Military Publication Service, Melbourne, 1971. NB. Efforts to locate this publisher- and gain permission to reprint this material have been unsuccessful. Any infringement is regretted and would be speedily rectified. CHAPTER 1.

BACKGROUND.

Wherever Australian soldiers have served in war they have been supported by ministers of religion serving as chaplains to the forces. The

Australian Army Chaplains' Department (following the British custom of a Chaplains’ Department rather than a Corps) was not formally organised as a Department within the Army until 1911.

Individual ministers of religion served in the

Army before that date but did so at their own expense. It was during World War I however, that a pattern of chaplaincy evolved, which was to become the model for chaplains in the later conflicts of

World War II, in the Middle East and Asia, particularly the South West Pacific Area, and later in Korea, Malaya, Borneo and South Viet Nam.

However, the pattern was to be modified according to the nature of the conflict, the terrain and the changing understanding of the nature of chaplaincy.

A distinct pattern of chaplaincy is found throughout the writings of the World War I chaplains. As officers, they were required to keep war diaries, and some of them wrote books after the war. Furthermore, on the outbreak of World War

II those with experience of former conflicts either wrote articles or gave lectures on how the work of chaplaincy was to be done.

The written records of chaplains selected by

Michael McKernan can be used to consider the model of chaplaincy which developed during World War I.

The basic premise for having chaplains at all in the army appears to be that "if men are to die or suffer, tradition decrees that their ministers should be with them to help as best they can".(1)

To some extent that statement is reminiscent of the attitude that after the doctors have done their best to heal and preserve human life, the clergy (in war, the chaplain) may be called when all other hope is lost. However as McKernan goes on to say, the chaplains did more than bury the dead. The wounded, also needed "consolation and encouragement...kind words and quick humour

...maintaining morale... comforts fund... paper

...tobacco ... lol1ies... coffee. . . condensed milk".(2) It was probably at this point at which the extended debate over " spiritual" and

"practical", that is, we 1f are work began. Also chaplains themselves had to deal with feelings of uncertainty and sudden death or injury, even though the mathematical odds [for chaplains] "may not have been great".(3)

1. McKernan, M. Padre. Australian Chaplains In Gallipoli and France. Sydney, 1986. p.x. 2. ibid, p.91 3. Henderson, K.T. Khaki And Cassock. Melbourne, 1919* p-73-

2 Service by ministers of religion in World War

I led to conflict between the military system and within the chaplains themselves. This conflict is noted by McKernan: "Whether they were to be religious guides only, or mainly, or welfare officers, counsellors, fighters, loafers was a matter for the chaplains themselves to decide".

There was also a "disparity between role and function" and they were always confronted "with the incongruities of war".(4) The clergy had to fight for a place in the Army as chaplains. (5)

However, they very quickly forged links with the

Australian Army Medical Corps, probably because of a common humanitarian concern, an historical link dating back to the middle ages and also because many Christians, including Christian ministers in

World War II, as in World War I, were to be found in the Medical Corps as orderlies. In fact, chaplains often helped with dressing wounds and caring for the wounded, as CHAP Gillison (PRES) said, "I took up my quarters at the dressing station with the medical officer".(6) Hospitals whether on land or at sea also provided a captive audience with fewer places to hide from the chaplain, were the soldiers inclined to do that.

A pattern was also set for official and unofficial religion. The former resulted in a

4. McKernan, op.cit. p.xiii 5. ibid, p.1. 6. Gillison, A. in ibid, p.66.

3 formal church parade and church service which was to cause concern to both chaplains and soldiers in

World War II. Some chaplains believed the compulsory services were efficacious, especially when associated with the Colours.(7) However, opinion has remained divided ever since, raising as it does the issue of the relationship between church and state and of compulsion in religious activity. There were times when a chaplain of one denomination would seek out a colleague of another denomination to minister to those in a battalion he could not care for, but this did not extend to a willing acceptance by some chaplains of combined services between the Church of England and the

Protestant Denominations. Some combined and compulsory church parades were ordered by General

Birdwood, but he had motives other than religion

in mind, since he used the occasions to present medals, only once mentioning the chaplain, “and then adversely“(8). Some chaplains saw this type

of order as an "attempt to un-church the Church of

England".(9) The problem of combined Protestant

services between Anglicans, Methodists and

Presbyterians, was settled in 1918 by an order of

General Monash, a Jew.(10)

Apart from the increased numbers which would have resulted from compulsory church parades, it

7. ibid, p.8. 8. McKernan, M. Australian Churches At War. Sydney, 1980. p.60. 9. Tubman, F. de M. in McKernan. Padre, op.cit. p.3^,35. 10. McKernan, Australian Churches At War. op. cit. p.'138. is strange that any of the chaplains wanted combined services. The circumstances were arduous and scarcely commended the Christian faith. Rev

Tucker (CE) then serving in the Army Medical Corps but who later became a chaplain complained that the church parades were "worse than useless".

Prayers could not be heard, "the singing was shocking" and the fact that soldiers were made to stand in the sun did not make for a satisfactory service.(11) However, chaplains who continued to press for denominational services may only have been endeavouring to maintain the loyalty their

Church expected of them; they were after all sent by their Church authorities to chaplaincy within the Army. There were those who changed their theological convictions during the war and who came to feel that those at home would not understand. (12) When a Catholic chaplain was killed in battle, CHAP Stevenson (PRES) wrote "I shall never believe that a church which can produce such men is altogether evil".(13)

Of course there had been co-operative movements towards ecumenism before World War I.

Plans for a united Protestant Church comprising

Methodists, Presbyterians and Congregationalists had been laid as early as 1901.(14) The word

"movement” was an apt description for other

11.ibid, p.133. 12.TbId, p.141. 13.ibid, p.139- 14. Breward, I. Australia. The Most Godless Place Under Heaven? Melbourne, 1988. p.42.

5 co-operative ventures; those involved in the four

areas among students, overseas missionaries, among women and in church union each thought of themselves as such and were aware of “others

involved in the pursuit of the same or similar

objectives".(15) On a visit to Australia in 1910,

William Temple had spoken of the "wonderful spirit

of unity [the Student Christian Movement] is

promoting amongst the Universities of all lands",

and later described one gathering in Melbourne as

"symbolic ...of a great change, for twenty years

ago it would have been irnpossible" . (16 ) In that

same year, the Melbourne College of Divinity was

established by Act of the Victorian Parliament as

an examining body which meant that theological

students from the Anglican and four Protestant

denominations would be subject to the moderating

influences of the College. (17) However, Roman

Catholic Archbishop Carr objected to any School of

Theology being established in the University of

Melbourne, a fact which served as a reminder that

sectarian differences still ran deeply. (18)

The "study school approach" which emphasises

openness and dialogue of doctrinal and

organisational issues featured by the Student

Christian Movement and the Australian Christian

Student Union brought together groups from the

15. Engles, F. Australian Churches In Conflict And Unity. Melbourne, 198*t. p.1}2 16. JLbid, p.149. 17. _ibid, p.151. 18. _ibid, p.152.

6 Anglican and main line Protestant Churches in frank discussions.(19) Not all was sweetness and light however. The loss of the conscription referenda embittered the Protestant Churches in Victoria and New South Wales although inter-church relationships were better in Queens land.(20) Thus while Australian ecumenism did not begin among the chaplains of World War I, the exigencies of war provided an anvil whereby ecumenism was further forged.

The World War I chaplains saw themselves as representing the interests of the men, even to the point of "getting a half holiday" for them.(21) Another "commandeered all the coffee, sugar, fuel and water that I thought could reasonably be spared by the owners".(22) The tradition and the ability to scrounge was perhaps one of the hallmarks of a successful chaplain, at least until the system caught up with events. Linked with this was the policy of many commanding officers of giving chaplains various tasks to do which were outside the strictly religious duties set by some chaplains. This had positive as well as negative effects on the chaplains. As McKernan notes "chaplains were invariably on the sports committees and made up the concert parties",

[though] "they also tried to bring their captive

19. ibid, p.l^. 20. Breward, op.cit. p.51. 21. Dexter, W. in McKernan, Padre, op.cit. p.1^. 22. Merrington, E.N. in ibid, p.113~

7 audience to a religious frame of mind".(23) Another role at base camp for some chaplains, but particularly true of CHAP Gault (METH) who later published a book called Padre Gault's Stunt Book, was to "keep the troops alert, amused and out of trouble, and to this end he organised simple but effective amusements".(24) Other tasks included censoring mail; one entrepreneurial chaplain had seven of his nine coffee stalls blown up, and another acted as a traffic manager clearing blockages from the road. Some gave talks to soldiers on various topics.

However, there was in all these activities the implied belief that it was necessary to keep the chaplain busy. There seems to have been a necessity for Australian chaplains to prove themselves in some way other than through strictly religious duties, a fact which many chaplains believed called in question the real reason for their presence in the Army.

A tradition also developed in the giving of gifts of ecclesiastical equipment by the Churches and Christian groups for the work of chaplains, though as CHAP Bladen (METH) found some Methodists needed prompting. In a letter to the Methodist paper Spectator he wrote: "It is indispensable that I should have a small portable communion

23. McKernan, ibid, p.15* 21*. ibid. p.1?6.

8 service and a baby organ, which can easily be carried about". He also appealed for "amusements to relieve the monotony".(25) The practice of thus equipping the padres became widespread particularly in the early days of World War II until the necessary material required for chaplaincy duties was provided by the military system.

% World War I chaplains found it necessary to improvise ecclesiastical requirements, and to change some of their religious expressions. Thus

CHAF Herrington (PRES) began to refer to God as

"The Great Comrade".(26) Churches in villages and towns in France for example, were often destroyed and services had to be held in the field, where

CHAP Tiplady, a British chaplain with the Queen’s

Westminster Rifles, laid his mackintosh on the grass where it served as a communion table.(27)

This was a twentieth century re-enactment of St

Martin of Tours in the fourth century, generally recognised as the first Christian chaplain, and from whom the chaplains derived their title of

"capellanus". Prudence was also linked with improvisation. CHAP Dexter, the British-born

Anglican chaplain who had won the Distinguished

Conduct Medal as a soldier in the South African war, and as an Australian chaplain was to be

25. Bladen, P. in ibid, p.10,11. 26. Merrington, in ibid, p.69. 27. Tiplady, T. The Cross At The Front. London, 1939. p.7.

9 awarded the Distinguished Service Order and the

Military Cross decided he would not wear a white surplice for fear of being spotted by enemy aircraft.(28)

The difficulty of a balance between a sacramental ministry and the so-called more "practical" expression of the Christian faith, which was to be a contentious issue in World War

II, also had its beginnings in the earlier war. "Catholic chaplains, members of a liturgical church regarded the administration of the sacraments as their first concern"(29) and the famous CHAP Fahey, who was to become a role model for later Roman Catholic chaplains believed that the sacramental ministry was the "most consoling work that I have done since I became a priest". He came to believe that war was not an "altogether unmixed evil...[since] it brought men to the Sacraments". (30) Similarly with the Anglican, CHAP Cue. He was not content with a packing case altar, acquiring a building and all the ecclesiastical equipment he needed. He considered that only then was he overcoming the feeling of "the deadly apapthy of a godless militarism". His ministry was "not to entertain or provide for the bodily needs of the men, it was not to sell cigarettes or cocoa or be as Charlie Chaplins for

28. Dexter, in McKernan, Padre, op.cit.p.81. 29. McKernan, ibid, p.35- 30. Fahey, j. in ibid, p.35-

10 the men”.(31) However, this type of ministry was easily and frequently contrasted with the ministry of the Salvation Army through their welfare workers and in such activity as that of CHAP

McKenzie (SA) digging steps up the slope to aid the water carriers. Personality was as important as many other factors, but each in their own way and very differently, "Fahey, Dexter, Gillison particularly, were regarded as models of Christian

1iving". (32 )

Some chaplains also believed that they were responsible for the moral behaviour of the troops on leave; some places visited by the soldiers were

"awful hell-holes, out of which I dragged or ordered well over 100" men and sent them back to camp. At least one chaplain believed that the wet canteens were "an unmitigated curse" and should be closed but "the profits have been too great an attraction for some to close it down".(33) Yet there is evidence as well that the troops were already rejecting the morality preached by the chaplains and the authority of the Church in matters of _ personal conduct. The general atmosphere of Army life was very pervasive and made personal piety difficult.(34) However because the chaplains of the First World War believed they were responsible for the morale of troops, they

31. McKernan, Australian Churches At War, op.cit. p.58. 32. Fahey, in McKernan. Padre, op.cit. p.AO. 33. McKenzie, W. in ibid. p.2A,25l 34. McKernan, Australian Churches At War, op.cit. p.136.

11 tried to foster morale through marching with the troops and moving among them at rest stops. It worked both ways. One chaplain wrote: "It is exhilarating to march behind good men...and as one marches behind these boys the pride of race swells us and one feels it is good to be here".(35)

Before the men went on leave they were addressed by the padres so that "they would not do anything they would not put in their letters home".(36)

The matter of carrying weapons also had to be decided. There seems to have been a general acceptance by both the Australians and the British that it was not necessary for chaplains to carry weapons when in action against German troops, but was necessary when in action against Turkish soldiers.(37) The latter were thought to "use extreme measures".(38) There was, however, the ever-present temptation to "pick up a dead man’s rifle and (charge)...for there seemed nothing else to do".(39)

Chaplains were engaged in burying the allied and at times the enemy dead whenever it was necessary and possible. There developed a tradition of burying all regardless of denomination in spite of personal reservations. "The service might not be all that we would desire, but it is simple and we can all join in".

35. Dexter, in McKernan. Padre, op.cit. p.30. 36. Gault, J. in ibid, p.180. 37. Dexter, in ibid, p-27- 38. Merrington, in ibid, p.82. 39* Fahey, in ibid, p.^7-

12 They removed identification discs and erected temporary crosses, thereby "contributeing] to the administrative efficiency of the A.I.F.", and their letters to next of kin gave "the A.I.F. a human touch".(40)

The most effective location of the chaplain was also considered. In the trench warfare of

World War I, it could be argued that the chaplain’s place was in the trenches with the troops. In 1916 CHAP Studdert Kennedy, a British chaplain, expressed this line of thinking in a conversation with CHAP T. B. Hardy:

Live with the men, go everywhere

they go. Make up your mind you

will share all their risks, and

more, if you can do any good.

The line is the key to the whole

business. Work in the very front

and they will listen to you;

but if you stay behind, you’re

wasting your time. Men will

forgive you anything but lack

of courage and devotion...the

more padres [that] died in

battle doing Christian deeds the

better; most of us would be more

useful dead than alive.(41)

40. McKernan, ibid, p.91. 41. Smyth, Sir J. In This Sign Conquer. London. 1968. p.175-

13 CHAP Hardy was to become the most highly decorated

British chaplain winning the Victoria Cross, the

Distinguished Service Order and the Military

Cross.(42)

Many chaplains served in the trenches, but in

France, this ceased. Indeed, CHAP Fahey "believed that the chaplain who risked danger unnecessarily by living at the front was a fool. Chaplains... were very hard to replace". (43) CHAP K. T. Henderson

(ANG), who had lost two brothers killed at

Gallipoli, believed that "you must take life as a whole, and live it dangerously in the Nietzschean sense", although those who were without fear were a "public nuisance and a source of danger" to all.

(44) He also cited the policy of General Glasford who believed that "no man should take risks other than those belonging to his job".(45) Even CHAP

Fahey, who disobeyed orders and landed with the first waves of troops at Gallipoli later believed that chaplains were "best placed at aid posts and casualty clearing stations and were not wanted on the firing line".(46) Not all chaplains accepted that point of view, and some continued to believe that their true place was "at the line". These points of view were also to be strongly held in

World War II, although the nature of the terrain particularly in the jungles of the South West *♦2. ibid, p.175. *t3. McKernan in Padre, op.cit. p.13^. Henderson, Khaki And Cassock, op. cit. p.76. <>5. ibid, p.77. ^6. McKernan, Padre, op.cit. p.138. Pacific Area and the different manner in which the war was fought was to again dictate the placement of chaplains.

There were some negative aspects to chaplaincy in World War I, some of which also affected chaplaincy in World War II. It would appear that the "government had accepted the importance of religion in Australian life" but it was only "lip-service to religion".(47) There was a sense in which the "chaplains were outsiders" (48) and whose place within the military system could be disputed. They were not always supported by the churches they represented, and in the ecclesiastical climate of the day, there was some competition "for the attention of the troops". (49) The troops showed some indifference to the services offered by the chaplains (50); living and working with each other placed strains on the chaplains themselves. One wrote: "The Hard Sell Methodist gets on my nerves. . .He makes me tired!!1"(51) CHAP Dexter had very strong views on the type of man needed in the war. "Don't let any church dignitaries come, simply because! they hold a high position. . ..No man should be allowed to come who is over 45 (this only for the actual firing 1ine)...only men of most robust constitutions and great activity". (52) But on the

*»7. ibid, p.xi. ^8. ibid, p.xiv. ^9- ibid, p.10. 50. Dexter, in ibid, p.13- 51- -ibid. p.1*t. 52. ibid, p.12*.

15 other hand, CHAP Tucker (ANG) felt that the hierarchy of the clergy should be present at the war.(53) However, when a group of Chaplains

General (CHAPSGEN) did visit, "there was a sigh of relief" when they returned home. (54) Not all those who went were successful: "The padres are squabbling ...there seems to be universal joy that

Padre ______has been moved. . .brought the church into discredit".(55) Indeed the ability to co-operate with other chaplains was of prime importance for his relationship with the troops and his acceptance of the beliefs of others.

Appeals to the superiority of one group or to an ecclesiastical authority usually had the opposite of the intended result.(56)

The chaplains faced other criticism as well.

Since they were officers, they had the privileges of the Officers' Mess and many appeared to prefer that atmosphere to the places where the men gathered. Such a division between the chaplains and the men led one Anglican layman, concerned because the men were absorbing "a decided non-conformist [that is Protestant] attitude", to request that his church set up tents similar to the Y.M.C.A. . (57) Furthermore, the chaplains were often judged by their willingness and ability to accept the "rigours of the diggers life". Frequent

53. Tucker, G.K. Private And Padre With The A.I.F. Melbourne, 1919 in McKernan, Padre, op.cit. p.HtO. 5i». Dexter, in ibid, p.164. 35. ibid, p.1377 56. McKernan, Australian Churches At War. op.cit. p.138. 57.ibid, p.134. ’

16 postings of chaplains meant that many had only

"visitor" status and therefore were unable to establish deep relationships with the troops, thus compounding their alienation.(58) The work of the

Y.M.C.A. into which some young ministers enlisted was not universally popular either. (59)

The chaplains also lost the threat of death as a stimulus to personal religious exercise or as the final sanction for church services. The belief that there were "no athiests in foxholes" was certainly not supported by the World War I

Anglican Chaplain General, who had seen "no evidence of mass conversion" amongst the troops.(60)

CHAP Henderson, a former lecturer in philosophy at Sydney University, wrote further of some of the psychological and theological issues facing chaplains in war. He noted that fatalism became the "great antidote" to fear, often expressed as "'If your number isn’t on it, you're alright'. With others, it is the trust in a heavenly Father, who knows what is eternally best for them".(61) He also found that "nature's ansv/er [to the horror of war] is callousness" which overcame "sickness or revulsion, waves of pity or emotional violence of any kind... [citing

Donald Hankey] 'nature's anaethestic'"; however

58. ibid, p.135. 59- ibid, p.98. 60. ibid, p.131. 61. Henderson, op.cit. p.7^.

17 callousness did not "prevent everything being done for a wounded man."(62) Henderson also found that

"spirituality of any kind tends to wither"...a temporary condition in most, until normality returns.(63) In fact, Henderson came to the conclusion that when the soldiers were

"deliberately inflicting upon me all their war callousness, . . . they were trying to thaw themselves out a little at the fires of humanity they e>rpected me to keep burning". (64) On the other hand he found "flabby optimism. .. very distressing". (65)

Soldiers appeared to have two common, general religious beliefs. One was a belief in destiny

(noted above) and the other an "instinct for prayer in moments of danger", although as CHAP

Henderson wrote, "prayer dies as the barrage lifts".(66) These two beliefs were also linked with an idea that those who had been killed in war were "detached for duty elsewhere".(67) However, the most often asked theological question was: "If there is a God, how can he let it go on?" Or "How could He have willed it?" CHAP Henderson replied to these questions with the theological answer that "God limited His power when He made man free...and that there was no freedom to do right without a freedom to do wrong". (68) He was

62. ibid, p.78. 63. ibid, p.78. 64. ibid, p.78. 65. jibid, p.79. 66. _ibid, p.151. 67. ibid, p.151. 68. ibid, p.119.

18 distressed to find that they spoke as if "they were expected to believe that God caused the war". (69) Henderson found, as a later generation of chaplains were to find, that the soldiers were also concerned at the superiority of the clergy, the churches’ links with capitalism and those in authority together with criticism that the church was only for the middle class. Henderson observed that "class consciousness has been used against us with deadly and wide-spread effect".(70) He accepted much of the criticism which was offered, however, he believed that though the "church has failed quantitatively...she is succeeding qualitatively". (71) Furthermore, Henderson believed that chaplains were often "judged on superficial enough grounds—our personal popularity, our general usefulness",(72) and that

"the kind of man he [the chaplain] gets in touch with will depend on the kind of man he is".(73)

But if there was a gap between the soldiers and the chaplains it was not necessarily all the chaplains’ fault. Henderson wrote:

Most men in normal times construct their

philosophy of life which is also their

theology as a sort of post-impressionism,

a vague summing up of the general

impression left by the things that happen

69. ibid, p.150. 70. ibid, p.157. 71. ibid, p.l^. 72. jtid, p.1^3. 73. ibid, p.142.

19 ho 'them. A philosophy of this kind is

neoessari1y superfioial", (74) and ’1 on1y in

religion is ignorance considered a fair

working basis for drawing one’s own

conclusions". (75)

However, where true religion was found in the Army

"it [was] awful in its quiet sincerity".(76)

The chaplains as religious figures themselves were part of the ANZAC legend which has some similarities with religious activities.

McKernan argues that it was the "presentation of

the ANZAC legend [which] added to its awe and

impenetrability". He was thus able to link such presentations with the "Christians [who] for centuries commemorated Christ’s passion by having read to them accounts of its every detail". But he also points out that "the second world war generated no such mythologizing".(77)

Wherever they ministered, the chaplains themselves came bo bo thought of as "public property"... a not altogether disagreeable status for a chaplain.(78) The pattern of chaplaincy hammered out in the First World War would be tested, and re-made in numerous battles in the

South West Pacific and in camps on the Australian mainland; the threatened invasion of the mainland would bring the reality of modern warfare to the

7*t. ibid, p.1^9. 75. ibid, p.156. 76. ibid, p.lA6. 77. McKernan, M. and Browne, M. (eds) Australia: Two Centuries Qf War Peace. Australia, 1988. p.15. 78. Tucker, in Me Kernan, Padre, op.cit. p.444—142.

20 population of Australia as never before. The

Christian Churches and Hebrew congregations responded by sending chaplains to serve overseas, to be re-inforced by AMF chaplains at home, and by pledging practical support through existing and yet to be formed organizations.

For many of its traditions, the Australian

Army Chaplains’ Department relied upon what might be called "the British Connection", though with some changes, notably over the number of Chaplains

General (CHAPSGEN) appointed. In Britain, the

Chaplain General was always an Anglican because the Church of England was the established church, and his deputy was a Roman Catholic. In Australia,

Chaplains General, with the worn rank of Major

General, were appointed for the five major groupings of Churches, Church of England, Roman

Catholic, Methodist, Presbyterian and United

Churches, formerly United Board. The Senior Jewish

Chaplain with the worn rank of Colonel, sat with the Chaplains General at their conferences.

The Churches entered World War II with vivid memories of World War I. That war had produced a

"devastating" effect upon Australians since "seven per cent of the entire population took the field... [sustaining] the highest casualty rate of any nation in the war".(79) World War I was seen

79- Judd, S. and Cable, K. Sydney Anglicans. Sydney, 1987. p.175,176.

21 by the large and theologically conservative Sydney

Anglican diocese as a 'holy war’, caused by, so

Dr La Touche the Lecturer at Moore College in

Dogmatic Theology believed, "the liberal

Protestantism. . . in Germany. . . [which] had so weakened the religious fibre of the German people".(80) Other Anglican opinion was more moderate but all believed that the war would see

"the righteous vindicated".(81) However, this belief was shaken by the "bloody, prolonged nature of the war".(82)

Curiously however, considering both its

English connection and the speed with which it made "theological sense of the war", the Anglican church had no full-time chaplains in camps in

Australia during World War 1.(83) The Victorian dioceses using home mission funds instead of special appeals opened a recreation tent at

Broadmeadows in 1914 and appointed a resident chaplain, the response showing that the troops appreciated this work.(84) Further north, Sydney

Anglican clergymen were active in enlisting others; but when challenged about their own enlistment most argued that they were "too old, that they had been refused a chaplaincy, that their Archbishop disapproved of their enlistment

80. ibid, p.1?6. 81. IdU, p.177. 82. ibid, p.180. 83. ibid, p.180. 8A. McKernan, Australian Churches At War. op.cit. p.105.

22 into the ranks, or that their sons, had, almost vicariously, joined up". (85)

The conscription proposal for troops for World

War I divided the community and the Churches.

Methodists in South Australia heard that

"opposition to conscription was 'the utterance of cowardice when it was not the plaint of greed’"(86) and later, possibly after the battle on the Somme, one minister claimed that "anti

-conscriptionists have joined hands with the treacherous Germans".(87) Methodist newspapers published no material against conscription in the weeks leading up to both votes, although some prominent laymen connected with the Labor party, notably Norman Makin, advocated a "NO" vote. (88)

When the conscription issue was decided Methodist

leaders found, as Anglican leaders were to find, that their ability to influence lay people and the population at large was on the wane.(89)

Victorian Anglicans heard that they must not

only live up to their pledges of support Britain's

cause which was based on "the virtues of justice,

honesty and self-sacrifice" but also because it

must show "'Mannix and his disloyal supporters’

that they did not dominate the country".(90)

Conscription was supported without criticism by

the Anglican Primate, Archbishop Wright, as by all

85. ibid, p.181-182. 86. Hunt, A.D. This Side Of Heaven. A History of Methodism In South Australia. Adelaide, 1985. p.287. 87. ibid, p.288. 88. ibid, p.289. 89. T5T

23 Protestant leaders.(91) However, when the result of the conscription referendum was known:

many Ang'licans concluded that the NO vote

was a rejection of their spiritual

leadership, and that once again the

supposed moral influence of the Anglican

church had been exposed as pathetically

i 1 lusory. (92)

Church leaders had begun to realise that

Christianity had not affected the "body politic" and that it was already "out of touch with 'the masses’". However, this "did not cause them to doubt the rightness of their own position".(93)

The separation of the masses from the Church was brought home again in the general strike of 1917 in New South Wales when church leaders became

"alarmed at the great gulf between the 'Church and the masses’".(94) This gulf was to be recognised and encountered afresh by the chaplains in World

War II.

When World War II broke out, Archbishop Mowll reacted differently from Archbishop Wright in

World War I. Mowll moved quickly to appoint chaplains and commenced the Church of England

National Emergency Fund which provided recreation huts, one of which was erected in front of St

91. Judd and Cable, op. cit. p.183. 92. MU, p.183. 93. ibid, p.183. 9A. ibid, p.185.

Zh Andrew’s Cathedral in Sydney in marked contrast to the architecture of the cathedral.(95)

The Roman Catholic Church had been criticised for some of her attitudes adopted in World War I. There were important issues for Roman Catholics which had kept them apart from the community: "a history of antagonism to Irish immigration, the education controversy and...sectarian conflict".

(96) The Irish uprising against the British in 1916 was to add more fuel to the fire.(97) Upon the outbreak of the second world war there was

"little...rabid patriotic enthusiasm" within the Church as there was in the ger.eral community (98).

However, the devout Archbishop Kelly of Sydney though Irish himself believed that the "Allies were fighting for the'noblest and holiest of causes’" and he became a senior Army chaplain (99). Later he was to become critical of the Australian government when German Roman Catholic priests were interned, claiming that after twenty or more years, they were as Australian as anybody else.(100)

Roman Catholics still smarted over what they saw as educational injustice and this appeared to take precedence over the war (101), at least until the conscription issue arose again. Of that debate 95. ibid, p.229. 96. O’farrell, P. The Catholic Church And Community. An Australian History. Sydney, 1985. p.307- 97. ibid, p.321. 98. ibid, p.30^. 99. ibid, p-305- 100. ibid, p.318. 101. ibid, p.305.

25 Archbishop Carr of Melbourne had stated that it was "purely a state matter; the Church neither advocates nor opposes it".(102) His Irish deputy,

Archbishop Mannix, took a different view, arguing forcefully but not illogically about conscription and the war. He was to be accused of disloyalty for his statement that the "war was like most wars--just an ordinary trade war". (103) He said previously that he was proud of his adopted country (104) but phrases such as "spurious loyalty to the Empire" led to accusations of sedition, and his speeches had a "depressing effect upon recruitment".(105) However in spite of some uncertainty at the outbreak of the war in

Europe, Australian Roman Catholics "completely accepted it [the war] as necessary and just".

(106) The Irish question was "no longer a significant factor and Archbishop Mannix, though still the Roman Catholic Chaplain General had been

"supplanted as the spokesman for the Australian

Catholic Church by the new Archbishop of Sydney,

Norman Gilroy". Gilroy had better credentials; he had been a naval signalman at Gal1ipoli. (107 )

There were many Roman Catholics who determined that the troops would be fully supported in spiritual and material ways and that there would be no criticism of the church’s war effort this time. 102. Murtagh, J.6. Australia. The Catholic Chapter. Melbourne, 1969. p-158. 103. ibid, p.159. 10A. ibid, p.159. 105. “Ibid", p. 160. 106. O’Farrell, op. cit. p.390. 107. Hogan, M. The Sectarian Strand. Religion In Australian History. Melbourne, 1987. p.227.

26 The Methodist Church in Australia also believed that World War I was a just war and therefore Christians could respond with force of arms. Chaplains were quickly appointed (108) and the church established its own "Patriotic Fund".

"The guilt of Germany was axiomatic".(109) Even

Rev. Albert Norris, the one Methodist minister who publicly dissented from the "YES" case on conscription "believed in the rightness of the war...[but] declared that in all human conflict

God was strictly neutral".(110) As with CHAP Fahey who believed that the war may accomplish some good, the Methodist Church in South Australia believed that the war "could be an occasion for social betterment". However, in many Methodist minds this translated into "intensify[ing] their opposition to the sale of intoxicating liquor".

(Ill)

The religious climate upon the outbreak of

World War II was different from World War I.

Distinctions had been drawn between "attendance at worship and commitment to the moral values of their tradition".(112) Although there was considerable growth in the number of Bible

Colleges together with various manifestations of personal piety, there was also an emerging liberalism one of whose major proponents was

108. Hunt, op. cit. p.276. 109. ibid, p.277. 110. ibid, p.208. 111. ibid, p.279- 112. Breward, op. cit. p.5*».

27 Samuel Ang s. (113) Both liberals and evangelicals feared that "Australia was sinking into paganism" but there was no agreement on how to prevent that happening. (114)

Traditional denominationalism...did not have the resources to cope with the challenges posed by ideology, depression and war. Yet ecumenism was too slight and

too suspect to prove a new context for

addressing these issues".(115)

In World War II Australia was directly threatened by invasion and those opposing the war lacked any general support. There were however vestiges of previous problems and the war "exposed the hollowness of much of the inter-war thinking about international affairs in Australian churches".(116) Co-operation between the Churches was not always to be found, nor did co-operation come easily for some chaplains but they were drawn together in some remarkable ways.

Approximately 70 chaplains gained valuable experience in World War II through service in the Middle East in 1940-41, but most Australian chaplains served in the South West Pacific Area (SWPA), in different and difficult terrain. The enemy was an Asian rather than a European power,

113. ibid, p.5^,55. 114. ibid, p.55. 115- ibid, p.56. 116. ibid, p.56.

28 and one that, had known great military success. As the situation deteriorated in the SWPA, the recruitment of chaplains took on added urgency.

Some were to serve for a considerable period after the end of hostilities in 1945 in Australia, overseas, with the British Commonwealth Occupation

Force in Japan and a few continued to serve until the Korean War.

World War I chaplains were required to keep war diaries, thus providing a wealth of material upon which to draw. But this was not the case in

World War II as personal war diaries were not to be kept. Only one padre’s diary, that of CHAP

Cosgriff’s (RC) account of his tour of duty in the

Middle East, is kept at the Australian War

Memorial. Many unit histories do not record the name of their chaplain or his denomination and there is at present no comprehensive treatment of the chaplains who served in the SWPA. The personal files of World War II chaplains kept by the

CHAPSGEN were destroyed at the end of the war and a rudimentary card index system is all that is maintained in the office of the Principal

Chaplains in Canberra. A series of photographs of the war-time CHAPSGEN was lost during a relocation of the office in the 1970s.

29 An application was made for a number of archival files to be opened for inspection and for the material to be included in this thesis. The files requested appeared to relate to the chaplains’ work and some were of reports made by them. Permission was denied, and the files remain unopened after 44 years.

Hence material regarding the chaplains who served in the SWPA has been sought from the 35 surviving chaplains who responded to requests for information and from those in position to observe them. The youngest of the chaplains are now in their mid-70s and some have died or become incapacitated since this project began. The information was gathered through personal and taped interviews with chaplains, perusal of such written works as exist, correspondence, The Royal

Australian Army Chaplains’ Department records, relatives, personal letters, family documents and photographs, newspapers, obituaries, prisoner of war organizations, The Australian War Memorial,

Church and other archival material.

30 CHAPTER 2.

DENOMINATIONAL AIMS, AMBITIONS & PRIORITIES.

DEMOGRAPHIC & SOCIAL FACTORS.

The outbreak of hostilities in the South

West Pacific Area meant a rapid re-assessment of post World War I pacifist attitudes on the part of the Christian Churches towards conflict and in particular to the necessity of appointing ministers and priests as chaplains to the services. The Australian Army Chaplains’

Department (AAChD) had been under the control of the Director of Educational and Vocational

Training until 1941 when it became a separate entity located in Queen’s Rd, South Melbourne.The

AAChD remained there until September 1942, when it was moved to the headquarters in St Kilda Rd.

The numerically large, the smaller denominations and the Jewish faith all found that many of those who were already chaplains were either too old, unfit or both, and there were those still on the Army lists from World War I.

This was not entirely the fault of the Churches.

Writing a report at the end of the war, the Church of England Chaplain General (CHAPGEN) stated that:

31 In 1938, Army Headquarters had refused a

request to have periodical medical boarding' for chaplains to test physical fitness, and

consequently when 6 DIV. v/as formed, out of

the first twelve [chaplains] who were appointed eig'ht were new and untrained as chaplains“.(1)

The Roman Catholic post-war report similarly admitted that "prior to the commencement of the war...the spiritual care of Roman Catholic personnel in the Army was a haphazard matter and little visitation of militia camps was made throughout Australia. But with the coming of war this carelessness ceased".(2) Some Methodist Church chaplains were asked to resign or to be placed voluntarily on the Reserve of Officers in order that younger men might be enlisted.(3). This review of manpower was coupled with a review of what the Churches wanted of and for their chaplains, because there were divergent views about what constituted effective chaplaincy as a result of experiences in the first World War. There were those who determined that things would be different this time.

Upon the outbreak of the war in Europe, the Anglican Bishop of Goulburn, Bishop Burgmann,

1. Chaplains' General Post War Report, 19^6. 2. ibid. 3. ibid.

32 convened a clergy conference to consider the matter of chaplains to the Australian Forces. The report of the sub-committee appointed was then sent to the Primate, Archbishop Wand, with copies to all the Bishops of the Commonwealth. The document covered the position of Anglican chaplains in the Services, their rate of pay, forms of service and the chaplains’ relationships with philanthropic groups. The report suggested that “Anglican soldiers should have the right of the ministration of their own priests" and that this should be insisted upon. Nor did the clergy of Goulburn like the situation which existed in

World War I wherein chaplains were appointed to battalions for rations etc., and became so closely allied with that battalion’s activities that they had ministered to all. “In many cases the chaplain claimed the right to minister to his own battalion and resented Anglican chaplains coming in to do their duty by their own men". (4) The committee suggested that all chaplains be appointed to brigades, and thus be able to minister across battalion boundaries.

The group also complained about the number of clergy being appointed to the Services. It was claimed that in World War I, "approximately 72% of the men who enlisted gave their religion as

h. Burgmann, Bishop E. Bishop of Goulburn. Correspondence with Archbishop Wand, 6 October 1939* Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

33 Anglican, but the proportion of Anglican chaplains was only approximately 50%", and they suggested that chaplains be appointed according to the percentage of men volunteering.(5) This matter was finally determined in 1939, when it was decided that chaplains were to be appointed according to the percentage of denomination by the figures in the national census.

The Goulburn clergy also called for special recognition for Anglican priests who might be called on to minister to nearby camps, without their being enlisted as chaplains, and drew attention to the Canberra area, in particular- the

Royal Military College by the appointment of a full-time chaplain, and the provision of clergy to look after "the three battalions of the Air Force and the Naval Radio Station". (G) The other matters relating to pay, the form of service and the relationships with the philanthropic representatives are dealt with elsewhere, but it is interesting to note that in this document there is no reference anywhere to co-operation with other denominations, suggesting an attitude at that time about which others were to complain in the future.

5. ibid. 6. ibid.

3^ Claims similar to those being made by the

Goulburn clergy v/ere also being made for Anglicans by the Bishop of North Queensland in a letter to the Bishop of Bendigo, Bishop Riley, the Anglican

Chaplain General, but the latter had pointed out that if these claims were "taken to its logical conclusion...[it] would mean that every little detached body of troops would have a C. of E. padre attached, which obviously the Army would not come at. (7) The Bishop of North Queensland complained to a colleague in another letter that:

Bendigo is a good man but he doesn't seem

to think very clearly...Bendigo doesn’t

seem to see that it is the duty of the

Church first to provide for those who have

convictions, and let the rest come in where

they can.

The Primate apparently thought the same way but replied very differently,..." telling me not to quote him against his deputy". The real problem appears to have been the standing and status of the Church of England in the various states of the

Commonwealth. "You have to remember that in parts of Victoria as well as in Sydney, the Church of

England is content to be a P. D. [Protestant

Denomination] among O.P.D.[Other Protestant

7. Riley, Bishop C.L. Bishop of Bendigo. Correspondence with the Bishop of North Queensland, 17 March 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

35 Denominations]." (8) North Queensland was writing to the Chaplain General because he believed it to be:

my duty to secure for my

priests that their ministries

shall not, if I can help it,

be impeded by the intrusive

demands of unauthorised persons,

and that my men don’t have to

listen to defective and erroneous

forms of Christian teaching...(9)

The issues of churchmanship within the Church of England v/as not confined to the bishops. CHAP

Pidd(CE), though anxious to care for Anglicans, did not believe that ecumenical services were adequate expressions of worship. He protested about the situation but felt he had made no progress, apparently receiving little help from his Senior Chaplains. He complained to Archbishop

Wand that:

My seniors have hitherto avoided

facing up to it and I fear that in

my last post I was made a victim to

Moloch...I doubt if I shall get

more support from the 1st Army

chaplain than I did from that

8. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with Archdeacon Thomas, 2 April 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 9. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with CHAPGEN Riley, 2 April 19*»0.

36 Senior Chaplain if it comes to a

showdown [and] apparently the

unity of the State will suffer

if we claim any rights.(10)

Archbishop Wand passed on to the Chaplain

General(CE) CHAP Pidd’s complaint about the Church services and Wand received a reply which might not have pleased the chaplain. "Pidd is right in what he is trying to get, but usually his prickly methods get people's backs up".(11)

Brisbane Archbishop Wand, in addressing the 1941 Synod of the Church of England, identified a number of issues which may be said to form the basis of the involvement of the Church of England and her chaplains in the war, with Germany initially and later with Australia's more direct involvement with Japan. He believed that the world was

"balanced on the razor edge of the greatest decision in its history...[and] leaders on both sides of the conflict have told us that on its issue depends the fate of the world for a thousand years".(12) Wand did not agree with the belief that Christianity was only concerned with spiritual things, believing that "we are fighting, if not for Christianity in the abstract, then at least for Christian civilisation"(13), the

10. Pidd, CHAP A. Correspondence with Archbishop Wand, 2 May 19^3. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 11. Wand, Archbishop J.W.C. Correspondence with CHAPGEN Riley, 8 May 19^3- Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 12. Wand, Archbishop J.W.C. Inaugural Address To Synod, June 1941. 13. ibid.

37 element's uf which he identified as "Christian ethics...the pursuit of scientific truth...and

justice based on law".(14) He contended that

"official Germany" had replaced Christianity with

"the Nietzschean ethic with its emphasis on aggression and self-aggrandisement", and pledged that the Synod v/as "vitally concerned in the

issues of the struggle on behalf of Christian civi1isation".(15) The Primate proposed a three

-point policy which he believed would carry the

Church through the struggle: to strengthen the base of the Church through evangelism, to do everything possible for the servicemen and to

"consider the special opportunities and obligations of the future".(16)

The following year, Archbishop Wand in a strongly worded pamphlet entitled "Has Britain Let us Down ?" found it necessary to set out to try to counteract "the most audacious piece of Fifth

Column activity hitherto seen in this country

[which] has been the effort to belittle Britain'’s part in the war". Wand, himself an Englishman, criticised the press (among others) claiming that freedom of the press "cannot be allowed to result in a distorted view of the Mother Country’s war effort", and claimed that the English habit of self-criticism was understood at home but could be 1^t. ibid. 15. ibid. 16. ibid.

38 misconstrued abroad.(17) He argued that Britain had:

per f orrned a s ign a 1 s erv i ce

for Australia in her hour

of need. We now know officially

through the admission of the

Army Minister, that it was

actually Mr Winston Churchill's

own spontaneous proposal that

the greater part of the A.I.F.

should be returned to Australia

from the Middle East in order

to meet the threat of a

Japanese invasion.

Wand went on to add that this was not a "grudging concession wrung out of an unwilling Imperial

Government by Australian politicians"(18), and concluded by asking whether Britain could equally feel let down by Australia.(19)

Roman Catholic chaplains had been administered since the outbreak of the war by

Monsignor P. Lyons of St Patrick's Cathedral

Melbourne. The Archbishop, Dr Mannix, had been

Chaplain General since 1917. In May 1942 with the threat to Australia and the build-up of the Army, and as a direct result of a meeting of the Roman

17. Wand, Archbishop J.W.C. Has Britain Let Us Down? Melbourne, 19^2. p. 5. 18. ibid, p. 10. 19. ibid, p. 23.

39 Catholic Hierarchy in Sydney called to discuss

"the inadequate provision for the spiritual well-being of the fighting forces",(20) Chaplain

(CHAP) T. McCarthy, a Senior Chaplain (SENCHAP) then serving in the Middle East, was brought back to Australia and was appointed the deputy to Dr

Mannix, having the same rank and privileges as a

Chaplain General.

From the outset, the Roman Catholic Church claimed a unique position within the Services in that all Catholics "must possess their own form of worship on all occasions.This involved the grant of a greater number of chaplains than we would have had were denominational percentage basis adhered to strictly". (21) This exclusiveness and special pleading at times rankled Church of England bishops and chaplains, but in his post-war report, Deputy Chaplain

General McCarthy was able to express his thanks for the understanding with which the requests were met. The "Ecclesiastical Instruction" issued by

Archbishop Mannix to all military chaplains set out a list of some fifty-five faculties which were the province of Roman Catholic chaplains on active duty:

In order that the souls of

20. Chap1 ains' General Post War Report, 19H. 21. ibid.

*»0 all those who are under the

jurisdiction of the Chaplain

General may be more securely

protected and that you may be

better able to fulfil your

duties as guardians

of their spiritual interests

--by the ordinary jurisdiction

we possess and by virtue of

faculties delegated to us

by the Apostolic See, we grant

you the following faculties

until they are revoked or until

the cessation of your service

as an active military chaplain.(22)

The jurisdiction thus given applied anywhere in the world and extended to all servicemen, wives, children, relatives, servants, civilians, religious etc. The document included instructions for the procedure relating to baptisms, the Mass,

Holy Communion, the Reservation of the Blessed

Sacrament, Penance, Matrimony, Holy Oils, Fasting and Abstinence, the Office, Indulgences and

Blessings.(23)

With the influx of so many new chaplains, it was important for the wisdom accumulated in the

22. Mannix, Archbishop 0. List Of Faculties For Chaplains of the Australian Armed Forces. '19^3- Roman Catholic Archives? Brisbane. 23. ibid. past to be passed on to the newly enlisted men. Schools for army chaplains were to be organised later; but in November 1939; the Church of England Chaplain General, Archbishop Le Fanu^ began the issue of instructional guidelines, which dealt with the conduct of services (Communion and Parade) at sea and on land, extra services, confirmation, and the chaplains' personal dealings with officers, men and other chaplains as well as

Y.M.C.A. representatives. There was practical guidance as well; for example:

the chaplain ...should point out to the officers and men that for the sake of the unit and their own self- respect they should not give way to impurity or excessive drinking. If he finds out that any man is suffering from his indulgence in either of these, he should advise him to see a medical officer immediately. Furthermore, chaplains on a voyage should not spend all their time in a deck chair, because they would then be "neglecting the purpose of their appointment".(24)

24. Le Fanu, Archbishop H.F. Instructions To Chaplains, 1939*

42 A much larger series of leaflets on similar themes written in 1942 by the new Church of

England Chaplain General, C.L. Riley, proved so helpful that the other Chaplains General

[CHAPSGEN] requested copies for their own men, and many of the points reflect the information and operating procedures gained from Riley's experience of chaplaincy in the Middle East. In some of the documents, the routine orders relating to chaplains were simply reprinted, but most of the other material was aimed at assisting a chaplain in his day-to-day' wartime duties.(25) The

Chaplain General also issued a four page memorandum containing practical hints for chaplains, written by an Ex-A.I.F. chaplain [now identified as CHAP Henderson] (and) issued for the personal use of C.of E. chaplains serving in the

A.I.F." (Appendix 1)

The material associated with the

Chaplains' Schools also indicate some of the aims and priorities of chaplains. In an address to the

Second School in Sydney, September, 1943,

Assistant Chaplain General A.H. Stewart, a

Presbyterian, was doubtless expressing more than his own denomination’s point of view when he spoke of the chaplain and his unit. The chaplain's disposition was to "spend and be spent"; he must

25. Riley, CHAPGEN C.L. Instructions To Chaplains. June 3942.

*3 have "infinite patience with and belief in one’s fellows plus a sense of humour". “Irrespective of character, record and outlook, (he) must at all times be a friend to all ranks", all of which presupposed a theology of chaplaincy, which while not negating' the sacramental ministry of the chaplain, nevertheless adds something to the role over and above simply a 'priest in uniform’. The chaplain had many duties: "personal contacts, spiritual and moral oversight(morale), records, registers, burials, religious services of various kinds, visitation of hospitals, detention rooms, messes with a particular duty to troops, censorship, education and rehabi1itation".(26) Many of these activities went beyond the normal definition of a clergyman’s duties.

The number of Christian chaplains in the Army was determined by the percentage of the denomination in Australia, as measured by the national census. These were commonly accepted as being Church of England 46%, Roman Catholic 22%,

Presbyterian, 12%, Methodist 12% and Other Protestant Denominations (as the group was then called, but later called United Board, then United Churches from July 1943) 8%, with ministers in the latter group appointed proportionally according to the census figures. In 1943 a minister of the

2 6. Stewart, CHAP A.H. "The Chaplain And His Unit".(Lecture) Second Australian Army Chaplains' School, Sydney, 3943- Christian Science Church was made a chaplain, but his commission was cancelled one month later, with quite considerable personal inconvenience.(27)

Seventh Day Adventist Pastors were not appointed as chaplains, but the Church sought

'Special Visitor Status’, for their ministers with a roving commission. The application by the Church was forwarded directly to the Minister for the

Army, and not as it should have been through the

United Chumhes Chaplain General who acted for all groups not otherwise represented. Some visitors were authorised to visit, but this was against the advice of all the Chaplains General.(28). But because the Seventh Day Adventists were non-combatants, the Army planned to withdraw them to the mainland anyway, thus minimising the problems for both the Army and the Church itself.

In December 1943, the first Greek Orthodox chaplain was appointed but he remained based in the Sydney area.(29)

The two branches of the Lutheran Church in

Australia whose membership was concentrated in

Queensland and South Australia encountered considerable difficulty in their efforts to have ministers appointed as chaplains. Discussions began in May, 1941, and originally the two synods

27. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, August '\3l*3. 28. ibid, December 4943- 29. ibid.

*t5 set out to have their Lutheran chaplains appointed as roving* chaplains, visiting only Lutheran soldiers, a situation favoured by the Evangelical

Lutheran Church of Australia (E.L.C.A.). The

United Evangelical Church of Australia

(U.E.L.C.A.) held a different point of view and

Chaplain General (United Churches) N.V. Hanson decided that he would support both schemes and

Lutheran chaplains then became part of the United

Churches group. (30) Writing at the end of the war, the President of the E.L.C.A., Cl.E. Hooprnann put the Lutheran point of view about war when he wrote that '‘War is a terrible scourge for the nations of this world. It is sent by God for the punishment of the ungodly and the chastisement of his people". He believed that World War II was no exception.(31) The Welfare Commissioner of the

U.E.L.C.A., Rev.C. Stolz was later to welcome home

Lutheran soldiers with these words:

In serving with the colours

of our Country and Empire

under our King you did your

bit to defeat the might

of our enemies and to avert

disaster from our Country. By

doing so you at the same time

did a service to our Church ■4'

30. Lutheran Herald. May 1941. 31. Hooprnann, Cl. E. in On Service. Postwar magazine of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Austra 1ia . (E . L.C.A.) 1945, p.3. which now again can live at

ease, enjoying tranquility

and personal and religious

freedom. (32)

The Churches faced the question of what type of minister or priest would make the best chaplain and whether chaplains should be chosen to suit a given role. From the first day of the war,

Archbishop Mowll in Sydney had a list of men who had volunteered for service and he wrote to them in order of priority. Any further selection procedure was apparently left to Senior Chaplains in the field, and CHAP Ogden(ANG) recalls that he

"was not interviewed or advised by the Archbishop or any diocesan superior before I went to Port

Moresby". CHAP Ogden was appointed to a Casualty

Clearing Station while his travelling companion

CHAP (later Archbishop Sir) Marcus Loane was

"posted as an itinerant chaplain to the builders of the Bulldog jeep track over the Owen Stanleys", but CHAP Ogden believes there did not appear to be any particular reason why each went where they did.(33)

The only selection criterion CHAP Wotton (ANG) recalls is that the Archbishop of Sydney specified that men had to be thirty years of age before

32. Stolz, J.J. in Welcome Home! Postwar magazine of the United Evangelical Lutheran Church of Australia, 19A5. p.3 33. Ogden, CHAP R. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 10 September 1986. appointment. (34) However, at least 17 Anglican clergymen from NSW were appointed under the age of

30, as were others from other states.

It would appear that no direct appeal by

Anglican Church authorities was made to ministers to leave their parishes in favour of chaplaincy, but when it came to the appointment of Senior

Chaplains those who had previous war experience such as the CHAP F.Tugwell (ANG) were approached.

Another Anglican who had seen service in World War

I, CHAP M. Hinsby(ANG), was appointed as a voyage only chaplain to the Hospital snip "Manunda". In the Melbourne diocese there was an attempt to choose the right people, but there were 1imited resources from which to choose:

You v/ere not allowed into the services

unless you had had three years in Orders.

They chose the most virile and 'those most

in touch’...but there was not much to

choose from, when you had Army, Navy and

Air Force to supply.(35)

CHAP R. Dillon, also an Anglican saw no

"particular rhyme or reason for the appointment of

3**. Wotton, CHAP. R. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett 10 September 1986. 35. Eyers, CHAP. L. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 25 January 1987-

48 men". A member of the evangelical wing of the

Church of England hims elf, he "personally felt that there could have been more evangelistic men enlisted". But in the Army there were "all sorts and conditions of men and there were all sorts and conditions of chaplains".(36)

Once enlisted there were efforts to change men about, if only because others had proved unsatisfactory in their postings. Nor was it always easy to pick just who would prove to be satisfactory. (37) The Bishop of North Queensland found that many of his clergy were very anxious to enlist: "My men are urging upon me that their particular claim to go next is the best one. " (38)

For example, the Rev H. Robinson wrote to him saying that he was only 42 years of age and he had already written to the Archbishop of Melbourne seeking a Naval chaplaincy. His application there had been unsuccessful, but the intensity of his enthusiasm can be measured by his words to his

Bishop:

Really with France in the hands of the

traitors it seems that everyone who can

handle a gun should do what he can in the

cause of Christian 1iberty, lest our 1cause

be lost finally.(39)

36. Dillon, CHAP. R. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 31 January 1987. 37. Eyers, CHAP.L. op . cit. 38. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with Arch­ bishop Wand, 27 June 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 39. Robinson, Rev. H. cited in Bishop of North Queensland’s correspondence with Archbishop Wand, 27 June '1940. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

^9 The Bishop was sure that this reverend gentleman would not resign his parish and go as a combatant; the Bishop felt that he was a good man and would do well as a chaplain but he held the important post of Rector of Mackay. The Bishop had other clergy anxious to take on extra responsibilities if that meant others could be released for chaplaincy duties.(40) One of the men in the

Rockhampton area applied directly to Army

Headquarters for a chaplaincy. His Bishop was not impressed nor surprised: "He is a strong-headed, impatient type of chap and wants things to go his own way...he is too unstable and unreliable to be a chaplain".(41) But on the other hand one man who was medically unfit because of a paralysis in one arm and therefore not able to be a full-time chaplain v/as used to good effect in a part-time capacity at Mareeba.(42) The criteria for selection were more than physical capability.

It v/ould appear that to some extent the

Protestant Churches deliberately chose men to suit the role of chaplain in World War II. CHAP Starr

(Bapt) believed that selection of chaplains for the South West Pacific Area(SWPA) was made "on the basis of what World War I chaplains knew of the role, and on the quality of character and ministry in their Churches".(43) Furthermore, it was a

40. ibid, 19 September 1940. 41. ibid. 42. ibid, 30 May 1942. 43. Starr, CHAP. F. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 25 July 1986.

50 deliberate policy of the Methodist Conference in

South Australia to select more mature men for chaplaincy, a policy which enabled men with more pastoral experience to be posted to Casualty

Clearing' Stations and Hospitals as the most suitable areas in which to employ chaplains.(44)

The average ag'e of Methodist chaplains at the time of commissioning was 36 years, the youngest being

27 and the oldest 55 years. (45) However two

Methodist chaplains expressed differing views on selection procedures. CHAP L. F. Ashman believes that "because of the shortage of chaplains I doubt v/hether the suitability of chaplains was considered, [although] the chaplains themselves responded to each particular- situation " . ( 46 ) CHAP

K. M.Pither on the other hand had enlisted in the

Medical Corps while a probationer in the Methodist

Church in Tasmania and saw service in the Middle

East. With a number of other Methodists he v/as ordained in uniform. He says: "I think the

Chaplain General knew his men and those who would fit in. We had experience in the ranks, and I suppose he thought we could cope with chaplaincy".(47)

This was a policy adopted by other groups as well; the Roman Catholic Church sought to send diocesan rather than priests from religious

44. Annual Report of the South Australian Conference of the Methodist Church, 1942. 45. Chaplains' Records, Office of the Principal Chaplain, Army Office,Canberra. 46. Ashman, CHAP. L. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 29 January 198?. 47. Pither, CHAP.K. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 24 August 1986.

51 orders probably because the nature of the war in the South West Pacific Area ruled out the same placements of chaplains as had been done in the predominantly trench warfare in the First World War. It is also possible that there was a recognition that the life of a parish priest with more contact with men and women in day-to-day affairs made for better chaplains.(48)

The similarities and differences among the chaplains were not synonymous with denomination: there were differences within denominations and similarities in ministry across denominational boundaries. With the exception of the Hebrew chaplains and the Salvation Army, they shared a common link in the ministry of the sacraments, although not all acknowledged the validity of another's orders etc. Roman Catholic policy was such that generally they worshipped alone, up to and including the service to commemorate the end of the war and the coming of peace. Although there were arrangements made by the Chaplains General for members of the Church of England and

Protestant soldiers to worship together, not all chaplains were prepared to accept this arrangement, probably because it was not the policy of the Church of England in Australia at

^8. Morgan, Bishop J.A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 29 January 1987.

52 that time to allow intercommunion with members of Protestant denominations.

Divisions existed because of theological training and liturgical practice, and as often as not by the nature and temperament of the chaplains themselves. It would be natural for chaplains to try to do in the Army what they had been doing in their parishes, but experience taught those ready to learn that new strategies were important in their work. For instance, Protestant chaplains were criticised at times for the 'secular' activities upon wh i ch they embarked, but Capel]anus, the Church of England's war-■time magasine for chap1ains, was justly proud of 1111- work being done by CHAP Fred Hill at St. John-On-The -Hill in Port Morseby where the activities for soldiers were many and varied and rivalled anything the Salvation Army could provide by way of education and amusement.(49)

A thread which bound many of the chaplains together was that they "all had to learn by their mistakes...[in particular by] learning to be with troops...[and by making] sermons relevant in their terms".(50) Chaplains were not always successful in either area. "There were a few who remained fairly academic, and a few got too much

4*

A9. Capel lanus. Church of England chaplains' World War II magazine. 19^5. 50. Eyers, CHAP. L. op. cit.

53 of a bad reputation by trying to be too much one of the boys". (51) Thus v/hile some chaplains saw their role solely as provision of the Sacraments of the Church for which their status was to be that of an officer, others joined In "training sessions, shoots, route marches, etc as well as organising corporate activities such as cricket, football etc." and CHAP Lambert(ANG) remembers that he was one of a "group of officers [who] took part every morning in some very strenuous volley ball". It was this sort of ability which meant that "Australian padres", he said, " were held in fairly high esteem".(52)

Salvation Army Officers had returned from the First World War with a great reputation for assistance to the Australian soldiers, and the mixture of religion and the practical help which they offered often became the measure by which others were judged. However, immediately prior to

World War II, the establishment of chaplains v/as "nonsensical. The Salvation Army with less than 1% of the population had as many chaplains as the Church of England with 46%".(53) With the reorganization of the AAChD, and the growing recognition that there was a difference between chaplaincy and welfare work, many of the

Salvationists became Welfare Officers for which

51. ibid. 52. Lambert, CHAP.L. op. cit. 53. Chaplains' GenerAL Post War Report, op.cit.

5^ they had special education and talents.(54) They were represented on Divisional Headquarters by a

Senior Representative but those who remained as chaplains were absorbed within the United Churches group. There seems to be little argument that they were effective as Welfare Officers, both in forward areas and in base camps, although there were places where there was competition for resources between the Red Shield and the

Y.M.C.A.(55)

However, among ch ap 1 a i n s, the Salvation Army was not popular on some counts. On the one hand they claimed that they were not a denomination, but a v/elfare organization in order to "share the

Lord Mayor’s Comfort Fund with the Y.M.C.A. Having done so, they claimed to be a denomination entitled to nominate chaplains, and they were granted this also. Anglicans and Roman Catholics entirely funded their own very considerable v/elfare work". (56) Salvationists such as H. Hosier in Germany, K. Knudsen and S. Morton in the South

West Pacific Area who were serving as welfare officers took the opportunity to conduct religious services; (57) these services were rightly the province of the chaplains and some of the latter objected, although the soldiers themselves did not appear to be concerned.

54. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op.cit. 55. Pither, CHAP.K. op.cit. 56. Ogden, CHAP. R. op , c i t. 57. Bolton, B. Booth1s Drum, Australia, 1980 . p.223.

55 The differences in theology, liturgical practice and methods of rn i n i s t ry meant that relationships between the various Churches and their chaplains while generally very good, did spark some controversy. The Bishop of North Queensland, writing to Archbishop Wand in June

1940, as the build-up of troops in his area continued, did not want to be caught napping by the moves of other Churches. "There is already at Miowera a Salvation Army man, who is in some sense a chaplain, but we must not allow him to get in first and claim everything non-Roman".(58) A similar sentiment was expressed by the Bishop of Rockhampton. He was in charge of the whole camp at

Yeppoon and he was running the Salvation Army welfare hut as well as the Church of England one. He wrote to Archbishop Wand informing him of his request for a member of the Church Army to be stationed there:

I think with the Church Army man we can reckon on having all the work

well done in the Camp. Unless the numbers get very large, I would not mind if the Salvation Army people did not come back...(we) can manage ...both tents. We use the Salvation

Army tent for our Parade Services

58. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with Archbishop wanu, 27 June 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

56 as it is the larger, and I have let the Roman Priest have our marquee.(59)

The Methodists in Gyrnpie also caused problems for the Church of England rector who wrote asking that an Anglican chaplain be appointed to the camp as at the time there was only a Methodist chaplain present. The rector had apparently been told that if he wanted to do any work there, it had to be arranged through the Methodist chaplain. The rector concluded that:

The hostile atmosphere that has been created here through their direct attack upon the Church and your Grace through the United Protestant Association makes the position doubly difficult, and the appointment of a Church of England chaplain would greatly enhance the prestige of the Church throughout the parish.(60)

In some places there were to be quarrels between chaplains over seemingly trivial matters. In New Guinea for example, the three Senior Chaplains' huts were next door to each other, but only one, the Church of England, had a flag which flew from a pole. The matter was referred back to the Chaplains General in Australia for resolution

■r"

59- Bishop of Rockhampton. Correspondence with Archbishop Wand, 26 July "19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 60. Steer, Rev. H. Correspondence with Archbishop Wand, 16 September *19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

57 who decided against requesting that flags be flown from all three.(61) The Liaison Officer to the Chaplains General reported that on her trip to the

Northern Territory she had received adverse comments about each other from the chaplains there (62) and disagreements over postings etc. (63) Some of the disagreements between Church of England chaplains were brought into the open in Cauellanus. one of which concerned the writing by chaplains of "mock heroic" letters to the Sydney Sunday Telegraph thereby giving the impression that the views expressed represented those of the Church at large. (64)

However, there is evidence that closer relationships grew as together chaplains faced the issues of war-time ministry. The movement towards a more co-operative ministry caused by the exigencies of war was ahead of the civilian churches. Such movement was not always welcomed, and some chaplains and laymen alike believed that the faith was being imperilled. On the other hand, CHAP McCullough, a Baptist, wrote home that he was pleased to be asked by a Roman Catholic chaplain to conduct services in the latter’s battalion. (65) Likewise, when a keen Baptist lad had been killed, and there was no Protestant chaplain

61. Minutes: CHAPS6EN Conference, August 19^. (The location of this incident is not recorded in the Minutes.) 62. ibid, June 19^. 63- ibid, January 19^. 64. Capellanus. December 19^ and February 1945. 65- McCullough, CHAP M. Correspondence with his wife, Mrs. A.McUllough, Traralgon, Victoria.

58 available, the Roman Catholic chaplain read the burial service. (66) Another observed that. "some chaplains had difficulty in shaking off denominational prejudices and in serving as chaplains to the whole regiment".(67) In the area of theology and relationships existing at that time, this might not have been an easy thing to do. However, the Church of England Chaplain

General could not fill some places in July 1943, and graciously offered the positions to the other

Churches.(68) When Deputy Chaplain General

McCarthy (RC) visited New Guinea in October of the same year, he was given authority to act for all the Chaplains General.(69) The Casualty Clearing

Stations were establishments where the three groups worked together amicably. "We developed a routine of bed-to-bed visitation [visiting everybody] and then followed up our own people".(70) Some chaplains found that comradeship with men and chaplains of different denominations transcended theological differences (71) and among the chaplains themselves CHAP Ashrnan(Meth) found that:

Nearer the battle zone, so the greater the

spirit of comradeship and ...of sharing.

Class distinctions and social barriers were

broken down...[but] back on the home front

66. Tippett, R.R. Correspondence with R. W. Tippett, Feb­ ruary 1986 . 67. Prior, CHAP A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 6 August 1986. 68. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, July 19^3. 69. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, October 1943- 70. Eyers, CHAP.L. op. c i t. 71. Lambert, CHAP.L. op. cit♦

59 there appeared to be little change in

attitude of mind or spirit with regards to human relationships.(72)

Since there were no regular conferences as such where interdenominational communication could take place, it is surprising that the level of co-operation reached the level it did. As Bishop

Morgan says: Before the war I’d never met non-Catholic clergy...not at any level. Considering my Catholic education...How could I? But at the end of the war there was 100% deeper appreciation of non-Catholic chaplains. There came an understanding that we did

take each other's place when people were dying or were sick. I felt that confidence that if I was dealing with the death of a non-Catholic man...others would do the same. There were some misunderstandings, but we came to an understanding our chaplaincy. (73)

***

72. Ashman, CHAP.L. op.cit. 73. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op.cit.

60 In World War I a clergyman had begun what he called the Army Military Church (CE). Perhaps because of this, the tendency towards a non-denorninat ional ism evident among Australian soldiers in the war, and the general concern about the development of an "Army religion", the question of theology became an important issue for the churches and the chaplains. Writing after the war, LT GEN A.E. Percival said that where there had been no churches in prison camps and no chaplains, the prisoners had themselves conducted worship. "Inspired by faith, the British soldiers

...displayed some of the finest qualities of their race" (74), a fact which may have been in the mind of CHAP McCullough (BAPT) who, although he wrote of the spiritual temptations and difficulties which he encountered in his own ministry, nevertheless found that the "pathetic sights" he had seen amongst the Australian wounded had changed his own personal theology. "Their comradeship and fortitude amaze me; seeing them I feel a bit at sea in saying that man is so totally depraved".(75)

It was this theme of the effect upon the individual which was also evident in Capol lanus.

The author of the article entitled "Random

Jottings", M.C.D’Arcy, citing Lecky wrote:

74. Gordon, E, Miracle On The River Kwai. UK, 1963- p.161. 75- McCullough, CHAP.M. op . cit.

61 [Christianity’s] moral action been more powerful upon individuals than upon societies, and the spheres in which its superiority over other religions is most incontestable are precisely those which history is

least capable of realising. The

Christian faith is not a suppliant

craving permission to be heard by the

mighty, and softening its message

to suit their fancies, but it is an authoritative message of hope and healing to wounded humanity.(76)

The Bible of course v/as used in various ways, in Bible studies, in Church services, in sermons and as CHAP Salter (BAPT) found when he suggested to the men who survived the sinking of the "Knight Of Malta" that they should read Acts 27, they noted the similarity of their situation with the Apostle Paul. "For some days afterwards when censoring letters I v/as amused to find how literally my advice had been taken".(77)

Capellanus , in an article entitled "God Speaks Through The Bible" offered some assistance to chaplains in their efforts to communicate with the men about the Bible by using the suggestion of

76. Capellanus. December *19^^- 77- Salter, CHAP. J.C. A Padre With The Rats Of Tobruk. Tasmania, 19^6. p. 9.

62 Emil Brunner's that the Bible was rather like a gramrnophone record on which one might listen to a great singer's voice. The extraneous noises on the record v/ere analagous to the humanity reflected in the Scriptures.(78) However, one soldier noted . that it helped if you were religious because the paper on which the New Testaments supplied by the chaplain v/ere printed made very good paper for

'rol1-your-own' cigarettes.(79)

The Bible texts which the Church of England chaplains used in their services appear to have followed the Church year. For example, the sermon outline in Cape11 anus for the Sunday before Advent in 1944 was Philippians 3:12, ("I press on") with the general theme that "joy, hope and progress

(were) marks of Christianity". The outline suggested that books such as Ecclesiastes and

Malachi were pessimistic in tone but that the New

Testament struck a hopeful note. The writer added,

"We should remember that 'forgetting' is an essential part- of religion. We can leave the past behind".(80) Holy Week (1945) used passages from

Matthew 11:30, John 1:29, Isaiah 53, etc . , and as v/ell as the usual s e rinon outlines, a series of sermons based on Handel's "Messiah" was also

included in Capellanus. Later that same year themes were chosen from Acts 3, Luke 10, the

78. Capellanus. May 19^5- ITHTSTirr; ETK. taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 27 October,1986 80.Capellanus. November 19^.

63 creation story, and for Trinity Sundays X, XI and XII, lessons from Luke 7:21, and 31-35, and 1 Kings 18:21.(81) John 15:13 was a favourite passage and often read at funeral or memorial services.(82)

An address to Lutheran servicemen in 1942 by the Rev C. Stolz of the U.E.L.C.A. used a text from 1 Corinthians 16:13 and urged that they be good examples of Christian manhood, reminding them that simply by joining the Forces was no proof of either manly behaviour or character.(83) CHAP W.E.Petering (LUTH) used John 14:2,3 for an open letter to Lutheran soldiers urging them to remember that Cod "put all his resources into the scales to balance our petty fears".(84) He said that peace would not come because of the "mutiny" of men against God.

The magazine ('ape11.anus also addressed the matter of prayer. An unknown author stressed that prayer stirred up the will and brought new power to the one praying. Using military terminology, the author pointed out that prayer was not simply

"indenting for blessings from the Almighty" much as one might require articles from the QMS. Nor should prayer be for an exemption from hardship, sorrow, suffering, or to procure immunity for

81. Capellanus, May 1945. 82. Gordon, op.cit. p . 8 7. 83. Stolz, Rev. C. in Lutheran Herald, 11 April 1942 . 84. ibid, 24 April 1943. oneself. The writer compared some of the prayers he had heard with that of the "Vigil" kept by knights before the altar on the eve of battle, and the words of Charles Sorley who died in 1915:

This sanctuary of my soul

Unwitting, I keep white and whole,

Unlatched and lit, if thou shouldst care

To enter and to tarry there.

With parted lips and outstretched hands

And listening ear thy servant stands;

Call thou early, call thou late,

To thy great service dedicate. (85)

The Lutheran Herald noted the difficulty of being told to love one’s enemies and the duty to kill them in battle. The substance of prayer was also difficult in war time:

Two men on opposite sides pray during the

night:

"Dear Father in heaven, protect

and keep me safe during the battle

on the morrow"...

Which one is God to favour ?

The author continued that God was not to be seen as a referee indicating which side should v/in.

Thus God was to be considered neutral in the

•r' 85- Capellanus. February, 19^5.

65 struggle, a belief which other sections of the

Christian Church would have rejected. (86)

The Apostles’ Creed formed the basis of the theology of Anglican chaplains, and as the author of Cape!1 anus noted by any Church which used any creeds at all. Cane11anus recorded four brief addresses on the Creed given by Senior Chaplain

Donald Redding. The chaplain began by stressing the difference between simply stating an "official record of Church teachings" and the personal declaration of faith and belief in God. CHAP

Redding, who was noted for his ability to communicate with soldiers also explained the difference between "credence" and "confidence and trust":

For example, he said, I believe that

William the Conqueror came to England

in 1066; I believe that to be a fact

because all the history books say so.

But 1 don’t give a damn whether he did

or he didn’t. It makes no difference

to me.

But if I believe in a surgeon then

I allow him to place me in a state

of unconsciousness, cut open my tummy,

remove part of the works and sew me

86. Lutheran Herald, op. ci t. 2*t April 19^3.

66 up again. That is an expression of trust

and confidence indeed.(87)

Theological differences also appeared between elements of the Church of England, some of v/hich were aired in Capel1 anus in January and February,

1945. One chaplain had objected to the parade service at which 2,700 men were present, and to the theological difficulty of preaching to non-communicants at services of Evensong. He had raised questions over the primacy of preaching or conducting the Eucharist, which for some chaplains at least had to be conducted before midday. The war caused practical difficulties in this way, and

CHAP Redding took his brother to task reminding him that his first ordination charge was to

“be...a faithful dispenser of the Word of God and of His Sacraments". CHAP Redding saw the tendency of some to minimise the importance of preaching as

"an attitude which is definitely weakening the effectiveness of our branch of the Catholic

Church". He reminded the chaplains that in the

Army they had opportunities to preach the Gospel

"such as we had never had before to fulfil our

Lord's command", and he appealed for an understanding attitude towards those who have not

87. Capellanus. June 19^5.

67 yet "learned to know and value the Spiritual food of the Body and Blood of Christ". (88)

General and private confession was practised by Roman Catholic chaplains, but opinions differed among Anglican chaplains over this particular rite and a lively discussion of the subject in terms of theology, liturgiology and psychology took place in the pages of Cape!1 anus under the provocative title of "Confession And Auto-Suggestion". The instigator of the discussion had pointed out that the first complete Prayer Book in English (1549)

"contained no such thing as a penitential introduction to morning and evening prayer. ... In

1552, however, a penitential introduction was added to these services" and went on to suggest that the service should celebrate " Christ's victory —over death ... weakness and ignorance" rather than over-emphasising the sinfulness of man in the extreme terms of the prayer book. (89) A correspondent taking the name of "Johannes" represented the opposite view. "Let us recognise that regular- penitence is not a depressing process but a stimulating one--like a cold shower before breakfast--and without it no Christian can make progress in the spiritual life".(90)

88. Capellanus, February 191»5. 89* Capellanus, June 191»5. 90. Capellanus, September

68 Australian Army chaplains were recruited from all the states of Australia, and a few missionaries were appointed while serving in Papua New Guinea. The popu1ation census of 1933 [ the last before the beginning of World War II] revealed that Australia’ s population was 6,629,839, divided into the various states and territories as follows:

TABLE 1.

POPULATION OF AUSTRALIA BY STATES____& TERRITORIES. (1933)

NSW 2,600,847 [ 39.2%] Vic 1,820,261 [ 27.4%] Qld 947,534 [ 14.3%]

SA 580,949 [ 8.7*] i CO —

Tas 227,599 i

WA 438,852 [ 6.6*] NT 4, 850 [ ■ 7%] ACT 8, 947 [ 1.3*]

The male proportion of the population for the same year which totalled 3,367,111, and from which the chaplains were drawn [there were and still are no female chaplains in the Australian armed services] paralleled that of the states generally.

91. Vamplew, W. Australians. Historical Statistics. Sydney, 1987. p.26.

69 The national figures for religious affiliations recorded in the 1933 census and grouped together in the combinations of the AAChD were as follows:

TABLE 2.

RELIGIOUS__AFFILIATIONS OF THE POPULATION

(1933)

Anglican: 2,565,118

Roman Catho1ic: 1, 291, 150

Method!st: 684,700

Presbyterian: 714,160

United Churches: 463,123

Hebrew: 23,553 (92)

(Note: The "United Churches" group included

Baptists, Churches of Christ, Congregationalists,

Lutherans, Salvationists and members of other

Protestant denominations.)

The census revealed that the number of those claiming to be of no religion was rising rapidly.

The chaplains were to experience this factor at first hand in World War II and their reactions to it are recorded in Chapter 3. Some extent of the problem can be seen by combining the "No

Religion", "Object To State" and "No Reply" categories in the 1921 census for all states and

92. Phillips, W.W. "Religion", in Australians. Historical Statistics, op.cit. pp421-*»Z7.

70 territories and comparing them with the 1933 census. In the 12 year period the population had increased by 1,194,105, but the figures leapt from

121,190 in 1921 to 863,765 for the “No Religion" and “No Reply" categories in 1933. In 1933 in all states there were considerable drops in the numbers stating that they were of “No Religion". Many may have made "No Reply" in preference to “No Religion" but the number is not nearly enough to account to account for the dramatic change.(93) The “Object To State" category which may have been inflated in 1921 because some of the smaller

Protestant denominations rejected the idea of having to declare religious affiliation to any government authority (94) was not an option in the 1933 census, but even so the vast increase in the "No Reply" category from 45,990 (1921) to 848,948 (1933) is indicative of the higher proportion of Australians revealing through the anonymity of the census form their lack of interest in "formal religion". Yet it was the "formal religion" which was to appoint the chaplains to the forces.

Combining the figures for all the states according to the groupings of denominations in the Australian Army Chaplains Department listed above is misleading to some extent because the figures in the census include all members of the family

93. ibid. 94. ibid, p.148.

71 and not only those of the age for military service. However they are InsLruetive because it was on the basis of the total census figures that the number of chaplains per denomination in the

Army was calculated.

The numerically stronger states, New South

Wales and Victoria are interesting to compare. 36.1% of Church of England chaplains came from New

South Wales (with 39.2% of the total population) and 28.9% were from Victoria (with 27.4% of the population). The highest percentage (42.1%) for any group was for Roman Catholic chaplains in New South Wales(39.2% of the total population) and from a Roman Catholic population of less than half that of the Anglicans. However, on 4 May 1942 Archbishop Mannix found it necessary to write to all his Bishops urging that more diocesan priests be appointed to the Forces. He needed another 45 chaplains for all branches of the Armed Services if he were to attain the numbers permitted by percentage; 17 of them should have come from Sydney, 14 from Melbourne and 7 from Brisbane. Even though NSW had supplied the most priests, at that date the diocese of Armidale, Lisrnore and Wilcannia-Forbes had not supplied any priests to the A.I.F., though Armidale and Wilcannia - Forbes

72 had supplied one each to the C.M.F. Brisbane and Perth had supplied four priests and Melbourne and

Rockhampton three each. Archbishop Mannix wrote again to the bishops on 20 July 1942 noting that the quota had still not been filled, although:

some dioceses, Melbourne among them, have

exceeded their quota: several dioceses have

done little or nothing whatever to meet

their obligations. The result is that I am faced with a pressing demand at the moment for 20 chaplains, mainly for units in the northern areas, but I have not a single nomination to call upon.(95)

More Presbtyerian chaplains were recruited in Victoria (41.1%) than from other states. The Victorian branch of the Church had 20,000 more adherents in Victoria than in New South Wales but the Presbyterian Church never achieved its full quota of chaplains according to the census percentage agreed upon by the Churches.(96) The numerically strong Methodist population in South

Australia, which in 1933 claimed over 22% of that state’s entire population (97) (then 8.7% of the total Australian population) provided only 16.5% of Methodist chaplains. New South Wales led the numbers of Baptist chaplains (35.1%) although the

95. Mannix, Archbishop 0. Correspondence to all Australian bishops, 20 July 19^2. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane. 96. Presbyterian Church Conference Report, Victoria, 19 ^. p.67. 97* Hunt, A.D. This Side Of Heaven. A History of the Methodist Church in South Australia. Adelaide ,""l"985 • p . 4 3 2.

73 Victorian Baptist Church was numerically stronger

(98)and Victoria provided the majority of Churches of Christ chaplains (37.9%) in line with the strength of the denomination in that state.(See

Table 3.)

Of all the chaplains who served in World War

II, 50 of them had had experience in World War I as either soldiers in the ranks, officers or chaplains. Table 4 reveals that 14 Church of

England chaplains held served previously as chaplains, but the number of Roman Catholic chaplains with previous service in any capacity is not recorded on the chaplains’ cards in the RAAChD office. Some chaplains, such as CHAP L.B. Falk

(Hebrew) had seen service with British forces in

World War I.

With the exception of CHAP Twigg-Patterson, the sole Christian Science chaplain who was 51 years old, the Presbyterian, Churches of Christ and Salvation Army chaplains v/ere older than others on average at the outbreak of World War II.

The average age for- these three groups was 42. The youngest average age was for the three Lutheran chaplains at 29 years of age. It would appear from

Table 4 that the next youngest were the Roman

Catholic chaplains, however this figure should be

7^ Table 3.

STATE OF ENLISTMENT OF A.I.F. CHAPLAINS (by %).(i)

STATE. DENOMINATION.

ANG. RC. METH. PRES. BAPT. C. C. CONG. LUTH. SA.

QLD. 12. 1 15. 8 11.8 10. 5 13.5 16.7 23. 1 33.3 25.0 NSW 36. 1 42. 1 26.8 30. 5 35. 1 16.7 26.9 33.3 33.3 VIC. 28.9 28. 4 31.5 41 . 1 32.4 37. 5 15.4 33.3 SA. 8.6 4. 2 16.5 3.2 8. 1 8.3 15.4 33.3 WA. 9.3 3.2 7. 1 5.3 5.4 16. 7 7.7 TAS. 3. 6 1.5 4.7 4.2 5.4 4.2 3.8 8.3 Other/ 1.4 5.3 1.6 5.3 7.7 Not Known

j 1 1 1

CO| Total. ~2807” CJI ~1257 95. 37. 24. 26. 3 12.

(i) From RAAChD file cards.

75 Table 4.

AVERAGE AGE OF CHAPLAINS AT START OF WORLD WAR II OR DATE OF COMMISSION. (To Nearest Full Year).

DENOMINATION. AVERAGE AGE. RANGE.

Ang1ican 34 26-65 Roman Catholic (i) 33 25-45 Methodist 38 25-58 Presbyterian (ii) 42 28-68 United Churches: Baptist 36 27-55 Churches of Christ 42 27-59 Congregational 36 25-58 Lutheran 29 26-35 Salvation Army (ii) 42 30-69 Christian Science (iii) 51 51 Greek Orthodox (iv) 33 26-45 Jewish 36 26-62

Notes: (i)Calculated only on A.I.F. chaplains. Totals for other denominations include A.M.F. chaplains, many of whom were older and served only in Australia.

(ii) Upper ages include Senior Chaplains located in Australia.

(iii) There was only one Christian Science chaplain.

(iv) All part time and administered by the Church of Eng1 and.

Table 5.

CHAPLAINS WITH SERVICE IN WORLD WAR I.

DENOMINATION. SOLDIERS. OFFICERS. CHAPLAINS . TOTAL.

Anglican. 5 2 14 21 Roman Catholic. Not recorded on RAAChD files. Methodist. 5 7 12 Presbyterian. 1 5 6 United Churches: Baptist. 2 2 Churches of Christ. 3 1 4 Congregational. 4- Lutheran. Salvation Army. 1 1 2 Jewish. 2 2

76 regarded with caution as only the ages of AIF chaplains are recorded in the RAAChD files in

Canberra.

Even though some churches, for example the

Methodist Church, had a policy of selecting older and more experienced men as chaplains, age was not a determining factor in 'safer’ postings, though older men may have been chosen as 'voyage only’ chaplains. An examination of the postings reveals that while many served with the battalions in forward areas considerable numbers had postings to

Casualty Clearing Stations(CCS), Australian

General(AGH) and Military Hospitals(AMH), and

Convalescent Depots(Con.Dep). A few also served with Australian Hospital Ships(AHS), and one,

CHAP. E. G. Laverick (CE) lost his life when the

CENTAUR was sunk off the Queensland coast. CCSs were usually located in forward areas but an examination of the ages of chaplains and their postings does not support any suggestion that only younger men were in forward areas. Regardless of age, 52% of Anglican chaplains, 34% of Methodists,

45% of Presbyterians, and 64% of United Churches chaplains had at least one posting to the CCS,

AGH/AMH, AHS and Con.Deps. A figure of 51% for

Roman Catholic chaplains is not an accurate figure as approximately 20% of Roman Catholic postings

77 are not recorded on chaplains’ cards in the RAAChD fi1es.

Formal academic qualifications are not always listed on the records of World War II chaplains, nor are theological colleges of various denominations uniform in their requirements for the education of clergy, and there are even different standards within theological colleges.

However, an examination of the academic qualifications where they are stated and from what can be gleaned from other biographical details reveals that most of the qualifications of 65 chaplains (some part-time duty men are included) are at the L.Th. level, while 18 BAs, 3 BDs and 3

BA/'BDs are recorded. A few chaplains held other qualifications, most likely associated with former occupations, for example, CHAP Sherwin,

FRGS, FRAI, FRSA, an Anglican missionary doctor.

Of the higher degrees, 25 MAs and 9 doctorates including G DDs awarded to 6 Bishops are recorded.

Approximately 20 Roman Catholic chaplains were members of religious orders, but again, this figure is not accurate because of the inadequacies in RAAChD records for Roman Catholic chaplains.

Using RAAChD records, the average period of service by chaplains in World War II from 1

78 Table 6.

AVERAGE YEARS OF SERVICE IN WORLD WAR II.

(Calculated from September 1939 to December 1946)

DENOMINATION. LENGTH OF SERVICE.

Anglican: 3 years 8 months Roman Catholic:(i) 4 years 3 months Methodist: 3 years 5 months Presbyterian: 3 years 5 months United Churches: Baptist: 4 years 1 month. Churches of Christ: 3 years 9 months Congregational: 3 years 4 months Lutheran:(ii) 2 years 6 months Salvation Army: 3 years 8 months Jewish: 4 years 6 months

(i) Does not include A.M.F. chaplains. (ii) Affected by the later entry of chaplains into the AAChD.

79 January 1939 to 31 December 1945 has been calculated as shown in Table 6. Some chaplains served before and after the above dates, for example, in resettlement and repatriation programmes while others continued their service with the British Commonwealth Occupation Force in

Japan, and later in the Korean war. But for present purposes the two dates above have been selected in order to make some comparison.

The mainline churches in Australia upon the outbreak of the war in the South West Pacific Area revealed that while each may have acted initially from its own denominational aims, ambitions and priorities, there was a common desire to provide for the spiritual, moral and practical needs of

Australian servicemen and women. It would appear that there was a 'settling in period’ during which the denominations came to terms with the unaccustomed task of working together again, and more closely than ever before. Some of the Church of England bishops unhappy at some events in World

War I, tried to redress attitudes and procedures which they believed had been carried over from that conflict, as well as changes which had occurred in the intervening period. There were some unpalatable truths to be encountered. The

Roman Catholic Church called a special conference

80 of the Hierarchy to discuss the spiritual and material needs of the servicemen. The clergy of all the churches v/ho responded to the need for chaplains came from all the states of Australia; most had little or no contact with the Army, but appear to have responded because of the spiritual needs of men and women enlisting, as well as a deep concern for the future of Christian institutions in Australia.

81 CHAPTER 3

CHAPLAINCY IN AUSTRALIA.

The work of the Australian Army

Chaplains' Department in World War Two was to respond to the peculiar spiritual and material needs of the servicemen and women to whom they ministered, and for whom they felt responsible.

Models for chaplaincy in World War Two had their origins in the experience of the clergymen who went to the First World War. In the South West

Pacific Area 1942-1945, similar differences were expressed over the balance between spiritual and material tasks undertaken by chaplains and propriety was often an issue within and between the denominations. Beliefs and practices ranged from sacramentalism on the one hand to an absence of any sacramental ministry, as practised by the

Salvation Army on the other. In fact there were often discussions as to whether Salvationists could rightly be called "chaplain' at all and a direction by the Secretary of the Department of

Army (February 1942) forbade Salvation Army

Welfare Workers to act as chaplains "unless a chaplain is not available, and then only with the sanction of the Senior Chaplain". In the event, it is likely that each man made his own decision

82 regarding the balance and propriety referred to above but points of view were strongly argued.

The chaplains who returned from the Middle

in 1942 brought with them a strong conviction that any minister or priest offering himself as a chaplain ought to be trained as much as possible in the ways of the army. Chaplain

General (CHAPGEN) Riley (CE), appointed CHAPGEN on

6 January 42, and Deputy Chaplain General

(DCHAPGEN) T. McCarthy (RC), appointed on 3 Jun

42, (Archbishop Mannix remained Chaplain General until his death) were two chaplains who were convinced that schools for chaplains should be established. As a result of their Middle East experience they believed that no chaplains should be sent overseas without such training, and the first chaplains’ school was held in the Roman

Catholic College, Ashgrove Qld. The Army ran various training courses at this college, and the first chaplains’ school was arranged by CHAP T.

Boland, then SEN CHAP 1st. Army. (1) The second course was held in the Sydney area in September.

1943.(2)

The latter course was held over five days, and the chaplains endured a twelve hour day in the class room. Subjects consisted of lectures on the

1. Morgan, Bishop J. A. Taped interview with R.W. Tippett,1986. 2. Second Australian Army Chaplains’ School, Sydney, September '1943 -

83 general organization of the Army, stores and administration ("Q" and "A") matters and practical exercises such as map reading, message writing, the use of the compass, graves registration and burials, security and censorship, pay and financial matters. (3)

Even at that early stage in the SWPA campaign, there seems to have been an understanding on the part of the chaplains that they did not work in isolation. In the course conducted in Sydney, considerable attention was given to the chaplains' relationship with other professional groups within the services, notably medical, legal and education officers. It would appear that not all the speakers at the school were held in awe by the students. In one copy of the lecture outlines, there are numerous hand-written comments, one of which observed that an Assistant Chaplain General, while speaking about the relationship of the chaplains to the Medical Corps, "did not know enough about his subject, and would not be told."(4)

The school also passed on knowledge gathered from elsewhere. Chaplains were given a copy of a valuable article entitled The Chaplain's Duty In

Battle. extracted from The Chaplains' Magazine, an

3. ibid. h. ibid.

8*t PLATE 1.

CONFERENCE OF UNITED CHURCHES CHAPLAINS, Sydney, NSW. 1 June 1943.

Front Row (left to right): J.G.Ridley, MC,(Bapt), H.S.Read(Cong), F.E.Alcorn(CC), A.G.A. Taylor(Cong) (SENCHAP NSW L.of.C.), CHAPGEN(UC) A. Brooke (CC), G.W. Sandells(SA) (A.C.G. Second Aust. Army), W.J. Crossman (CC), H.A.G. Clark (CC), W.J.Salter(Bapt).

Second Row: W.A.Wigney(CC), E.V.Marks(Bapt), E. Pentecost(SA), J.W. Drakeford(Bapt), F.H.Starr(Bapt) R.H.Bal1ard(Cong), W.A. Gates(SA), M.Winkler(Luth).

Back Row: F.G.Searle(Cong), C. A. Adams(Cong), A.C.Hibbard(Cong).

Photograph reproduced with the permission of The United Churches Member of the Religious Advisory Committee to the Services, Principal Air Chaplain G. Crossman, CBE, RL.

85

RAChD publication emanating from the Middle East.

The article had been commended by

Montgomery.(Appendix 2)

It is also of interest to note that in 1943 the chaplains’ school was even then trying to discover some of the issues which might arise after the war when peace finally came. On the first day, the school was addressed by a Dr P.Ryan on the topic "After The War- What?", a theme taken up the next day by Prof. Clunies Ross. Prof. D.

Flockhart addressed the school on the topic "What

Chaplains Can Do NOW in Preparation For The

Post-War Period". (5)

It is difficult to assess the value of the schools to chaplains collectively. At the very least, it should be possible to say that they were better than nothing. But it appears that not all chaplains attended the schools. Some attended other officer training establishments, where the instruction of chaplains formed only a small part of the School’s over-all training programme. Other chaplains interviewed cannot remember receiving any training at all, and some had only a few brief words of advice from the chaplain they were replacing.

5. ibid.

87 In June, 1943, approval was given for chapel huts to be erected at public expense. (6) In most cases these were erected at Australian General

Hospitals (AGH). Some of the huts were used as chapels for services of worship as well as meeting places for a variety of activities. In those which were used for various purposes, screens were erected to separate the area designated as a sanctuary. Fittings were often the responsibility of local churches, and in some instances, such as the hut at the 121 AGH, Adelaide, the entire cost of the chapel was borne locally.(7)

Chaplains in charge of the huts were required to give reports and statistics on the activities conducted and the number attending.(8) The chaplains were assisted in the activities at the chapel huts by soldiers who were designated as assistants. It would appear that most of these were private soldiers, but if this was the case, there could well have been some problems with discipline from time to time. This might have been the issue behind the attempt by CHAP Elisey in

Western Australia to have his assistant promoted to corporal. He apparently promoted the man himself; and when this was rescinded, Elisey appealed to the CHAPSGEN. They questioned his right to have an assistant at all, but offered the

6. Minutes: Chaplains’ General (CHAPSGEN) Conference, June 19 3 7. ibid. December, 19^3. 8. ibid.

88 suggestion that perhaps a social worker could be located at the hut, or else that CHAP Elisey should organise to get himself a batman, to whom he was entitled.(9) Two months later the issue was raised again, as it was pointed out that the chapel huts did not have the same rights as did those of the YMCA and Red Cross. The matter was finally settled by a declaration that the chapel huts had the same status as the others,(10) but some rivalry remained between the chaplains and the various philanthropic groups.

In some areas the "huts" were in fact tents. At the Greenslopes Hospital in South Brisbane, the facilities of the chapel hut were quite inadequate. The chaplain was given the use of an old dispensary, and while an improvement on the tent, was still inadequate for such an important area. DCHAPGEN McCarthy was delegated to approach the War Cabinet, but it was pointed out that a new chapel there would cost over £4000.(11) Furthermore, the origin of some of the huts remains a mystery. Where the authority came from to establish chapel huts at 2/2 and 2/6 AGHs puzzled even the CHAPSGEN in 1944, although there is some evidence to suggest that the authority may have been given to the female staff officer to the CHAPSGEN following a dinner with some senior staff 9. ibid, 10. ibid, February, 19^. 11. ibid, August, 19^.

89 officers.(12) Chapel huts were still being erected as late as August 1945. A proposal to build a chapel hut in Darwin was delayed however because the Quartermaster General(QMG) refused to authorise the expenditure of £800 for the project, and the CHAPSGEN then decided that they would not permit the building to go ahead until the future of the camp had been settled.(13)

In June, 1943, a morale section was established as part of the AAChD. At least part of the motive for setting up this section was the hope that it would help to overcome the problem of soldiers going absent without leave.(14) The section also acted as a sort of "clearing house" through which the problems of individual soldiers and their families could be investigated and reported upon, with the result that the soldier could receive independent and first-hand knowledge of a family situation (for example) from a chaplain or clergyman.(15) The concern felt over the issue of morale may also have been behind the suggestion that the AAChD should have its own publications section. The CHAPSGEN finally decided that the proposal was "impractical" but urged that

chaplains should consider writings articles for the SALT magazine. (16) Chaplains were also urged

12. ibid. 13. ibid, August, 1945- 1A. ibid, June, 1943- 15. Australian Army Chaplains' Department (AAChD) Post War Report, 1946 . 16. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, October, 1943-

90 "to conduct "Request Hours" to try to assist with problems over morale. This period was to be similar to that used in the British Army, where the title of "Padre's Hour" was used. The Church of England chaplains' war-time magazine Capel1 anus records that the periods were first given on the instructions of the General Officer Commanding

(G.O.C.), and notes that "on the surface (the periods did) not seem to involve very much". But the author of the article began to be concerned about the:

untold depths that they might plumb, the

countless opportunities they may evoke,

(and) the extraordinary difficulties they

cover. They seem to hint at the whole of position^religion in the Army. They seem to

challenge the actual position I hold as a

priest of the Church of England. They would

certainly tax to the full my ingenuity.(17)

There were questions too, about how such a period should be used. Because the allotted time was at the disposal of the chaplain there were some who thought of opening the recreation room and running games and competitions. Others might have used the time to distribute Comforts Fund parcels, or perhaps even to open the canteen and

17. Capellanus. Magazine for Church of England Chaplains, March

91 serve behind the bar. There might have even been the opportunity to "conduct a week-day service or even attempt some mission gatherings".(18) But since attendance at the Padre’s Hour was to be compulsory, the latter would be ruled out.

The writer of the article seemed eventually to resolve the issue by suggesting that the "Padre’s

Hour" came within the prophetic function of the chaplain. He observed that some sermons "may be little more than a touch of showmanship to the men we serve". He seemed to suggest an apologetic approach: "We must teach, discuss, talk as opportunity offers, using discretion and common sense at all times".(19) One RAAF Chaplain in the same issue of Cane11 anus recognised that the title of the period caused some difficulties but solved the question at least to his satisfaction by calling the period the "Christian Research

Hour."(20)

In May, 1945, another chaplain, CHAP. F. M.

Hill(CE) in the Port Moresby area was to admit that he had never been entirely happy with the

Church services he had conducted in small units.

Church Parades had been conducted in the heat of the day, and he found this taxing for himself as well as for the soldiers. He also found that in

18. ibid. 19. ibid. 20. ibid.

92 the formal service there was very little teaching which could be done. He began to shorten the service, permitted the men to relax, and then would begin a question and answer period during which "No question relating to morals, ethics, social reform or religion was barred". The chaplain wrote that there were many questions asked which implied criticism of the Churches, but he found that other more serious questions about faith and the practice or religion soon surfaced.(21)

It is not suggested that the program of

Padres' Hours reached anything like the organization, variety or expertise in other efforts to assist with morale, such as that recorded of the prisoners of war in Changi.

However, it would appear that in those areas where it was possible to conduct these sessions, they served a useful purpose in maintaining morale by permitting members of a unit to discuss matters of general interest or home and family life etc.(22).

The idea has become more formalised since then and continues to contribute to morale generally. The title has been changed to "Commanding Officer's

Hour", but chaplains in the Army today still play the leading role in these periods and the

21. ibid, May 19*»5. 22. AAChD Post War Report, op. cit.

93 objective remains the maintenance of moral and spiritual welfare.

Army chaplains had long seen the need for an

Army Tune Book for use in services of worship.

Some Protestant Denominations chaplains had been supplied with hymn or song books by their local churches when they entered the services, but as the Chaplains' Department became more organized and formalised, the need for an Army Tune Book became more obvious. In August, 1944, the Director of Military Training approved expenditure which permitted twenty thousand tune books to be printed. At least one padre, CHAP Johnson (CE), had compiled his own book of hymns which he asked the CHAPSGEN to publish. They refused his request, but this may only have been because of the recent decision by the Director of Military Training, as there is no hint in the CHAPSGENS’ minutes as to the merits of Johnson's work. Other chaplains and servicemen put their hands to writing hymns. CPL

J. Hughes, then a medic with the "Rats of Tobruk", and later SEN CHAP (UC) in South Australia, composed a hymn which is still used annually at the memorial service of the "Rats of Tobruk"

Association in South Australia. However, in

September, 1945, CHAP Johnson wrote to Canellanus advising that a revised edition of new Army hymns

91* had been accepted by all CHAPSGEN and that fifty thousand copies of words and five thousand copies of music and words would be distributed amongst all the Armed Services. Johnson also hoped that since each civilian minister of the Church of

England, Presbyterian and Methodist Churches would receive a copy of the hymn book, it would serve as a link between the forces and local churches. (23)

Nativity plays and pageants at Christmas and

Easter also proved popular in the services as indeed they were throughout Australia. The editor of Cane11 anus noted that:

a nativity play was performed in Melbourne

by AWAS the first year the Service was

formed. Liaison staff edit specimen

plays for production and forward these

with appropriate music and costume designs

to units requiring same.

Religious drama and tableaux were performed in such widely separated places as Mareeba, Lae,

Perth and Hobart with booklets and material for costumes supplied by the Australian Army Amenities

Service . Being approved by the CHAPSGEN, the presentations were conducted in an ecumenical spirit. Capellanus stated that in addition to the general raising of religious consciousness amongst the troops, the presentations also provided the

23. Capellanus, September 191*5.

95 women with acting skills which would prove of value when they returned to civilian life. (24)

There had also been some pressure exerted by chaplains for the compilation and printing of a

Prayer Book for the Australian Army. RAN and RAAF chaplains were also invited to attend the special meeting in June, 1945, where the proofs of a

Prayer Book were discussed. The minutes of the

CHAPSGEN indicate that their visitors were impressed with the proofs, but apparently they then went ahead and produced their own Prayer

Books. The pressure for a prayer Book had not only come from chaplains in the field. Male and female soldiers requested copies of prayers which they had heard their chaplains pray, particularly prayers dealing with the missing in action and known prisoners of war.

Chaplains were also involved in educational activities; indeed the AAChD had once been under the care of the Directorate of Education and some chaplains were designated as education officers.

To assist them a lecture given at the Sydney

Chaplains’ School in 1943 was entitled "Aids To

Chaplaincy Work." The lecture was almost entirely given over to describing the virtues of the film

24. ibid.

96 strip projector, noticing the simplicity of the machine, ease of operation and the portability of subject material. Film strips available were divided into two groups: religious and general subjects. Religious subjects included stories from the Bible, the lives of Christ and St Paul, special Church subjects and stories associated with famous hymns. In the general subject area there were thirty-nine film strips available which dealt with various aspects of Australian life, travelogues of areas where fighting was taking place, science and nature, China and the Soviet

Union. At least two film strips were about the enemy and were entitled "Facts About Honourable

Enemy" and "Germans Prefer Blondes." (25)

Suggestions for increasing the effectiveness of the chaplain also came from individuals. A

Church of England chaplain wrote to Archbishop

Wand in 1943 suggesting that:

some wel1-constructed leaflets helping them

[patients in hospital] to see that religion

is important, that the Church has a real

function... plus some of Carey's small books

and so on, should be kept circulating

amongst the leader type.

However, he went on to complain that only a few chaplains seemed to have "a defined policy for our

25. Second AAChD School, op.cit.

97 'attack’ on the wonderful but sadly ignorant

(religiously) [his parenthesis] material placed in our care.(26)

A further ministry of Chaplains in Australia related to the notification to next-of-kin of fatalities in combat and in training accidents in

Australia. Because of the experience of World War

I, many clergymen found this task a distasteful one for a number of reasons, not the least of which was the reaction of people when they saw the minister approaching a house for any reason at all. All assumed the worst. In a letter to

Archbishop Wand in Brisbane, the Under Secretary in the Chief Secretaries Department communicated the response of the Prime Minister regarding the notification of casualties.

Wand had proposed a scheme whereby local committees consisting of clergy and local postmasters could devise a satisfactory scheme to notify next-of-kin of death. However, the large majority of local government authorities had not

agreed with the proposal. Because of this, it was decided to inform relatives by telegram, unless

otherwise requested by the serviceman or

next-of-kin.(27)

26. Pidd, CHAP.A. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C.Wand, 26 April 19^3. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 27. Watson, G. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 2 October 19^1. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

98 The support of the Christian Churches in Australia for service personnel at home and abroad reached unprecedented levels because of the Japanese threat to Australia. The threat was emphasised by military defeats in South East Asia including the fall of Singapore, the bombing of Darwin and the arrival home of troops who had served in the Middle East. The support by individuals was always important and continued throughout the war, but the scale of operations and the numbers of men and women engaged in the war meant that collective efforts were necessary. Churches with already existing support organizations increased their efforts to provide spiritual and material comforts while smaller churches with more limited membership and less resources combined together in practical activity.

The 'Sailors and Soldiers Church of England Help Society’ had been founded in 1915 and the records of the Society in the annual yearbooks of the Anglican Archdioces of Brisbane give some indication of the work undertaken. This society was strategically placed by being located in Brisbane with almost all military movement northward using Brisbane and its environs as staging areas for the duration of the war and afterwards. Provision was made for huts and

99 marquees to be erected as places of recreation for soldiers. These were located at Grovely, Enoggera,

Caloundra, Chermside, Ipswich, Lytton,

Maryborough, Nerang and Toowoomba. The Bishop of

Rockhampton was able to report in September, 1940, that the Sailors and Soldiers Help Society had provided a marquee measuring 50ft x 36ft with a

"good wooden floor in it all in one piece, and we have installed our own Delco lighting plant". At that stage, the Society was providing chaplains with portable altars, communion vessels and linen,

important because the Army then did not provide such facilities for its chaplains. In 1941, the

Society reported to the Synod that they had already provided "300,000 letterheads, 250,000 envelopes and 120,000 leave forms". The amount of

letter-writing material rose rapidly to 1,223,000

letterheads and 667,000 envelopes in 1943 and

levelling off to just over 1,000,000 letterheads

in 1944 and 1945.(28)

The Society also provided accommodation of various kinds. In 1942, the "St George's Service

Club" was established in Creek Street, Brisbane,

at a cost of £900. Within two months of opening it was serving 1,500 meals per month, but by March,

1943, this total had reached 9,886. The 1944

report to the Synod stated that 312,000 meals had

28. Annual Report of the Soldiers and Sailors Help Society, (Church of England) 19**5.

100 been served, at an average of 26,000 per month, made possible by a voluntary staff of 1,000.

Sunday afternoon entertainment and the evening meal were given free of charge to an average of

700-800 men. Six months before the end of the war, the Society reported 27,000 meals per month and a voluntary staff of 1,400. Sleeping accommodation was also offered. "Eskbank", "Brisbane House" and

"Riviera" provided beds and for those unable to pay, accommodation was free. The "Coolangatta Rest

House" offered accommodation at 4/- per day or

25/- per week for up to one month. A club for servicewomen operated in the city, and a hostel was opened at New Farm in 1942. After the war another property, "Kensington" was acquired in

Ann St., Brisbane.

The assistance given to Church of England chaplains was also a hallmark of the society. The directors endeavoured to meet the many requests corning from both Army and RAAF chaplains. The 1944 report of the Society listed:

books on theological, historical and

economic subjects... Bibles, prayer and

devotional books, altar books, hymnals,

psalters, hymn, carol and community

song sheets (as having been) also widely

101 distributed. Crosses, candlesticks, altar hangings and frontals, pictures, vestments, communion linen, wine and wafers... pianos, organs, petrol lamps and hut equipment and

tents ha[d] also been supplied.

All of this assistance makes it appear that Church of England chaplains were well supplied with equipment of all kinds, although much of the above would have been more appropriate to ministry in base areas rather than in forward or combat areas. But the 'Sailors and Soldiers Help Society' believed that all this was necessary since their work "enable(d) our chaplains to administer the sacraments of the Church in more worthy surroundings...[and provide] some deeper reading on religious, moral and social problems". The Society had also realised the unpalatable truth that:

Most men are unacquainted with the Church's teaching and point of view on modern problems, and it is good to know that so many of our chaplains are endeavouring to do something to enlighten them.(29)

29. ibid, 19U.

102 The Anglican Churches also rose to meet the costs associated with this war-time social work.

The two huts at Enoggera and the larger one at

Grovely cost £1,000 in 1941, and £100 was given to support the work in Darwin. Assistance was also given to the "Missions To Seamen", an organization devoted to the care of merchant seamen.. Over

£2,000 was transferred from the Society’s funds to the Mission in four years. The Society appealed to the Diocese for support in 1942, and sought to raise £10,000. The Director believed the Society needed double that amount because of the increasing calls for assistance from many quarters with "almost daily requests...from chaplains and Commanding Officers asking for assistance towards the spiritual and welfare needs of men in camp." Some of the fund-raising ventures were remarkably successful. In 1944 a garden party held in the grounds of "Bishopsbourne" and costing only

£19 raised £560 unaided by any taxation concessions. It was not until 1943 that the State and Federal governments granted any tax relief to the Society. In 1945 the Society reported to Synod that since September 1939, £82,922 had passed through the Society’s books of account, some

£20,000 having been contributed directly to the

103 appeal. The Director's wish uttered in 1942 had been fulfilled. (30)

The Roman Catholic Church also embarked upon a

programme of support for servicemen and women. The Church had been criticised during and after World War I because of its war effort and set about to correct that criticism. "Experience has shown us that in order to cater for their spiritual needs we must avail ourselves of every opportunity to succour them in their temporal needs". The

original account of the setting up of the Queensland Catholic Welfare Organisation noted that other denominations had "popularised themselves and gained many adherents ...(from our own soldiers). How sincere is the apostolic spirit in us who profess the true Faith if we allow souls to be won from it?" The Church was concerned about an image which had attached itself to the Church during and following the first World War: The Q.C.W.O. was established by His Grace (Most Rev. J.Duhig, Archbishop of Brisbane) to give the lie to those who accused us of not being patriotic in the last war and of not doing our part in patriotic works. It

is for each individual Catholic to show Australians that we are true lovers of Australia by our interest in the men who

30. ibid, 19U.

10*» have offered their lives for Australia’s

defence. (31)

In 1940, the name was changed to the "Catholic

Patriotic And Armed Forces Welfare Association"

(C.P.A.F.W.A.) and in August of that year, the Rt

Rev Monsignor V.G. English was elected President of the Queensland branch of the Association. The first general meeting heard that they had the princely sum of £75/3/11, but that work was under way in the Redbank, Caloundra and Grovely areas.

The Redbank hut needed urgent repairs, and there was no structure at all at Grovely. The Catholic

Daughters of Australia were given the responsibility for entertainment and tea for the armed forces on week-end leave. Various committees were set up to deal with such issues as finance, entertainment, transport and publicity etc., and the meeting approved the sum of £800 for the erection of a furnished hut at Grovely. Membership was open to all who supported the aims of the association with an annual fee of l/-.(32) Once operating, the association moved quickly, other huts being opened in Ipswich and Toowoomba that same year.

The Association faced two problems in its early history, one internal and the other

31. Anonymous Memorandum, Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Brisbane, 25 November 4939- 32. Pender, T.J. Correspondence with Archbishop Duhig, 7 August 4940. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane.

105 external, each with far reaching consequences. The

Catholic Daughters of Australia wrote to their

Patron, Archbishop Duhig, over the problem of money raising. Advertising had indicated that profits from the British Empire Fair then being organised would go directly to the C. P. A. F.W.A., but in fact one third of the profit was to be taken by the Franciscans. The women of the board offered their resignations because "such action leaves all our patriotic efforts to be discredited by a section of the press which would welcome the opportunity".(33) The Archbishop expressed his

"astonishment at the tone of the letter" and indicated that he would not consider the matter until all the relevant procedures for settling disputes had been exhausted.(34) Since the

Association could hardly have functioned without the co-operation of the women, (there were over

400 members in their group) the C.P.A.F.W.A. backed down, although they maintained that there was really nothing wrong with the original arrangement.

In March 1943, the Secretary of the now renamed Catholic United Services Auxiliary

(C.U.S.A.), T.J. Pender, applied to the Minister for the Army, F.M.Forde, for official recognition as a patriotic organisation under the "Patriotic

33. Quinn, J. Correspondence with Archbishop Duhig, 21 February 19*t1. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane. 3^. Duhig, Archbishop J. Correspondence with the Catholic Women's Auxilliary, 15 February 1941.

106 Funds Administration Act of 1939". Pender's

application was well-written and clearly stated the aims and objects of the C.U.S.A. The group was

self-supporting, and had made substantial donations to the Red Cross and the Comforts Fund.

Since its inception it had established welfare huts at Redbank, Grovely, Chermside, Enoggera,

Cabarlah, Ipswich and Toowoomba, Chapels at RAAF

stations, rest rooms in Brisbane with cafe, lounge

and library facilities, a hostel for men on leave

in Brisbane, ten rest rooms throughout country

areas in Queensland, a Prisoners of War

Information Bureau, etc. C.U.S.A. had a

membership of 2,500 throughout the State, 1,000 of

whom were in Brisbane, and with over 150 women and

girls who had completed first aid and nursing

courses.(35)

Forde refused to grant the recognition they

sought, claiming that the spiritual work of which

they wrote was adequately handled by Roman

Catholic chaplains, and stated that any welfare

groups which went overseas with the troops should

be nondenominational in character. Forde was

prepared to make an exception for the Salvation

Army because "officers of that organisation, by

reason of their social training, are peculiarly

qualified for welfare work amongst the troops". He

35. Pender, T.J. Correspondence with Forde, F.M. (MHR) March 19^3. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane.

107 also believed that the Salvation Army, Y.M.C.A,

Y.W.C.A., and the Australian Comforts Fund adequately covered the welfare needs of the troops, while the Red Cross had "undertaken the

responsibility for the welfare of all sick and

wounded personnel of the forces".(36)

The refusal amazed the President, Mons.

English, who pointed out that his people worked

for the organisations mentioned above, but stated

that he believed "the Y.M.C.A. and the Salvation

Army receive[d] all the encomiums from the troops

in action". Mons. English also stated that the

Roman Catholic workers were as well-trained as any

other welfare officers, and requested that

C.U.S.A.’s honorary secretary, T.J.Pender be

released from the services to undertake the task

full-time. Mons. English wrote that he had four

bishops and one Archbishop backing him in this

request. It would be interesting to speculate

whether it was this or other pressure which

brought about a reversal in attitude on the part

of the Minister, for on 15 May 1943, he wrote

saying he now approved C.U.S.A.’ s request after

having "discussed this matter with the

Commander-in-Chief (General Sir Thomas Blarney). . .

it is now clear that there are no obstacles to the

recognition of C.U.S.A. " . (37)

36. Forde, F.M.(MHR) Correspondence with the Catholic United Servicemen’s Auxil liary(CUSA) 26 April 19^3. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane. 37. English, Mons. V. Correspondence with Forde, F.M.(MHR) April *1943- Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane.

108 C.U.S.A. was then required to state its proposals for its work in operational areas. Four depots were to be established in Brisbane,

Townsville, Darwin and Port Moresby with an assistant Field Commissioner in charge, and service clubs were to be established where the facilities were available. Four mobile canteens were to be attached to each Division of the A.I.F. and these were to dispense comforts, writing material etc., free of charge. Chapels were to be established at Australian General Hospitals and

Convalescent Depots. Marquees were to be supplied to Field Hospitals, a work which had begun through

Roman Catholic Army chaplains. Staff requirements for the organisation required a field director, four assistant field directors and four welfare officers to each Australian division, all of whom, were to be paid by C.U.S.A. at £8 per week, the same rate as Y.M.C.A. welfare officers. It was anticipated that nearly £29,000 would be required to establish the programme and facilities, and

C.U.S.A. in Queensland would require a budget of

£750 per week to maintain the work.(38) The director and welfare officers were required to compile a monthly statistical report which dealt with the type and frequency of group activities

38. CUSA submission to Forde, F.M.(MHR), 26 March 19A3 Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane.

109 conducted, average attendances and usage of facilities.(39)

Later the same year there were further difficulties for the work of C.U.S.A. The

Auxilliary had planned to erect new hostel accommodation in Ann St. , Brisbane, but permission was refused by the Deputy Director of War

Organisation of Industry. The Acting Manager of the State Advances Corporation in Brisbane directed C.U.S.A.’s attention to the possibility of securing an existing building and that a

"reasonable expenditure" on such a. building "will be entertained". He suggested that a site in

Turbot St. might prove suitable.(40) It did not, and a further site in New Farm was suggested five months later by the Minister for War Organisation of Industry, Mr Dedman.(41)

Towards the end of the war, C.U.S.A. began to look at the issues of rehabilitation. For some time, the names of Roman Catholic servicemen and women returning through Brisbane had been sent by the Senior Chaplain Lines of Communcication (L. of

C.) CHAP Daly to the parishes to which they belonged. The purpose was to give the home parish some information regarding the soldier’s interests etc., so that he could be helped in the transition

39* CUSA Annual Report, 19^A. AO. Grunning, J. Correspondence with the State Advances Corporation, Queensland, 19 November 19A3.Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane. A1. Dedman, J.J. Correspondence with Archbishop Duhig, 13 March 19AA. Roman Catholic Archives, Brisbane.

110 to civilian life. The work had become too much for one man, and the task was taken over by C.U.S.A. in June 1945.(42)

The Annual Report of C.U.S.A. in September

1946 summarised the work done during the war years and offered thanks to God for Australia’s deliverance. Some installations had already closed down but others were still necessary, although the amount of work which could be undertaken was

"strictly limited by the Patriotic Funds

Administration Act".(43) Chaplains and chapels were still to be assisted in Australia as well as the Occupation Force in Japan. Chapels at

Amberley, Sandgate, Redbank and Enoggera were still operating though others had closed. The chapel at Greenslopes Hospital was to be maintained in peace-time by C.U.S.A.

Among the articles supplied by C.U.S.A. to

Roman Catholic chaplains during the war were altar breads, prayer books and other religious articles such as rosaries, medals, crucifixes etc., letter-heads and envelopes, Christmas cards, library books, and when the Pacific war ended in

1945, "£100 was sent to each divisional chaplain to provide amenities for the troops to celebrate the occasion". When Senior Chaplain Daly was

A2. CUSA Annual Report 19A5. A3, ibid, 19A6.

111 appointed to the Prisoner of War Rehabilitation

Group for Singapore, the Board of C.U.S.A. gave him £1,500 for work among Australian prisoners.

C.U.S.A. rest rooms and hostels had provided 1.5 million meals and 70,000 beds in Brisbane. The

Concert Party had given 416 concerts in six years.

To honour the work done by Catholic women, a special medal was struck and presented by

Archbishop Duhig to nearly 1,000 women. The very successful "Front Line Carnival" had raised

£102,000 and after the war the C.U.S.A.

Information Bureau had handled 2,190 enquiries on matters such as employment, accommodation, housing, pensions etc.(44)

In addition to the support the chaplains received from home, the chaplains themselves were required to support the war effort. One of the most important tasks which they performed assisted the war effort by relieving other officers of some of their duties. Thus Australian Army chaplains were taught the need for security and censorship in Australia as well as overseas with the aim of stopping or minimising leakage of information to the enemy. Chaplains were appointed official censors in July 1943, although they were not issued with official stamps and were not the Unit censor. Some chaplains found the task "distasteful

H. ibid.

112 and unnecessary", others that it was a job which had to be done for the benefit of all. Others saw it as a "sacred duty" similar to the receiving of confessions or disclosures in counselling situations. When viewed in this light, the chaplains were thus able to enter into the soldier's confidence and perhaps assist with family and personal problems.

The British and Foreign Bible Society (as it was then called) offered very valuable support to chaplains through the donation and distribution of

Bibles and New Testaments free of charge to service personnel. The appeal for funds began in

November 1939, and a message from the King was inserted into every copy of the special New

Testament. It read:

I commend the reading of this book.

For centuries the Bible has been a

wholesome and strengthening influence

in our national life, and it behoves us

in these momentous days, to turn with

renewed faith to this Divine source

of comfort and inspiration.(45)

*»5. Annual Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society Nov embe r 1939.

113 The Argus, the Geelong Advertiser and later (1943) the Courier Mail set up special funds for the purpose but by 1940, 203,000 portions (a B.F.B.S. term) of the Bible had been distributed, and another 200,000 in 1941 at a cost of 8d. each. The books were distributed by hand through chaplains,

Y.M.C.A. and later Y.W.C.A. welfare workers, as well as by specially appointed Bible

Society distributors .(46) An introduction to the

New Testament was also printed in 1941, because, as the chaplains had already discovered, many of the soldiers did not have even a rudimentary understanding of the Bible. The distribution work suffered a set-back in 1942 when the bindery in

London was bombed, but this did not stop the

Queensland branch, for example, distributing more books than the branch could pay for. (47) In that same year, a distribution work was begun among internees and P.O.W.s in Australia, and requests from chaplains in P.O.W. camps in Italy and

Germany were met so that by the end of the war, the Society had distributed 393,136 portions from the servicemen’s special fund. (48) This special fund still exists and is regularly used by chaplains of all denominations.

The need for other types of literature was also becoming apparent. One of the chaplains at

46. ibid, 1941. 47. ibid, 1942. 48. ibid, 1945.

114 112 Australian General Hospital(AGH), Greenslopes, QLD, A.C.Stevenson(CE) had recently returned from the Middle East. He believed there was a need for "some small but adequate manual" which could be given to patients on admittance to hospital, containing prayers, teaching and general guidance, together with service for the sick and the wounded. He believed that the patients had time in hospital to reflect upon their situation.(49) CHAP

Pidd(CE) of 2/2 A.G.H. had similar ideas:

I am seeking especially hard to 'influence’

sick officers during their time here. Much could be done at hospitals. . . by a more liberal supply of literature. Such a field would justify a definite policy amongst hospital chaplains and a considerable expenditure on readable pamphlets and books.

(50)

CHAP Stevenson also wrote to Archbishop Wand asking his "opinion and guidance on the use of Unction" at the hospital because he believed that the condition of many of the patients warranted the introduction of this ministry. He said he had become "very conscious of this more tangible and effective expression of our faith [rather] than my own inadequate prayers and ministry".(51) Wand’s

A9.Stevenson, CHAP.A.C. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 1A April 19^3. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 50. Pidd, CHAP.A. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 26 April '1943- Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 51. Stevenson, op.cit. 115 reply is not recorded, but perhaps only because of his imminent departure for Britain to take up his new appointment as Bishop of Bath where he continued to act as a liaison chaplain for

Australian servicemen in Britain. However, the requests of both Stevenson and Pidd indicate at least that they were endeavouring to come to terms with the nature of their ministry in the midst of suffering.

The A.I.F. chaplain’s war kit consisted of the basic issues as befitted their status as officers.

However, under the guidance of those who had had previous experience of war and in particular those returning from the Middle East, there were additions suggested such as medical supplies (see below), and some advice as to non-standard equipment which might be carried. A good deal of discretion was permitted the chaplain in carrying what might be of value in his ministry, but this

"entirely depend(ed) on his own sensible selection and elimination." (52).

The chaplain was issued with a solid trunk and a small suitcase, with good stout locks and straps. These were usually left at some base area and more immediate needs were to be carried in a sleeping valaise, pack and haversack. Chaplains

52.AAChD Kit Instruction, undated.

116 were issued with steel helmets although it is doubtful whether these were used often in New

Guinea judging by photographs in various publications. Other head gear included the cap and the slouch hat. He was also issued with a:

haversack, waterbottle, mess tin,

gas mask, whistle and lanyard,

binoculars (not considered essential),

electric torch, map case and

protractor, prismatic compass,

field service dressing,

identity disc, notebooks...

paybook and a housewife

(Army terminology for uniform

mending materials).(53)

Sleeping gear included:

the sleeping valise (waterproof), two

blankets (sewn up at the bottom and

three-quarters up the side), one

waterproof sheet, camp stretcher...

pillow . . .one air cushion, circular,

hip, small, three sheets and two

pillow cases. (54-)

Uniforms consisted of both heavy and light weight materials for tunics, trousers, shorts etc.

Cloth breeches were an optional piece of uniform

53. ibid. 5k. ibid.

117 for as yet puttees were worn instead of the gaiters which were introduced later. Other clothing reflected the fact that training might be conducted in both hot and cold climates. Brushing, cleaning and toilet gear was also carried.

It was also suggested that chaplains should purchase a small case in which to carry medical supplies when they were separated from the Army

Medical Corps, with whom they frequently worked.

The list included:

chlorodyne...iodine...Enos...

aspirin... sticking plaster,

a primus stove...cotton wool...

throat pastilles. . .bandages. . .

insecticide and Fuller’s earth.(55).

The experience of chaplains who had already served in some theatre of war was passed on to new men enlisting early in 1942. The list of articles suggested to chaplains as part of their personal gear can perhaps be best described as 'bits and pieces which might come in handy’. Chaplains were encouraged to keep a store of such articles and, warned that they would eventually need them

'badly’, were advised "not trust to luck to pick things up sometime later; that is a fallacy we have all fallen in over.(56).

55. ibid. 56. ibid.

118 Prior to March, 1942, most chaplains appeared to assemble and take into the Army with them their own pieces of ecclesiastical equipment. The Kit

Instruction cited above suggested that chaplains should have:

a communion outfit in a leather case,

cassock, surplice, stole and scarf,

flask for wine...wafer bread (sheets in

tins), paper serviettes for purificators,

Communion books, a small Bible, Prayer

Book and a book of tunes...and (possibly)

a small portable harmonium.

However, the Finance General Memorandum No. 63 of 31 March 1942, announced that in view of the fact that the equipment tables did not make provision for ecclesiastical supplies they would henceforth be paid an allowance to cover the use of their own equipment. The memorandum stated that:

Approval is now given for the payment

of an allowance not exceeding £6

Australian Currency, to be payable to

each chaplain serving with the A.I.F.

or called up for continuous full-time

duty with the Military Forces engaged in

home defence, upon production of evidence

119 that he is in possession of a Communion

Set or Mass equipment.(57)

The payment was to be made through the paybook system to try to overcome the possibility that a chaplain might receive more than one payment. It is not clear how Salvation Army chaplains might have fared here, since being a group with no sacramental ministry they were probably not entitled to the allowance. Some chaplains, such as those who were Baptists or Churches of Christ probably travelled lighter than Church of England, or Roman Catholic chaplains who might also have carried an altar stone for example, although some

Protestant chaplains have indicated that they always carried considerable quantities of New

Testaments for distribution.

Communion wine was not supplied to chaplains through the Army Q system until December 1943. In

January of the following year it was decided that the Army would supply 'Penfolds Port* for Church of England communion, Sacramental wine for Mass and unfermented wine for Protestant Denominations.

(58). The unfermented wine may have caused some problems so far as storage is concerned.

Experiments conducted by the author in Australia on field exercises in the early 1980s showed that

57. Finance General Memorandum No. 63, 1942. 58 Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, December 1943 and January 1944. 120 even today something other than grape juice is necessary because it deteriorates rapidly.

Alcohol-removed wines were not available to World

War II chaplains, and Protestant chaplains sought other answers to the problem. Some diverted for their own use the communion wine destined for other denominations (59). The justifications of any

Methodist chaplains who resorted to this, (the

Methodist Church was staunchly teetotal, at least for the members of the clergy) would make interesting reading!

In Australia, CHAP Marks (BAF'T) made use of each communion service to contact relatives at home. "I invited all who attended to write their name and home address in a book that I provided. I promised to write home to the person nominated to say that they had been at communion". (60)

But there were some strange comparisons in

Australia. While most Army chaplains had to contend with makeshift chapels and were happy to have any building at all, RAAF Stations were more substantial. The Church of England at Bradfield

Park built a chapel for an RAAF base which included two stained-glass windows donated by the

Parish of St Alban, Linfield, and other windows were promised.(61) 59. ibid, 22 June 19^. 60. Marks, CHAP. E. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 10 September 1986. 61. Capellanus. May 19*»5.

121 A special relationship existed between the AAChD and the women's services. The chaplains were concerned about a number of issues relating to the female soldiers, as were the several civilian women’s organisations, and a number of important conferences were held to decide the policy of the AAChD with regard to women in the Services. Given the climate of the times, the chaplains were probably no more condescending towards the women than any other element within the Army and opinions vary concerning their place and worth in the Army. But the chaplains did endeavour to minister to them as best they could, and officers among the Australian Women’s Army Service (AWAS) appear to have co-operated with the chaplains for the benefit of the women under their control. In March 1943 there were twenty-seven locations in the Brisbane metropolitan area where the women were located, including schools and colleges, church homes,and the Victoria Park golf links as well as the gun stations at Corinda, New Farm, Hendra and Hemmant.(62) One of the earliest concerns of the AAChD about the AWAS was the problem of small groups of women travelling on troop trains, and the CHAPSGEN raised this question in their conference in July 1943. The AAChD also questioned the posting of women to Port

62. Skou, CAPT. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C.Wand, 28 March 19^3* Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

122 Morseby(63) and were further concerned about their health in New Guinea as late as February 1945. In order to assess the methods of ministry to the women, a comprehensive questionnaire was sent by the AAChD to all formations in December 1943 which led three months later to a special conference between the AAChD, the AWAS and the Australia Army

Medical Women's Service(AAMWS).

Chaplains were given authority to visit AWAS prisoners in civilian gaols for the first time in

January 1944(64) but had earlier been given the sensitive task of censoring the letters written by females, the only males authorised by the Director of Military Intelligence to do so.(65) In some places there were problems relating to the attendance of women at Church parades, and separate hymnbooks together with a service book for use by the AWAS officers conducting church services were obtained in December 1943.(66) A special book of readings and prayers was later compiled and sent to the Minister of the Army with the request that it be forwarded to the Duchess of

Gloucester for a foreword. The work was finalised

in June 1945.(67)

The AAChD also decided to establish a library for the use of the women's services. By May 1945,

63- Minutes: CHAPS6EN Conference, November 19^3. 6A. ibid. January 191ti». 65. ibid.August 19*»3. 66. ibid.December 19^3. 67. ibid. March and June 19^5.

123 £1,280 had been donated by the Christian Churches and the Jewish War Effort Circle, and the female liaison staff officer working within the AAChD had selected and despatched over 4,000 books for use by chaplains with the AWAS. There was also a small supply of children’s books as well.(68) In a letter to the September issue of Canellanus, CHAP

Pidd(CE), who had long advocated a special literature effort among the servicemen, was able to announce that a brochure had been prepared by a special committee "setting out the channels of service presented by the various agencies of the Church of England". CHAP Pidd believed that the brochure would help to bridge some of the gaps between the Churches and the service personnel which had become quite obvious during the conf1ict.(69)

During the war, there were a number of important conferences instigated by the AAChD to discuss the ministry of chaplains to females in the Services. An early report by CAPT Hartshorn came to the conclusion that "the consensus of opinion is against the appointment of women in the special role of chaplains’ assistants".(70)

Another special conference was held on 10 August 1943 with the heads of the AWAS again considering the suggestion that there should be female

68. Capellanus. May 19**5. 69. ibid. September 19*»5. 70. AAChD Post War Report, op. cit. Appendix 9* Australian War Memorial Written Records 1939-191»5. Item 88/1/1.

124 assistants for the CHAPSGEN, as existed in

England.(71) In June 1944, the L.O. met Mrs Arthur who visited Australia representing the Ministry of

Information, the British YWCA and Mrs Winston

Churchill. Mrs Grenfell advocated the idea of women as assistants to chaplains, but it was explained to her that the situation was quite different in Australia. The CHAPSGEN decided against the suggestion, but did approve the appointment of a senior AWAS officer (MAJ K.

Deasey) who would be a liaison officer(LO) to the

CHAPSGEN, supervise religious work and organise activities among females. MAJ Deasey began her work on 22 November 1943. The needs of Roman

Catholic women were to be met by their own organisation.(72) One of the first tasks was to prepare a Christmas greeting to AWAS, but because of the paper shortage, only 3,000 were distributed to the women, approximately 10%. of the total in the Army.(73) A few months later, hymnbooks for the women had been obtained, and a service book was now available to AWAS officers so that they could conduct services of worship.(74) In addition, special designs for chapels in AWAS barracks were approved which when built were to be decorated by the AWAS. Particularly popular were

71. AAChD files. CH 85/1/19^3. National Archives, Melbourne. 72. AAChD Post War Report, Appendix 9- op.cit. 73. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, August 19^3. AAChD Post War Report, Appendix 9- op.cit.

125 pictures of General Montgomery reading the lesson at a service in France.

Another conference in March 1944, this time including the AWAMWS, decided that AWAS should not be posted in small groups only and that they should be posted to reasonable climates. There was also a great deal of discussion over relationships between Australian women and Allied troops. The conference considered a form used by the US military authorities when marriage was contemplated. This form however did not provide sufficient protection for the woman, and the conference considered whether the issue should go before the Adjutant General(ADJGEN) or even to Pariiament.(75) Following a visit to the Northern Terrrtory, the LO reported that there was a need for chaplains to keep in touch with the controllers of AWAS, and that they should make requests to visit the AWAS’ messes. She also reported that some of the women had become interested in the welfare of aboriginal women. MAJ Deasey reported that there were some male officers who considered that the extra welfare required for the women produced strains within their units. To give credence to one of the points made in the March 1944 meeting (above), she reported that while the women had been we11-cared for at

75. ibid.

126 Adelaide River, there were really too few of them posted there for their own benefit.(76) Having initially opposed the appointment of a liaison officer to the AAChD, the C-in-C now agreed to an increase in the staff of the liaison section by the addition of a CAPT, SGT and typiste, all AWAS.

He also approved extra grants for music and literature requirements to the value of £800.(77)

In May 1945, the editor of Canellanus was able to report to his readers on the progress being made by the liaison officer. Some sixteen months had elapsed since her appointment and the editor noted that female liaison officers had been appointed to look after "their interests in training, quartering, clothing, education and amenities". A similar appointment in the AAChD was made to ensure that the spiritual welfare of women in the Army would be safeguarded.(78) The chaplains, the Australian Army Nursing

Service(AANS) and AAMWS had worked closely together in hospitals, and from the earliest days of the AWAS Officers’ Schools there had been voluntary morning prayers, and lectures on the role of the chaplain given at AWAS Administration

Schools for senior officers as well as for cadets.

Points made in the lectures stressed the

importance of informal contacts between chaplains

76. Minutes CHAPSGEN Conference, May 19^. 77. ibid, June “1944. 78. ibid, August 19^.

127 and the AWAS, including the setting aside of a special interview room where counselling could be conducted. Regular conferences took place to discuss welfare matters and opportunities were given for chaplains to organise choirs for Church services. Drapes and kneelers had also been made for chapels. The liaison work was necessary to ensure that each denomination had the facilities it needed for its worship and it was stressed in the Schools that women officers had to attend to the needs of "each denomination, no matter what their own might be".

The duties of the liaison officer as described in Capellanus included visits to all areas where women served, and at each place it was the duty of the LO to refer to the important developments in the work initiated by the AAChD. This included "the supplying of books, music and pictures, initiating performances of religious plays, the compilation of a book of Readings and Prayers to meet the special requirements of women on service". It would appear that the arrangements worked quite well in those areas where the chaplains and AWAS co-operated. AWAS officers were frequent visitors to the office of the CHAPSGEN who reported that numerous groups were meeting for study and worship, attributable to the successful

128 work of the LO. The chaplain who won the confidence of the women through friendship found that his assistance was sought in spiritual matters. The editor of Capellanus also saw that the links made in wartime would benefit the

Church and the nation when peace finally came:

Any instruction received in

the Army from chaplains on

spiritual and ethical matters

will help to form a background

against which a section of the

future generation of the country

will be reared. For this reason

alone, assistance afforded by

chaplains to AWS is a matter

of the highest national importance.(79)

Chaplains were faced with a number of issues in Australia. Prior to the fall of Singapore and the bombing of Darwin, there had been a general

lack of awareness about the future of events among the civilian population in Australia, in spite of cries such as "Wake Up Australians!"(80). The problems then faced by a large army being trained for war in Australia meant that many military commanders looked to chaplains for some assistance

in dealing with the problems of morale. Nelson

79. Capellanus. May 19^5. 80. Crowley, F.K. Modern Australia in Documents. Vol. 2. 1939-1970. Melbourne, 1973. p.53-

129 cites soldiers who admitted that there was a "bit of strife trying to control men bored by garrison duties".(81) This was only to be expected. Men trained in combat skills and ready for action were

probably more adversely affected than men in the

service units, since the latter could be more

readily employed in the work for which they had

been trained. This despite the fact that about

sixty bombing raids had been experienced in the

Northern Territory . However, some units such as

the Northern Australian Observation Unit enjoyed

high morale and esteem even in this difficult

period. (82)

There were two issues which were of greatest

concern to chaplains with troops in Australia. The

first was the reluctance of Australian soldiers to

attend Church services and the second was the

problem of venereal disease. The Bishop of Bendigo

writing to his colleague, the Bishop of North

Queensland in response to a query about Church

services offered his experience in Puckapunyal as

a guide. It would appear that there had been a

very poor attendance at the advertised service at

7.15am, and he pointed out that a second

celebration of Communion could have been held at

10:30am. But he went on to observe:

If they came in the numbers we

81. Nelson, H. Prisoners of War— Australians Under Nippon. >Sydney, 1985. p.12. 82. Vane,CAPT. A.nThe Surveillance of Northern Australia.” in the Defence Force Journal, No. 1^, 1 979 - p-28.

130 have experienced at Puckapunyal

you would probably have found ten

to twenty communicants of the C.of E...

And that out of some 4,000 in the

Brigade...and spare parts up

to 3,000 extra. (83)

Religious ignorance was a related problem.

"Fifty per cent of the 'Anglicans’ on parade" he continued, "could not tell you where the 'agreed’ service differs from Mattins". (84) The small number of men making their communions in Australia

"leaves me cold", concluded the Bishop. This lack of attendance is not surprising since there were other chaplains who considered that the soldiers were "sadly ignorant (religiously) [his parenthesis] material".(85)

Two Baptist chaplains, A.Pryor and F. Starr, also found that attendances were small in

Australian Army Camps, but both attest that the nearer the front and the fighting, the greater the attendance at services and the more requests to conduct services of worship including Communion.

(86) Of course, troops who had been confined within camp boundaries for the week, or longer, with the prospect of service overseas in a battle zone, or close to a capital city for the first

83. Riley, CHAPGEN(CE), Bishop of Bendigo. Correspondence with the Bishop of North Queensland. 17 March 19*t0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 8A. ibid. 85. Pidd, CHAP.A. op.cit. 86. Prior, CHAP. A. and Starr, CHAP.F. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 1986.

131 time in their lives, were likely to make the most of their leave and head for larger centres of population. Many of them attended Churches in the cities, such as St Matthew’s, Manly, the George

St. Baptist Church, and many others which catered for their physical and spiritual needs.

Wartime volunteers and conscripts represent a cross-section of society and reflect the attitudes from the places from which they come. It is therefore possible that the chaplains were among the first to observe the secularisation of the

Australian society, which has accelerated in recent decades and has been reflected in disillusionment with formal worship. Some chaplains saw this as an added challenge; others seemed content to try to order compulsory parades but these were resented by the troops. The Bishop of North Queensland also put part of the blame on the Army itself, explaining:

I know of the gratuitous hindrances

to their [chaplains] work arising

out of the weak and ambiguous

nature of our understandings with

the Australian Military Authorities,

and from the over-confident attempts

of Commanders to solve the problems

of Christian unity by short cuts

132 of their own.(87)

"Agreed” services had been worked out so that

Church of England and Protestant Denominations chaplains could minister to the non-Roman Catholic group within a unit. But these were not popular with many Anglican chaplains and were tolerated perhaps with a view to something better being

arranged for Anglicans. The Bishop of Bendigo, the

Anglican Chaplain General in his correspondence

with the Bishop of North Queensland seemed to

think this way. In 1940 he wrote:

Once the Brigades have got away

from Australia, there will be far

more hope of our getting our own men

separately for Anglican services. At

present the organization makes it

difficult, and if we say too much we

shall lose all we have gained and the

Army will appoint more Free Church

padres who will take any service they

are asked... Where you have troops all

together and can separate the

sheep from the goats easily, then let

us have the C. of E. men separately

for Mattins. (88)

87. Bishop of North Queensland Correspondence with CHAP6EN Riley, 2 April 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 88. Riley, CHAPGEN Correspondence with the Bishop of North Queensland, 17 March 19^0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

133 The Roman Catholic group always acted separately from Anglican and Protestant Groups. The Bishop of North Queensland believed that the Roman Catholic Church always got her way. He advocated a tough approach in order to obtain more Anglican chaplains on the grounds that Anglicans made up fifty per cent of the population but did not have fifty per cent of the chaplains in the

Army:

I find that if we approach them (ie the Army) reminding them that we represent 50% or more of the community, making certain definite demands, we get what we want. And why not? Rome with less than 20% is absolutely peremptory, and no Department Military or otherwise, likes to refuse her demands. (89)

On the other hand, quite early in the war, Roman Catholic chaplains began identifying leading Catholic soldiers in each unit who would know the

Roman Catholics in his company or battalion, be the liaison between Catholics and the chaplain, and be the one to rally the men for the service of Mass when the chaplain would visit.(90).This

89. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with CHAP6EN Riley, 2 April WO. 90. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op. cit. method together with the widespread acceptance that Roman Catholics were different from other groups appears to have contributed to the solidarity of that group.

The problem of denominationalism may well have contributed to the lack of attendance at voluntary

Church services in Australia. The experience of the First World War had set a pattern for

Christian ministry within the mind of the soldier, and the folklore surrounding World War I chaplains seems to have settled more easily into the egalitarian mind of the Australian serviceman than upon some elements of the Christian Church. An adherence to strict segregation on the grounds of religious denomination seems to have been counter to experience and personal loyalty, and in combat areas was not practical anyway. So far as Anglican insistence was concerned, an over-emphasis on denominationalism was probably self-defeating.

In the Middle East, and before the withdrawal of Australians to fight in the SWPA, venereal disease had not been a great problem, accounting for about 1% of hospital admissions.

(91) Later, the problem was much worse, among the soldiers and civilian workers. The Australian Army

Chaplains’ Department contributed chaplains to the

91. Nelson, op.cit. p.16.

135 special teams set up to educate the Army about the disease.The first team operated from Sydney first of all (30 December 1943) but by May of the following year teams had been set up in New South

Wales, South & North Queensland and Victoria. The team consisted of a chaplain, a doctor and an administration officer, but the campaign did not always run smoothly. The Army produced some anti-VD pamphlets without consultation with the

Chaplains General as the Army was bound to do when

issues of morals were being considered. The failure to do this was in direct contravention of an instruction by the Commander in Chief and after submissions by the Chaplains General to the

Adjutant General, the anti-VD pamphlets were withdrawn. It would appear that their main concern was that the pamphlets might have been distributed to AWAS, for whom the AAChD had a special responsibility. (92)

Attendance at the VD lectures was compulsory.

Each new group of enlisted men were given the

lecture by the medical officer and the chaplain,

and a film was screened as well. Special emphasis was paid to the recruit camp at Cowra, NSW, probably because of the opportunity to speak to men new to the Army, but part of the problem of

venereal disease was also traced to civilians. In

92. Minutes: OHAPSGEN Conference A May 19^.

136 February 1945 the Chaplains General began writing to the heads of their various denominations suggesting that there be similar campaigns amongst civilian workers. (93) The South Queensland team was particularly busy in its work. In a report to the Chaplains General in March 1945 CHAP Wakeley (CC) reported that he had visited all the camps in the South Queensland area and given 151 lectures in 158 days, and £468 worth of printed material had been distributed. He reported that the lectures had been well received. (94) Estimates of the effectiveness of the campaign vary however.

Many chaplains had never heard of the campaign, and CHAP Wootten, an Anglican, recalls that what he saw of the programme was poor: The 'horror' pictures and stories were a source of amusement to the men, but, [he noted wryly] my first batch of VD were conscientious objectors to Church parades. (95)

Chaplains were posted to the staff of the special VD hospitals, but it might not have been a popular posting. CHAP F. Hartley (METH) was posted there after he publicly objected to Blarney’s hate campaign against the Japanese, and in particular to his comment that the Japanese were 'ape-like creatures’.(96) 93. ibid, February 19^*5. 9*t. ibid, March '19A5- 95. Wotton,CHAP. R. Correspondence with R.W. Tippett, 10 September 1986. 96. ibid.

137 The questions of rank and pay for chaplains also had their origins in World War I. In that conflict, the chaplains had served with the normal badges of rank of officers, commencing with the worn rank of captain which was to approximate their level of training and experience gathered in their normal civilian clerical duties. Badges of rank were relinquished in 1920 and were not restored until 18 September 1942 (97), but not before there had been considerable debate both within Army and ecclesiastical circles. The matter of wearing badges of rank was discussed at a conference in Melbourne on 11 March 1942 where it was stated that badges of rank should be restored because "chaplains had suffered indignities from officers and men through their non-recognition as commissioned officers" and because they were being confused with Welfare and Comforts Fund Officers.

Chaplains of other Armies wore badges of rank as did the RAAF, and the forty-three chaplains in the

Middle East overwhelmingly voted for their return, there being one vote against, that of the (then)

Senior Chaplain Bishop Riley, though there were seven abstentions. At that time, the Roman

Catholic Chaplain General, Dr Mannix did not desire the restoration of rank either.(98) But by

June, 1942, and probably due to further

97. General Routine Order A. 398. Australian Military Regulation 592. 98. Lyons, Mons. J. in Minutes: CHAPSGEN Special Conference 11 March 19*»2.

138 information and advice from his Deputy recently returned from the Middle East (though DCHAPGEN

McCarthy himself had once opposed rank for chaplains), Dr Mannix addressed a long statement to the Minister for the Army setting out in the strongest possible terms the reasons why badges of rank should be restored to the chaplains as soon as possible. The Anglican Chaplain General, Bishop

Riley continued to oppose the move, but he certainly did not represent the majority of his chaplains on this issue.(99) And it must have been somewhat embarrassing for Bishop Riley to find that Anglican chaplains based in Queensland had approached the Methodist Chaplain General with a view to the rank being restored. Bishop Riley, who argued for increased pay rather than rank, had served under Blarney in the Middle East and he had the support of the Commander-in-Chief who considered that it was not in the best interests of the Forces that chaplains be granted the badges of rank of officers:

The chaplain’s best work is

carried out and his influence

is greatest when he is

personally most closely identified

with the men. The rank and badges

of an officer place him, in the

99. Rentoul, CHAPGEN T.C.(Meth) Memorandum to Prisk, BRIG. R.C.G. Deputy Assistant Adjutant General (DAAG) Army HQ 25 March 19*»2.

139 eyes of the men, as one having authority. Their attitude towards him inevitably becomes the same as towards their superiors in the forces. He is therefore handicapped in winning the confidence of the troops and his value as their spiritual advisor

is greatly diminished. . . . The most revered chaplains and the ones whose work has been most

effective in the Army have been those who have kept in closest contact with the troops and anything which tends to reduce that contact is to be deplored. (100)

The battle moved into a higher gear. On 15 July 1942, Chaplain General Rentoul(METH) wrote to the Minister of Munitions Mr Norman Makin [himself a prominent Methodist] about the issue and went so far as to suggest that Bishop Riley’s objections

to rank had nothing to do with the Army: The only explanation I can suggest...is that he thinks the present method is working

to the advantage of his own denomination. He and some of his

100. Blarney, GEN Sir Thomas, Correspondence with Forde, F.M. (MHR) 17 June 1942. men carry their Church rank into

Army circles ...therefore some

of them would not enjoy having

a chaplain of another denomination

with higher rank badges than

themselves if the two were

working in the same unit. I am

definitely of the opinion that

the Bishop’s opposition

is purely on denominational grounds,

and is not associated with the

idea of Army efficiency.(101)

Archbishop Booth (ANG) enlisted the aid ot

Arthur Calwell, the Labor MP, soon to become

Minister for Information. The pressure on the

Minister led him to present the request to the

Commander-in-Chief again, reciting all the reasons given by the the Chaplains General and others, and on the 15 August 1942 the decision was taken to restore badges of rank to the chaplains. (102)

Prior to 1942, the chaplains’ uniform was distinguished by black edging to the epaulets and

chevrons on the lower part of the sleeve, also in

black, indicated the number of years of service

outside of Australia. Dress Orders laid down that

Chaplains General were to wear "gorget patches of

101. Rentoul, CHAP6EN T.C. (Meth) Correspondence with Makin, N. (MHR) 15 July 19*»2. 102. Forde, F.M.(MHR) Minute signed 1A August 19*»2. black cloth with a line of gold oakleaf embroidered down the centre and a small black gorget button. Chaplains with the relative rank of

Colonel will wear black gorget patches with a line of silk gimp (in black) down the centre and a small black gorget button". Chaplains were permitted to wear either the clerical collar or a black tie though "Roman Catholic chaplains by the direction of the CHAPGEN (RC) may not wear a tie under any circumstances". For a time, badges of rank were superimposed on the epaulets, and although the black bars disappeared in 1942, the black tie remained. In fact, the black tie was still being worn in Southern Command (Victoria) until 1969, when it was replaced with the khaki woollen knitted tie. A chaplain posted to an

Infantry Brigade wore the colour patch of the

Brigade, not of the Regiment to which he might have been attached. Towards the end of World War

II, a design for a chaplains' colour patch was submitted to the Master General of Ordnance; the design consisted of a black background with a vertical Latin cross which would replace the cross patte. The cross was to be embroidered in gold.

The design appears to have been finally completed on 8 August, 1945, but was deferred indefinitely

later that same month. (103)

103. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference 13 July 1943. The status and precedence of chaplains was laid down in General Routine Order(GRO) 33 A 33.

"As commissioned officers", it read,

"chaplains are entitled to all the

privileges and compliments paid to officers

and ranks corresponding to the various

classifications of chaplains. Commanding

officers are responsible for ensuring that

respect in keeping with their status and

calling is paid to chaplains by officers

and men and that every reasonable facility

is granted for the performance of their

duties".

Chaplains were to be called 'chaplain' or

'padre' (though GRO 33/1/1255 forbade the use of the term in official correspondence), 'The

Reverend..., Chaplain of the Forces, or in conversation, 'Mr. . . ' or 'Father. . . ’.They were not to be addressed as captain, major etc, nor to be called 'Senior Chaplain' as a title even though a chaplain may have held the position of senior chaplain in a division. Australian chaplains were not to be called 'Reverend Major' etc., a term often used to address British Army Chaplains. The use of the word 'padre' (originally a Spanish term adopted by the British in India) in the form of

1*3 address signified a more friendly approach, although the 2nd Australian Army encouraged the complimentary title. The RO A216/43 ordered that

"officers and soldiers can only use prescribed means of address", and that other titles from outside influences were forbidden. There were (and still are) a few unauthorised titles as well !

The rank structure of the AAChD in mid-1943 consisted of the following:

LHQ: five CHAPSGEN (MAJGEN)

HQ Army: three A/CHAPSGEN 1st cl.(COL)

HQ Camp: three D.A/CHAPSGEN 2nd cl.(LTCOL)

HQ DIV: one SENCHAP (Denominational

ratios) 3rd cl.(MAJ)

HQ L of C:(QLD,NSW, VIC) five SENCHAPS

3rd cl.(MAJ) (104)

Proportional arrangements were made for South

Australia, Western Australia and Tasmania. Also in

1943, the principle of promotion was fixed at one-in-ten and a later proposal that it be one-in-seven was not approved. Changes in war establishments meant reversions in rank for some, accompanied by some embarrassment, but the

CHAPSGEN hoped to regain relinquished rank for chaplains after the war. (105) The number of SEN

104. ibid. August 1945. 105* ibid. October 1943. PLATE 2.

Detai1 of t.he uniform of CHAP (Cl ass 4). M. Winkler (Luth) and of CHAPGEN A. Brooke, CHAPGEN (UC).

1*5 Chaplain1s Badge. CHAPS in the New Guinea force came to the attention of the C-in-C and in November of 1943, the AMR&O which abolished promotion for years of service caused many inequities and embarrassments for chaplains. Twelve months later, the CHAPSGEN made a submission to the C-in-C requesting that promotion be given to a fourth class chaplain who had served at least three and a half years, with at least six months of overseas service.(106) In

February, 1945, it was decided that Jewish rabbis were to be included in any further promotions of chaplains, and on the question of substantive rank, there were to be no recommendations above second class.(107)

Most chaplains believed that their work was enhanced because of the rank. CHAP McCullough

(BAPT) believed that only those who had not served without rank were in favour of no rank and Bishop

Morgan believes that the soldiers were pleased and genuinely proud that their chaplain had been given the rank and status he deserved within the system.

The question of rank became important and necessary because of the administrative development which was beginning to take place within the AAChD as well as the standing of the chaplain within the Army structure.(108) Most chaplains seemed to have had the belief that they

106. ibid, November 19^. 107. ibid, February 19^5- 108. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op. cit.

1A7 held their rank on behalf of the soldiers they served enabling them to work for the soldier's best interests. Their official place within the rank structure was recognised by the soldier and that the chaplain held power on their behalf.(109)

However, CHAP Hoilard (CC), found that:

Many of the soldiers resented

the pips and crowns on the padre's

shoulders, for to them, perhaps

unconsciously, the padre didn't

stand for the authority of the

Armed Services, and thus the State--

he stood for God and they liked

to think of him in that way.

After all, so many of those men came

to the padre as God’s man as distinct

from the Captain who was the Army's

man. And this is a very dramatic

and treasured part of life.(110)

Others preferred the black stripes. But if the principle of making complaints through the system was valuable for the soldier's benefit, it may not have been profitable for the chaplain to do so on his own behalf. The pencil comments of the

chaplain who attended the Second Chaplains' School

in Sydney reflect that position. "He may as well

cut his own throat", he wrote.

109- ibid. 110. Hollard, CHAP. E.P.C. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 1 April 1986. Early in October, 1939, and following a

meeting of clergy in his diocese, the Church of

England Bishop of Goulburn wrote to the Primate of

Australia on the matter of chaplains' pay. He

pointed out that:

the custom in the last war was

that all chaplains, whatever

their rank, drew only

the pay of captain's rank. We

recommend that action be taken

to ensure that all active service

chaplains should receive the

pay of the relative rank to

which they attain.(Ill)

The question of the nexus between chaplains'

rank and pay was to be an issue all throughout the

war and to the present. If taken literally, the

Bishop of Goulburn's committee was suggesting that

a Chaplain General with the worn rank of MAJGEN

and in charge of 280 chaplains should be paid at

the same rate as the commander of a full infantry

division. This was clearly absurd. The CHAPSGEN

were to be constantly concerned with rates of pay

for themselves and for their chaplains. In August

1943, problems regarding pay emerged, since some

chaplains were being paid at a higher rate than

others because of their high rank gained in the

111. Bergman, Bishop E. Bishop of Goulburn. Clergy Committee on Army Chaplaincy, 6 October 1939. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

1A9 First World War. (112) The Goulburn clergy referred to above also suggested that:

Chaplains who have not had

previous active service

experience should commence

their duties on the pay of

captain, regardless of their

non-active service rank. (113)

It was finally decided that the CHAPSGEN

should be paid at the rate of colonels, but the pay and allowances issue was made the subject of

special conferences with the treasury in 1943

(114) and at other times throughout the war. The

CHAPSGEN wore the rank of Majors General, however

the Senior Jewish chaplain, Rabbi Danglow, wore

only the rank of a colonel. He objected to wearing

the lower rank, and with some justification, since

he was doing the same job as the others though

with fewer men. However, an appeal to the C-in-C

failed to make any change in the badges of rank

worn though after an approach to the treasury by

CHAPGEN Rentoul, Rabbi Danglow began to be paid at

the same rate as the CHAPSGEN. (115)

The pay of CHAPSGEN was complicated by the

fact that CHAPGEN Riley was still attached to his

diocese. The pay of other chaplains was confusing

112. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference August 1943- 113. Bishop of Goulburn, op. c i t. 11 . Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference August 1943. 115. ibid, November 1943.

150 because some chaplains were required to give three months full-time service followed by three months back in their own parish, making administration quite difficult. However, this was changed early in 1942 when chaplains were called up for the duration of the war. Furthermore, the Goulburn clergy voiced their objection to any chaplain who might be elected to the position of president in one of the Protestant churches, being appointed to a senior rank as a chaplain because of that, and then continuing to occupy and presumably receive remuneration for that rank at a later period.(116)

In August, 1944 the field chaplains made representation to DCHAPGEN Me Carthy when he visited New Guinea, requesting that pay be in accordance with worn rank.(117) However, the outcome of the request is not clear, though some chaplains, notably the 'free church’ chaplains, received better pay in the Army as chaplains than they did in their parishes at home.(118) Another

Protestant chaplain wrote that "When I compared my qualifications with other specialist officers, I had no qualms of conscience".(119) Still others did not really know what their pay rate was, and were happy to let the sum accumulate in their paybooks until the end of the war. The pay of

CHAPSGEN, which had been brought before the 116. Bishop of Goulburn, op. cit. 117. Minutes:CHAPSGEN Conference August 19^. 118. Prior, CHAP.A. op.cit. 119. MARKS, CHAP.E. op.cit.

151 authorities in 1942 still had not been resolved in

March 1945, when it was admitted by Army staff that the file had been 'inadvertantly’ put away.

(120) The CHAPSGEN received no pay at all between

January and June 1942, and from June to December only two of the five received the appropriate rate of pay. "The others were on two days per week at

MAJGEN rate plus full-time when travelling on duty". (121). Their pay rate was later amended to that of a LTCOL., but accommodation and travel bills were not re-imbursed.Their back pay finally came through on 30 May 1945, thus ending the sorry saga.(122)

Australian Army Chaplains also had a ministry to prisoners of war and internees being held in

Australia. Heads of religious denominations were granted permission to visit in December 1940(123)

and a few weeks later permission was extended to provide for a deputy. Permission was also granted to the Lutheran Church.(124) The visitors were to keep strictly to spiritual matters and were not to canvass the conditions existing in the camps as these matters were the responsibility of "Official

Visitors".(125) The net which had picked up and

interned Japanese residents in Australia provoked

120. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference March 19*»5. 121. AAChD Post War Report, op. c i t. 122. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference May 19^5- 123. Australian Military Forces, Northern Command. Correspond­ ence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, A December 19*t0. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 12*t. ibid, 2 January 19A1. 125. ibid.

152 Archdeacon Glover, then of Toowoomba, to write to Archbishop Wand seeking assistance for Stanley Makure interned in Brisbane. The Archdeacon was prepared to vouch personally for this man: “He was prepared for baptism and confirmation...(and) was a valued member of St James’ Church. Stanley is a genuine Christian, and a splendid fellow in every way...and he will miss his communions. It might be possible for one of your chaplains to get in touch with him".(126)

Access to prisoners was not always easy and was at times a controversial matter, such as Dr Mannix’s objections to the imprisonment on 24 October 1940 of the Pallotine Missionary Fathers in the gaol in Broome, Western Australia. The Rev. R. St. George also complained in 1943 that he had been barred from visiting Japanese prisoners. Archbishop Wand, to whom he had complained, took up the matter with the G.O.C. who indicated that chaplains were not to be hindered in any way. However, the Archbishop suggested that the problems might have arisen over the need for Intelligence to keep prisoners separated until interrogation had been completed.(127) The

CHAPSGEN became concerned about Japanese prisoners in Australia and in February 1945, wrote to the

126. Glover, Archdeacon. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 16 December 1941. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 127. Wand,Archbishop J.W.C. Correspondence with Rev. R. St George, 17 March 1943- Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

153 British and Foreign Bible Society asking whether

Bibles in Chinese would be suitable for

distribution among Japanese. The answer to that

was not very long in coming!(128) There were

instances however where the language and religious

barriers were broken down. CHAP Starr(BAPT) was

called to visit a prisoner in hospital in Goulburn

who was being particularly difficult in the ward.

He was able to obtain a Hew Testament in Japanese

which the man began to read, and the violent

episodes diminished.(129)

CHAP R. Ogden(CE) had contact with Italian

prisoners at Cowra and he recalls that they were a

"cheerful lot, always singing".(130) During the

Cowra breakout (4-5 August 1944), in which 231

Japanese were killed and 108 injured, 12 (or 15

according to the Cowra Guardian of 15 November

1949) bodies were discovered together and it was

suggested that they were Christians who may have

suffered at the hands of their country-men.(131)

CHAP F. McGuinn(RC) administered last rites to

the Australians who died on the night of the

breakout whether they were Roman Catholics or

not.(132) Later he said, "It turned out that two

of them weren’t Catholics, but it was better to be

sure".(133)

128. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, February 19^5. 129. Starr, CHAP.F. op.cit. 130. Ogden, CHAP.R. op.cit. 131. Gordon, H. Die Like The Carp. Melbourne, 1978. p.18 A. 132. ibid, p.135. 133. ibid, p.229.

15*t PLATE 3.

Burial of Australian soldiers killed during the breakout of Japanese POWs, Cowra, 5 August 1944. CHAP McQuinn(RC) was the chaplain who gave the last rites to those killed.

"The remains of all Japanese soldiers in Darwin and other places together with the remains of Japanese people who died in internment camps in Australia were transported to Cow^ra for interment in 1964". (Cowra Tourist And Development Corporation.)

Reproduced with the permission of Mr B. Morrison, Cowra Historical Society.

155

While not Army chaplains, members of the Society of Friends as religiously motivated people took a particular interest in the internees. Members were appointed special visitors and produced reports about the camps and their visits.

Of particular interest to the Society were members of compounds 7 and 8 at Hay in NSW as here were housed men who were brought to Australia in the S.S. Dunera in September 1940 with about 2,000 other refugees and internees. Approximately 1,700 were Jewish, 90 were Roman Catholics and there were nearly 200 Protestants, most of whom had some association with the Society of Friends. The report of the visit by E. Sydney Morris, President of the European Emergency Committee (November 1940) recommended "that German Lutheran Bibles and hymn books" should be donated, and he suggested that a sum of £100 should be set aside for their provision. £150 was later col 1ected. (134 ) Six weeks after Morris's original visit, the Society found that the climate in the camp had changed dramatically, and as Morris discovered, the camp was now much more security-counscious . Visitors were now regarded as "unwarranted intruder(s) and ...unmitigated nuisance(s). Clergy were required to have passes to visit internees in hospitals and the previous arrangement of holding religious

434•Morris, E. Sydney. European Emergency Committee Report, No.1. (Society of Friends) 11 November 19A0.

157 services inside the compounds had been changed.

Intending worshippers were now marched under guard to the place where the worship service was to be held.(135)

One of the Army chaplains, CHAP F. Alcorn

(CC), is remembered by some of the internees for his non-denorninational services inside the camp.

He also thoughtfully brought newspapers into the camp and he converted a number of internees to

Christianity. Fr Koenig, a Jesuit, and himself an

internee also conducted services at the Hay camp.(136) The location and the trying climate was particularly difficult for the internees, and CHAP

Alcorn’s services took on an added value, in that:

most of us regarded his visits more f or

their value as a sign of life f rom the

outside world, rather than a promise of

everlasting life...in fact, some of CHAP

Alcorn’s congregation were there as

'refugees’ from the extremely noisy Sabbath

services of the orthodox group [of

Jews].(137)

Other groups also took an interest in the

plight of the internees. These included the

Student Christian Movement, the Victorian

International Refugee Emergency Committee and the

135* Morris, E. Sydney. European Emergency Committee Report, No. 2. (Society of Friends) 21 January 19^1. 136. Seaton, E. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 17 January 1987. 137- Leiser, G. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 26 February 1987.

158 Inter-Church Committee for Non-Aryan Christian

Refugees.(138)

On 10 May 1940 CHAP M.F.Toal complained to the

Minister for the Army that he had been hindered in

his ministry to Japanese Roman Catholic internees

at Loveday in South Australia. However, the

commander of the L. of C. wrote that the chaplain

had "no Army experience...found discipline

irksorne. . . and did not appreciate that security

measures occupied first place. The medical board

intervened otherwise it would have been necessary

to make recommendations for his disposal". The

chaplain concerned believed the report of the

commander to be "gravely defamatory". He produced

carbon copies of his written requests to the

commander which proved that he had used the

military system and showed his attempts to do his

work as a priest.(139)

It would appear that the chaplains who served

with units in Australia had very little contact

with aborigines, though a number of chaplains

remember them as well-integrated members of

battalions overseas. The minutes of the

conferences of the CHAPSGEN make scant reference

to aborigines. This may have been because some

aboriginal communities were moved away by

138. Tikotin, P. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 21 March 1987 139- Australian Archive File MP 508. 56/70A/32A. National Archives, Melbourne.

159 missionaries in order to avoid contact with the

Army. However, the CHAPSGEN were very concerned at the burial of an aboriginal girl in the Northern

Territory which they considered had "repulsive aspects" and they received a "tentative report" about the burial in January 1943, but the report was never included in their minutes.(140)

While much attention is given to the soldiers who served overseas in World War II, the overseas effort could not have been sustained without a solid base in Australia. This was also true of the chaplains’ work. On the personal level, it was

important that the chaplain’s wife be of

assistance rather than a hindrance. The Bishop of

North Queensland for example, was very concerned

about the welfare of one of his chaplains but he

agreed with the Archbishop when the letter laid the blame for whatever was the problem with the

chaplain’s wife:

I expect you are right and that it

is Mrs....who makes her husband

restless. He is often saying that

he is afraid he won’t be able to

stop long, the circumstances being

so adverse.(141)

1**0. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, January 19*»3* 1A1. Bishop of North Queensland. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 30 May 19*t2. Anglican Archives, Brisbane.

160 The bishop went on to deplore the intention of the chaplain's wife to go and live in a tent near to where her husband was a chaplain. The Bishop wanted her to remain where she was; "anyway", the Bishop continued, "her husband comes to see her once a week...that ought to do".(142)

At the organizational level it was vital that the Chaplains General, the Australian Army Chaplains' Department and the female liaison officer's staff be located close to the headquarters. The attempt to train chaplains through the schools conducted by the Department and those conducted by officer training establishments met with some success but was hindered in that not all chaplains attended. The "social" or "war work" of all the Churches aided by para-church organisations such as the British and Foreign Bible Society, YMCA, YWCA etc. , was a considerable success being greatly appreciated by the chaplains and soldiers despite the frustrations of war-time restrictions on money, man power and commodities such as paper. It was from this solid base in Australia that support was given to those chaplains who served overseas in the South West Pacific Area.

1*t2. ibid.

161 CHAPTER 4.

CHAPLAINCY OVERSEAS.

Chaplaincy overseas posed numerous problems for chaplains, but the war also provided unique opportunities for Australian clergymen to minister to men and women in the war effort. The most successful chaplains appear to have been those who could adapt to the war situation themselves and who were able to make their ministry applicable to the needs of servicemen. The conduct of worship was always important, although- the nature of the war in the South West Pacific Area meant that a chaplain's ministry was more likely to be among small groups of men and hence personal and hospital work were basic to their chaplaincy.

Attendances varied at Church services overseas, as they had done in Australia, for both the compulsory parade service and the voluntary services. Attendance at the compulsory services was always contentious for the men, and for numerous chaplains as well.The zeal of the commanding officer could also make things difficult for the chaplain if he tried to make

Church services compulsory. This did nothing but produce more conscientious objectors and a grudging attendance on the part of the many who

162 did attend The chaplains often relate the differences in the tone between the voluntary and compulsory church services. It is possible therefore that the really effective services of worship from one point of view were those when the service was related to some particular event, for example, before or after a battle or at the time of one of the major Christian festivals. Other chaplains found the smaller, personal services were the most effective and were prepared to conduct many of them. CHAP Starr conducted a service on each of the guns in his area, and on Easter Sunday (1943) held sixteen services, conducting the communion services with groups where they sat.(l)

At least Protestant chaplains believed that the general atmosphere was usually better when the men attended voluntarily, probably because the men did not like to be treated as children. CHAP H. Norris(CC) always requested that the Church services be entirely voluntary and that "nobody would be penalised" for not attending. He found that after the battalion had been in action, very few absented themselves.(2) However, there was another side to the compulsory Church services. CHAP E.P.C.Hoilard, also Churches of Christ, was in two minds over the issue. He felt that

1. Starr, CHAP. F. Taped Interview with R.W.Tippett, 25 July 1986 . 2. Norris, CHAP. H. Taped Interview with R.W.Tippett, October 1986 .

163 sometimes the compulsory services were an imposition, "that it was religion by force", but he could also see some good coming from them, as it was always possible that a soldier would f ind the answer to something confounding him:

This meant that the chaplain must always

have something to say. If a chaplain preached to appease the establishment or court favour with the Army brass, then he had no business to be there. As far as I

was concerned, it was always a life and

death situation. (3)

Army Church services in the open were fraught with difficulty. Singing to the accompaniment of small organs (when available) was attempted by some chaplains in the conduct of worship, but the organs were sometimes pitched hopelessly high for mens' voices and consequently may have been little better than no music at all. CHAP Macliver played his violin for church services and sing songs, and another chaplain considered singing to the playing of a mandolin, but he was thwarted as the mandolin player was often on duty. There were other difficulties as well. One warrant officer in charge of catering was generally a sober man but

3-Hollard, CHAP. E.P.C. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 1 April 1986. on his birthday he demanded that he should always have a drink with the CO, and that the band should play his favourite tune. He arranged for the YMCA representative to have his tune played over the loud speaker. Not far away the chaplain was endeavouring to conduct a Church service, but the mixture of the hymn "Onward Christian Soldiers" and "Deep In The Heart Of Texas" was not a good one. "The chaplain strode forth, an avenging angel. I don't know where he told them to take the YMCA van, but the service was uninterrupted thereafter".(4)

Improvisation was often necessary for chaplains in the field and what would have been rejected as unsuitable in parishes in Australia was highly prized during the conflict. In September 1943 one group found themselves at a former Lutheran mission station in New Guinea which had an organ:

It [had] unfortunately been hit by a large lump of lead, but [it] still plays a wheezy

tune. The Padre hopes to use it tomorrow. A note of irony is provided by the mission bell, which bears an inscription in German to the effect that it was presented by some

• Ackland, J. &. R. (eds) Word From John. An Australian Soldiers Letters To His Friends. Sydney, 1 9^ A . p . 2 00.

165 public-spirited readers of a Nuremberg

Mission Paper.(5)

Church services confronted chaplains with a

wide range of congregations as well as locations

and instruments. CHAP Ogden(CE) remembers an open

air service for the full brigade with bands and

full ceremonial, "the largest congregation to

which I ever preached". (6) But he also remembers

vividly the service he held in a half-wrecked

house which was crowded with recently liberated

civilians, mostly Chinese:

They knew the old Prayer Book service [but]

I had to preach through an interpreter--[I]

took a number of baptisms in an old tin

wash-up dish. That service finished with '0

Come All Ye Faithful', some singing in

English, some in Malay, and the rest in

Chinese but all to the same old air. It was

the first service the locals had had since

the Japanese occupation. They forbade any

Christian activity.(7)

CHAP Ogden also recalls that at Milne Bay the

Anglican chaplains were approached by a group of

Hebrews to form and lead a synagogue for them.

Readings in the services were from the Old

5. ibid. 6. Ogden, CHAP. R. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 10 Septem ber 1986 . 7. ibid.

166 Testament only, but one of the provisos for agreeing to conduct the service was that the Christian chaplains should be permitted to give the Christian interpretation of the passage. Apparently this arrangement worked well for many months. (8) In some of the larger centres, such as Milne Bay, it was also possible for choirs to be formed, and CHAP Lambert(CE) used a choir of twelve voices to good effect.(9)

For Roman Catholic chaplains the Mass Kit was vital but there were many difficulties obtaining altar breads and wine. Two Mass Kits were needed; in base areas more substantial articles and fittings such as a larger bell and crucifix could be used, but in more forward areas a smaller bell and crucifix were carried in a bag, together with vestments, such as an alb, made of light weight material, which was permitted to be green in colour because of the conditions in the jungle.(10) Another Roman Catholic, CHAP O'Callaghan, recalls celebrating the shortest Mass of his life. He had a roving commission to units that did not have a Roman Catholic chaplain, and he finally arrived at an advanced squadron of the 7th Division Cavalry Commandos:

8. ibid. 9. Lambert, CHAP. L. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 29 October 1986. 10. Morgan, Bishop J.A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 1986 .

167 The Roman Catholics also had not seen a Priest since leaving Morotai; they assembled for Mass and as I was about to begin, a sig. came through from an advanced patrol that they were pinned down under heavy fire and needed immediate relief. It

looked like a cancellation and I requested

five minutes to prepare the boys. The

section leader replied, 'Certainly, Padre',

and I then celebrated the shortest Mass of

my life; an offering of Bread and Wine, a

Consecration and Communion, and thus fortified, they joined their mates and marched into battle once more and successfully relieved their comrades.(11)

There were opportunities too for what has been described as 'personal work’ amongst the servicemen and women. The chaplain, by virtue of his rank and his function, was often 'up front' doing what he was required to do in the performance of his spiritual duties. But returned chaplains often speak with fervour of their role as a counsellor and friend to members of the Army.

This part of their role required that they spend longer in a unit than the time needed to simply conduct a service, but where this time could be

11. O'Callaghan, CHAP. J. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 3 November 1986.

168 found there were many rewards. In this type of contact, it is likely that the men began to feel that the Church, of which the chaplains were the representative, held them to be of value as individuals, when much else in the services was done by numbers. It was therefore especially important for the chaplains to seek out the men, often in small groups, who were isolated by geography or by function, and offer to them what companionship, assistance and counsel they could.

The chaplains welcomed this type of work.

"Fellows yarned about their hopes and fears, their future, their loved ones at home, their ideas of the Church and Christianity". (12) In this way marriages were saved and problems given new solutions. When CHAP Ogden conducted the multi-language service for liberated Chinese civilians, he found that among his congregation was the widow and son of the leading Christian, who had been beheaded by the Japanese only two days before the Australian landing. By contrast, he recalls he was asked, "one night of full moon, to help a horne-sick and love-sick youngster complete a poem, bogged down in the middle, to his beloved". (13) Bishop Morgan (RC) also wrote a proposal of marriage on behalf of a soldier.(14)

Informal discussion regarding personal problems

12. Marks, CHAP. E. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 10 September 1986. 13- Ogden, CHAP.R. 0 p. cit. 14. Morgan, Bishop J.A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 1987.

169 would often follow a church service, and for some led on to confirmation in their various Churches.

CHAP Lambert conducted his confirmation classes at night, preparing candidates in the hope that a bishop might appear and be able to conduct a service of confirmation. (15)

There were instances too where the seed sown in one place bore fruit in another. CHAP Norris received a letter in Jan 1943 from SGT Jeff Davis of the 2/12th Battalion(BN), who had become a

Christian when he had been stationed at the

Springbank Camp in South Australia. In his letter,

SGT Davis explained that he attributed his loss of fear to his acceptance of Christ. He believed that he was only very young in the faith and that his beliefs were very simple. However, he went on to explain:

It seems to me that too many folk think of

the Christian faith is a prize in heaven

for being a good boy on earth. My faith is

to me the incentive to make the best use of

my life here on earth, knowing that it

isn't the end of my life.

Eleven days later, CHAP Norris learned of the death of SGT Davis who had been killed by a

Japanese tank at Huggin's road block, and it was

15- Lambert, CHAP. L. op.cit.

170 discovered that his last letter had been one to his brother in the Navy, urging him to also become a Christian. CHAP Norris recalled that the group had fought at the battles of Buna, Gona and

Sanananda and were now resting at Donadabu, the rest camp near Morseby. A corporal from the 2/12 BN whom the padre had known in South Australia as a most agrressive atheist had come to him deeply impressed by the Christian witness of SGT Davis.

The soldier said:

Jeff Davis was my friend. Jeff's life was

changed when he accepted Christ as his

Saviour. He got more 'kick'out of life than

the rest of us. He never put himself first. It was always his men first. If I thought that the end of a life like Jeff's was death, I'd go mad. His life must go on; I want to be a Christian, and if I live after this war, I want to make something of my

life and do the things Jeff would have

done.(16)

CHAP Norris also recalls that at Sanananda, the 2/10 BN and the 18th Brigade were cut off and surrounded the Japanese force. The 2/10th forced a way through three miles of jungle and then across over two miles of mangrove swamp up to the

16. Norris, CHAP. H. op.cit.

171 armpits. On 22nd January, 1943, following over ten inches of rain, the level of the swamp rose, and

BN headquarters was also now underwater. Among the casualties brought into the RAP was a man named

Ron Nancarrow of Balaklava, S.A. The stretcher was soaked with blood, the soldier's left thigh having been blown to pieces by a Japanese explosive bullet. Dr Verco had dressed the wound, and the soldier was wrapped in blankets and the stretcher lifted onto ammunition boxes. In the early dawn, the padre offered him a drink of water before the natives came to carry him back across the swamp to the hospital. CHAP Norris said:

He recognised me and said, 'Aren't you

Padre Norris from South Aus?' 'Yes’, I

replied. He said, 'We asked you to come to

be our pastor at the Balaklava Church of

Christ, and you did't come'. 'No, Ron,’ I

said, 'but God put me here for you'. He

said, 'Thanks, Padre...and I need you here.

Padre, will you write to Mum and tell her

I'm alright?' His soul was right although

it was clear that his physical body wasn't.

He died on his way back to hospital.(17)

For many of the chaplains who served overseas, experiences such as those related above

17. ibid.

172 not only showed that they were needed for their spiritual work and the personal comfort they could offer bo the suffering and dying, but that their work was a vital service and highly prized by the soldiers.

The load they carried was too much for some and they were replaced by others; some found that their own health failed and others found that their future ministry in civilian life was hampered by their experiences. Seven months after leaving Sydney, CHAP McCullough(BAPT) wrote home in a letter to his wife: "...sometimes I feel as though I am unable to cope with all that has to be done. . .I just can't do it. . .my mail piles up...awfully tired and sleepy". In the same letter there is the sense of agony at having tried and failed. "I fought hard for the lad, but did not succeed ...quite depressed me". (18)

There were times when the chaplains could see more or less immediate and tangible results from their work, but when questioned about their own assessments of the value of their work, in many instances they say " God only knows". And they stress the point that they say those words reverently. Only in rare instances are they able to give an assessment of the work of other

18. McCullough, CHAP. M. Correspondence with his wife, Mrs. A.McCullough, 19^3.

173 chaplains of the same denomination as they worked so often by themselves, or with chaplains of other denominations in teams of three, Church of England, Roman Catholic and Protestant Denominations, a configuration of chaplaincy coverage which exists to this day. There are also different definitions of success. CHAP Lambert was able to present nineteen candidates to Bishop Strong in New Guinea for confirmation and some of the men he prepared for confirmation are still making a contribution to the Sydney Diocese. One has been ordained. Another of the men he ministered to in 5th Division recently retired from active ministry. Chaplains at Moresby were sometimes requested to take the devotional session over station 9PA thereby reaching a much wider audience and in October 1944, CHAP Lambert persuaded Army authorities to build a weatherboard and galvanised iron chapel at Murray Barracks. He restored an old Estey organ which he had found at 7 A.G.H. The building was consecrated on 29 October 1944 in honour of St Mark. But as CHAP Lambert says, “All one can do is just do your best...and leave the result to God". (19)

With such a drain on their strength and personal resources, it was important that they should maintain their own spiritual lives. CHAP 19. Lambert, CHAP.L. op.cit.

174 McCullough believed that he "had not departed from the essential and fundamental concepts of the gospel", although two years later and nearing the end of the conflict, he found that he "felt starved" because some of the religious material which sustained him, such as the Baptist and The Christian Evangelist, had not been redirected from his former unit. He maintained his own personal Bible study and in his letters he seems to have come to a new understanding of the Book of Acts, as perhaps in some manner reflecting his own missionary effort.(20) Two other Baptist chaplains, Starr and Prior, both felt that their ministry was more effective overseas, particularly in giving committed Christians fellowship, and instruction, distributing New Testaments, leading men to a personal commitment to God, and some recipients still speak with appreciation of that ministry over forty years on. (21)

Chaplains who had spent some time with a unit before it went overseas probably had an advantage in their ministry because the links were already forged between the chaplain and the soldier. Those links have in some instances remained very strong.

The 2/10th BN was raised at Woodside, S.A. on 9 Nov 1939, and CHAP Norris joined it in November

1942. He has conducted a memorial service every 20. McCullough, CHAP.M. op.cit. 21. Starr, CHAP. F. and Prior, CHAP. A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 25 July 1986.

175 year and in 1986 he conducted the forty-seventh anniversary for those officers and men of the

2/10th who still remain.(22)

The support of committed laymen was

important particularly when a chaplain was not well known. A small group of keen churchmen who could be relied on to attend services would be a great asset and were the basis upon which a larger wprk might be established. However, some units did not stay in one area for very long. This was simply a hazard of 1war, and any chaplain who believed that the war would stand still for him and his ministry -was doomed to disappointment. The chaplain aid not have the ministry on his own terms as he might have had in his own parish.

Those from Churches with a strong hierarchical structure, used to supervision by ecclesiastical superiors and with a more secure tenure of appointment, may well have found this aspect of military life harder to take. Chaplains from the smaller Protestant denominations with less rigid structures, more used to a pragmatic, less defined ministry and with less official sanction and ecclesiatical supervision may have found it easier to operate alone.

22. Norris, CHAP. H. op.cit.

176 All the personal files kept by the AAChD during the war detailing postings etc have been destroyed and a rudimentary card index system is all that is now held in Army Office.(23) Chaplains were not required to keep diaries during the fighting as had been the practice in World War I; however some were kept and a few have survived. These were not official, and in many instances the only documents available are the letters which members of the chaplain's family have kept. Those seen by the writer tend to be the intimate records of families striving to overcome the difficulties imposed by the war and the distance involved, and it is entirely natural that these remain treasured documents. Some other personal letters exist, but were not offered for examination. Copies of letters written by Methodist chaplains to the Methodist Padres' Auxiliary (which commenced work on 5th July, 1940) are mostly cheerful and express gratitude for parcels and the proceeds of the "one penny fund" sent to them personally, or for the use of the troops. Some chaplains hit on the simple idea of numbering their personal letters consecutively, so that news could be read in sequence; a problem mentioned in one letter could have been solved by the time the next arrived. The letters have been written on all manner of pieces

23. Chaplains’ Records. Office of the Principal Chaplain, Army Office, Canberra.

177 of paper with varied letter heads sponsored by the philanthropic groups and Church help societies. There were frequent delays in receiving mail, changes of posting and the consequent re-direction of mail took time; some took weeks to be delivered and others only a couple of days, (which made the correspondents feel closer than they were) but the apparent reasons for this were lost on both sender and receiver.(24)

Chaplains on duty overseas were official censors of mail, and hence their own correspondence contain only veiled references to places and people, as well as expressions of deep loneliness and flashes of humour. One letter described a Sunday afternoon activity which seems incongruous. The chaplain relates with delicious humour the sight of battle-hardened soldiers running up and down with butterfly nets streaming out behind them trying to catch some magnificent specimens to send home. As one chaplain commented on a Sunday, "hardly a day of rest!" Letters from home were read over and over again, searching for clues and pondering inuendos. There were simple pledges of love and loyalty and thanks to God for the time spent together..." But if I were called away now I could only thank God for all His blessings...if the past were all we had...I could

24. McCullough, CHAP. M. op.cit.

178 look back upon the happiness and benefits bestowed by Him".(25) Chaplains with Bishops or sympathetic Senior Chaplains wrote letters of thanks for the manner in which their v/ives were being cared for back in Australia; some wives took on war work upon which one chaplain said "should help to occupy her mind", believing also that the war was harder on the women at home than the men.(26) Because of the nature of the chaplain’s calling and given the unique nature of their position in the Army, it is likely that their personal letters home held a certain poignancy since most of them were never quite totally involved in the activities of the soldiers and were of course critical of some actions from time to time.

Letters written by chaplains as part of their official or unofficial duties were also welcomed. Bishop K. Short, a former Anglican

Bishop to the Forces, relates that he was recently being driven to an appointment in a chauffeured limousine. The driver asked after some of the chaplains he had known in World War II, and in particular after CHAP Me Cullough. The driver indicated that as a young Scottish immigrant to

Australia, he had driven CHAP McCullough during the war, and at the chaplain’s insistence had given his name, address, his parents’ address in

25. ibid. 26. Stevens0n,CHAP . A.C. Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C. Wand, 8 May 19^2.

179 Scotland, and was surprised to find that the padre had written to the driver's parents ensuring them of his safety and that he was in good spirits. The driver’s mother had died in 1983 and enclosed within her Bible was the letter from CHAP

McCullough written over forty years before. (27)

Australian Army chaplains were heavily involved in a ministry to the wounded. The terrain and nature of the conflict in the South West

Pacific meant that chaplains were often posted to or worked closely with hospitals, doctors and casualty clearing stations, although not apparently with field ambulances. In the larger hospitals, that is those with over 1,500 beds, the

Army gave permission for several chaplains to be present (28).The very valuable experience gained in the war led to appropriate postings later, such as that of CHAP Ogden when he was posted to the CCS. This led after the war to his appointment as a chaplain for over twenty years at the Concord

Repatriation Hospital (NSW) making the journey by bicycle from his home in Manly to Concord. CHAP F.

Starr (Bapt) served in hospitals, C.C.S, M.D.S, and worked closely with the unit doctors. He found this work most effective and satisfying with "many of the lads (coming) into new life in Christ and I

27. Short, Bishop K. Interview with R.W.Tippett, June 1986. 28. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, July *19 ^ 3 •

180 am sure many Christians were helped just when they needed help". (29)

Chaplains of both the Christian and Jewish religions also had a ministry to the dead, and in many instances that ministry transcended differences in denominational teaching and custom which may have been a luxury afforded by those who were not facing the tragedy of war and the possibility of imminent death. Australian chaplains serving overseas were issued with the

Field Service Book Pamplet No 11 A which dealt with the identification of bodies, burials in the field, graves registration, disposal of personal effects, regulations regarding the enemy dead and the burial service. Prior to 1942, it had been the practice to bury the remains in places nominated by next of kin. But a war cabinet decision on 13

November 1942, stated that burial would now take place in the country where the death occurred.

(Burials in Australia were to take place at cemeteries within the areas commanded by "Lines Of

Communication"(L.of C.) later called "Military

Districts"(MD). The L. of C. centred on Sydney, for example commanded three sub-areas which included 37 cemeteries in New South Wales).

29. Ogden, CHAP. R. op.cit.

181 The CHAPSGEN had previously agreed that there should be no division of cemeteries according to denomination, a significant step in view of the wide-spread practice of such designation in Australia in the 1940's. The deceased members were to be buried in individual graves where this v/as at all possible, and where no military cemetery was available, the dead were

to be buried in the nearest civilian cemetery.

Chaplains were required to carefully complete Form

AFW 3314 (Burial Return) various copies of which were to be sent to the Staff Graves Registration Officer, L. of C. and one copy v/as to be kept by the deceased’s parent unit. A system of identification discs was also used; a green disc was placed on the body and the red disc was returned for record purposes. Immediately after the burial service the grave was marked with a graves registration peg with the top of the peg pointing away from the grave at an angle of 45 degrees. A grave registration label was also to be completed by the chaplain or the officer conducting the burial.(30)

Chaplains were delegated to collect the personal effects of the deceased and to send them back to the records authorities. As in World War I, chaplains exercised a ministry through writing

30. Glover, M A J. W. Graves Registration and Burials.(Lecture) Second Australian Army Chaplains' School, Sydney 19^3. (War Cabinet Decision dated 13 November 19^2.)

182 letters to next of kin and AMR & 0 1599 contained orders for communicating with relatives. For example, chaplains were required to let one month elapse before writing to next of kin, but these letters were able to provide a more detailed explanation of the circumstances of the death than was given through official channels.(See CHAP Helmore's (BAPT) letter, Appendix 1). The writing of these letters was never an easy task, and some chaplains found it difficult to write with empathy when the soldier might only be a name or number to them. Some chaplains found however that the replies they received from relatives proved that their letter writing ministry was appreciated. Bishop Morgan also recalled that he was recognised in the street as the chaplain who had written one such letter by a mother whose son had been killed.(31)

Burials were often conducted under great danger no less so in the SWPA than in World War 1, and so vividly recorded by McKernan.(32) Writing about the 39th Bn at Isurava, Bonner recalled the actions of CHAP Earl(RC). He had obtained a spade and hurried out to the forward patrol:

There he found that PTE Hourigan had been killed at a listening post well forward of

31. Morgan, Bisjop J.A. op.cit. 32. McKernan, M. Padre. Australian Chaplains in Gallipoli and France. Sydney, 1986. passim.

183 the main position; but the devoted and intrepid priest marched out alone through No Man's Land, administered the last rites,

dug a grave and buried the man. The enemy

were still about but he returned unscathed

just before the enemy re-opened fire...and

showed themselves again within a hundred

yards of our post.(33)

As well as danger, there was often extreme difficulty in ministering to so many dead. CHAP Norris (CC) landed at Milne Bay on 21st August

1942, one week before the Japanese attacked. He was unable to use the cemetery as Japanese tanks were in the area, but he eventually chose a site in a coconut plantation at Gili Gili. On the 28th August, the first day of the burials, he buried 27 battle casualties. He recalled that he was the only chaplain with 110 CCS during the actual battle at Milne Bay. He said that there "no notice was taken of different denominational

customs...[whether] Roman Catholic, Church of England, Greek Orthodox and the rest".

About a month later he was asked by a graves registration officer to abandon that cemetery and to use another over three miles away from the CCS. He further recalls that between November 1942 and

33. Honner, DSO, MC. LTCOL. R. "The 39th Battalion At Isurava" in the Australian Army Journal, No. 218, July 196?.

18A March 1943 following heavy battles at Milne Bay,

Buna, Gona and Sanananda he buried 11 officers and

151 other ranks killed in action, as well as ministering to 13 officers and 270 other ranks from the 110 CCS and 2/10 BN wounded in the battles. This in addition to those who died of malaria and typhus, so that the 2/10 BN had been reduced to 4 companies with a total of 160 men.(34)

The cemeteries established by chaplains in the coconut groves and many other isolated and hidden places were not the final resting places for

Australian dead. Philip Longworth has described the history of the Commonwealth War Graves

Commission and how its origin had been in the work of the Red Cross under the leadership of Fabian

Ware. The experience of World War 1 had shown that the task was a huge one, and it was not possible for the actual remains of many soldiers to be buried under appropriate headstones. Public speculation to that effect was discouraged by the

Commission: "We have always opposed anything that might lead relatives to imagine that a body was buried when it was not there" Longworth spelt it out further in that :"There would be all sorts of misunderstandings if ever exhumation became necessary".(35)

34. Norris, CHAP. H. o p . c i t. 35. Longworth, P. The Unending Vigil. London, 1967. p. 82.

185 General Routine Order 33. A. 33 dealt with the administration of chaplains and included directions as to the chaplain's channel of communication to Senior Chaplains and Chaplains General. The order stated that the normal channel of communication on matters concerning' his spiritual ministration will be through the Senior

Chaplain of his denomination with the formation. This method of communication was both formal and informal, as much of the available correspondence reveals. Chaplains had the right to approach their respective Chaplain General directly on personal matters and many did, although the quality of the relationships between chaplains and those above them varied. Church of England and Roman Catholic chaplains were probably more used to answering to superiors in hierarchical systems, whereas those from the Protestant denominations may have been disconcerted by the military-ecclesiastical authority they now encountered.

In 1942, Archbishop Wand was delighted to know that the Bishop of New Guinea (Bishop Strong) had been appointed Senior Chaplain to that area, and he believed that the appointment “would be

186 received with universal approbation". In a letter to CHAP C.II. Sharp, Wand told him that he was lucky to be working v/ith such a great man. Wand believed that Bishop Strong had an "extraordinary way not only of inspiring his people v/ith the highest ideals, but of giving adequate literary expression to those ideals when the occasion demands it". (36) There were chaplains who saw very little of their Senior Chaplains and their

Chaplains General. CHAP Ogden(CE) speaks highly of

CHAP F. Hulme-Moir (later the first Anglican

Bishop to the Australian Armed Forces). But he was

"unimpressed by the Bishop of Bendigo". He had greatly admired the Bishop's father, Archbishop

Riley of Perth and the First World War Chaplain

General, of whom he had seen a lot as a young

Cathedral layman in the early 'twenties. "The contrast between father and son was as great as that between Winston Churchill and his son

Randolf". (37) However, CHAP Blake(CE), among many others, thought that Chaplain General Riley was a splendid leader. CHAP D. Redding(CE) (SENCHAP 7th

Division) was much loved and respected, being the:

best known figure in the whole of the

division. He was superb. He visited

chaplains in units, preached at parades,

arranged retreats and conferences. He

36. Wand, Archbishop J.W.C. Correspondence with CHAP. C.H. Sharp, 21 July 19^2. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 37. Ogden, CHAP. R. op.cit.

187 demanded high standards and had not a few

chaplains transferred...I never saw a

Chaplain General and any communication from

him came through CHAP Redding.(38)

CHAP Tugwell (CE), Deputy Assistant Chaplain

General, and CHAP A. Bell (CE) as Assistant

Chaplain General, are both remembered by CHAP

Lambert as"fine, capable men". CHAP Wotton

(CE)recalls that as the chaplains were generally ill-prepared for their job, they simply had to learn the hard way. "In the early period many challenges and opportunities were lost. . . .They

[the chaplains] were lonely, and a good Senior

Chaplain had a real pastor’s job". (39)

Archbishop Mannix had been Chaplain General

(RC) since 1917 but acted ecclesiastically, not administratively, and he appointed as his deputy,

CHAP T.McCarthy. McCarthy was well-prepared for his task through his experience in the Middle East and was noted for his ability to make firm decisions. He had excellent rapport with the senior officers but was "not beyond confronting them" when the need arose, such as the construction of a chapel in New Guinea.(See below)

CHAP Boland(RC), the chaplain on Army HQ, was a 38. Blake, CHAP. D. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 2 June 1988 . 39« Wotton, CHAP. R. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 10 September 1986.

188 "mellow person who understood", and was willing to pass on whatever help he could.(40)

The propensity for conflict which might have occurred within or between the denominations was perhaps more likely within the groupings of the Protestant denominations and their relationships with the other two denominations.

The former included the Presbyterian and

Methodist Churches and after 1942, the United

Churches which encompassed Baptist, Churches of

Christ, Congregational, Lutheran and Salvation

Army chaplains. For a brief time there was also a

Christian Scientist, but his appointment led to some controversy and was eventually revoked.

Despite the disparity in theology and forms of ministry, there appears to have been a remarkable level of acceptance of each other which was far ahead of the relationships which existed in the civilian community at the time. Indeed many chaplains felt that in the experience of war denominational differences meant little and only contributed to the disrepute of Christianity itself. They found that after the war their

*t0. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op.cit.

189 experience had led them to a wider understanding of the nature of Christian ministry without, of course, necessarily leading them to leave their own Church and its teaching.

Opinions about the worth and effectiveness of the Protestant Chaplains General and Senior Chaplains varied. To begin with, CHAP Hollard(CC) found that having to explain the existence of five

Chaplains General "created difficulties which average men found difficult to cope with".(41) Chaplains found that their Chaplains General were "generally helpful and understanding", although one Baptist chaplain believed that they were:

too far back to know what our needs were or what our work was for that matter...I felt the Heads were too caught up with the pomp

and pride of office.(42)

He considers that the Senior Chaplains (they were located at Division HQ) were also too far back and generally were of little help to the chaplains, especially to those further away from the headquarters of the Division. CHAP Starr(BAPT) remembers that there was one exception. CHAP J. Methven(CC) "spent time with rne in Aitape-Wewak and he was a tremendous blessing, but this was an

Hollard, CHAP. E.P.C. op.cit. *t2. Starr, CHAP. F. op.cit.

190 isolated incident".(43) The chain of command did not always work well; on at least one occasion the wife of a chaplain found out from the Chaplain General about a change in posting before the

chaplain himself was informed.

However, writing after the end of the war, the Protestant Chaplains' General reflected on the harmony and co-operation which had been exhibited during the war years. The Methodist Chaplain General, T.C. Rentoul died in December, 1945, but his successor, C.M. Daws, wrote that the

two factors already mentioned, harmony and co-operation, had characterised the war years. He believed that "the degree of efficiency manifested throughout was possible only by the devotion and unselfish service of the chaplains whom the Methodist Church was proud to commission". (44) Chaplain General A. Brooke, United Churches, who led the most disparate group, recorded his deep appreciation of the unity and loyalty shown by all his United Church chaplains. He also wrote:

the fraternal spirit constantly shown by all Chaplains General and the Hebrew Senior Chaplain...the courtesy and help of the DAAG and staff of the AAChD...[meant that] it had been an honour to co-operate with them all in worthwhile service.(45)

43. ibid. 44. Daws,CHAPGEN. C.M. in AAChD Post War Report, 1946. 45. Brooke, CHAPGEN A. in AAChD Post War Report, 1946.

191 This spirit of co-operation was reciprocated by the members of the Hebrew Faith. The Senior Hebrew Chaplain at the end of the war. Rabbi J. Danglow, expressed his deep appreciation for the

assistance given to him in his tasks by the

Christian chaplains. He wrote he was grateful for the cheerful co-operation of the Christian chaplains, especially in the arrangements made for religious services conducted by Jewish laymen:

In some cases where no Jewish chaplain was available for administering last rites for

fallen Jewish soldiers, Christian chaplains, who had been thoughtfully provided by their respective Chaplains General with copies of the Jewish burial service fraternally performed this solemn duty.(46)

The nature of the war in the South West Pacific Area and the policy of the Chaplains General in the distribution of chaplains meant that chaplains often worked by themselves and for long periods of time, did not meet and rarely worked with another chaplain of their own denomination or group of denominations. The policy of the AAChD was to post three chaplains to the

*t6. Danglow, Rabbi J. in AAChD Post War Report, 19*t6.

192 Brigade, and these three comprised one Church of England, one Roman Catholic and one Protestant Denominations chaplain. Towards the end of 1943, the Protestant Denominations Chaplains General decided that "for administrative purposes the work of chaplains of the Presbyterian, Methodist and United Churches [could be performed by] one or other" acting for the three groups, subject to some regulations drawn up by the Chaplains General.(47)

The available correspondence makes known some of the personal feelings which existed about individuals but most of the criticism is directed at the behaviour of some chaplains who were seen as in some manner letting the chaplaincy down. This obviously varied, because the standards of behaviour differed according to the Churches from which the chaplains came, and what was acceptable behaviour in one denomination was not acceptable in another. One chaplain was critical of a colleague of his own denomination: "I hope he doesn’t continue in his know-all ways. Some fellows have not learned how to 'put it over’ in the pastoral style...." Another "condoned some items for the concert which I would roundly condemn".(48) The question of chaplains smoking, drinking and gambling were seen by some Protestant

47. AAChD Post War Report, 1946 . 48. McCullough, CHAP. M. op . cit.

193 chaplains as issues beyond the conscience of the

individual. CHAP Hoilard (CC) recalls that he was often ashamed and placed the untenable position of having:

to make 'explanations' when some chaplains made no bones about their language, and in

particular their use of the bar in the Officers' Mess. I knew of several who regularly had to be helped back to their

tent.(49)

However, if there were some who in the opinion of other chaplains "lowered their colours", there were those who honoured their calling and their country.The death of CHAP W.E. Holt (CE) provided the occasion for such an estimate of his work by his fellow chaplains. CHAP Holt, noted for his ability to march with the troops accompanying them on the piccolo, (50) died of wounds he received tending the wounded at Tarakan, Borneo. He had been ordained deacon and priest by Bishop Riley, the Bishop of Bendigo, and had served first of all with the 6th Division in the Middle East where he had been Mentioned in Dispatches. The obituary in the Church of England Chaplains' magazine Capel1 anus said that he was devoted to his men:

49. Hollard, CHAP. E.P.C. op.cit. 50. Capellanus. 1945.

194 It is not surprising to know that it was in service to them that he gave his life...[his] life and death is an inspiration, not only to his brother chaplains, but also to all those who receive inspiration from deeds of heroic sacrifice.(51)

In a letter to all his chaplains, the Church of England Chaplain General writing in Capellanus

(Feb 1945) also paid tribute to CHAP L.Cula, who died following an operation for appendicitis, saying that everywhere he had served he had won the respect of his units."His heart was right in the work and his going is a distinct loss to us all". Three months later, in another letter in Capel1anus, Bishop Riley had to inform his chaplains of the death of CHAP M. Waugh who was

"killed outright by a plane which landed out of control on his tent". CHAP Waugh had been in that posting for only a few weeks. "It was sheer bad luck and we are all very sorry for his people".(52) The Bishop of Dover paid a visit to the Western Front some time in 1944, visiting all the chaplains and his report was reprinted in

Capellanus in August 1945. He too concluded that the:

51. ibid. 52. ibid, February 19^5.

195 Chaplains, as a whole, are a splendid body

of men, doing' great work. I' rn not sure they

realise themselves how good it is. . .the

majority have more than they can reasonably

mannage, and they are doing their utmost to

meet calls upon them.(53)

The part played in the support of chaplains by organisations and Churches in Australia has been described in the previous chapter but chaplains serving overseas also looked forward to the support given to them by individuals and the congregations they had left upon joining the Army.

This support was in the form of letters and parcels, both for personal use and for use by the troops. The Baptist Church in NSW sent official letters twice per year, as well as irregular notes from the Ministers * Fraternal, al though this system may have broken down in July 1945, as CHAP

McCullough wrote to his wife stating that he had not received any communications from the Church for some time. (54) From his own war-time experiences, he had earlier begun to question the mission of the Church, as he had come to the conclusion that the Churches in Australia were preaching only to the people who came to the

Church building and appeared to be ignoring the rest of Australian society, the majority of whom

53. Bishop of Dover, in Capellanus, August 1945- 5*t. McCullough, CHAP. M. op. cit.

196 now formed the bulk of his military congregation.

CHAP Wotton(CE) found that his old parish did not forget him, and they "offered me a pulpit and altar when on leave".(55) Others had no contact at all once entering the Army, [this was also mentioned in the Bishop of Dover's report on his visit to the Western Front] and one chaplain was disappointed to find that his replacement undid much of his work "especially in the standard of churchmanship".(56)

The chaplains serving overseas were sometimes confronted with applications from men who sought release from the Army to commence studies for the ministry. In February, 1945, CHAPSGEN Brooke and

Rentoul approached the ADJGEN with the problem of what might appear to some as a 'soft option'. A

General Routine Order was subsequently issued to the effect that any nominations for theological releases must be endorsed by the Bishops for the

Church of England and Roman Catholic applicants and by the heads of denominations for all

Protestants. (57) A few weeks later, other conditions were worked out which included the applicant being approved by the Principal of the respective theological college and the nomination being submitted to the CHAPSGEN for recommendation. Failure to complete any course

55- Wotton CHAP.R. o p . c i t. 56. Lambert, CHAP. L. op , c i t. 57. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, February 19^5-

197 undertaken upon release or failure to enter full-time Church work following completion of the course meant an immediate return to service in the

Army.(58) Some theological college Principals refused to accept applications from servicemen under those conditions, but the CHAPSGEN decided that they would not alter the procedure.(59)

The serving chaplains were divided on the question of theological releases. CHAP Prior(BAPT) supported releases of men seeking to enter the ministry and gave his active and successful support to a Captain he served with in Northern Australia who wished to enter the Anglican Ministry.(60) Chaplains themselves were returned to Australia to take up other appointments, such as CHAP (later Anglican Primate, Sir) Marcus Loane, who had been serving on the Kokoda trail. But he told CHAP Ogden how deeply he regretted leaving the Army, under relentless pressure from Archbishop Mowll, to become the Principal of Moore Theological College in Sydney.(61) Other chaplains felt that it was not the time for theological releases. "The fellows in the ranks didn’t appreciate this and it made our acceptance more diffieult".(62) For some chaplains, it was perhaps a question of priorities, a choice between two ideals, the service of God and the service of

58. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, March 19^5- 59- Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, August 19^5. 60. Prior, CHAP. A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 25 July 1986 . 61. Ogden, CHAP. R. op . c i t. 62. Starr, CHAP. F. op.cit.

198 the country. Although he only knew one man who was

released from the Army for this purpose, CHAP

Dryden(CE) felt "it was necessary for men who felt

called to the Church to be released from military

service".(63) CHAP Wotton(CE) also had no personal

knowledge of any theological releases, although he

believed that those who wished to be theological

students should see the war through. At least

three Methodist soldiers were actually ordained in their uniforms on 4 March 1943, and all three,

V.T.L. Roberts, L. T. Ugalde and K.M. Pither,

became chaplains.

CHAP Wotton notes that some f ront 1 ine

chaplains resented their colleagues who got transferred to 'soft' appointments". (64) The

Church of Eng1 and Chaplain General found it necessary in a letter to his chaplains to remind

them that:

we are expected to set a good example in

the matter of sticking to our war

service.The number of requests for release

or compassionate transfer received from

chaplains in regard to themselves has grown

considerably in the last few months. It is

hard to ask the troops to stick it out

unless we are prepared to do so alongside

of them.(65) 63. Dryden, CHAP. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 11 November 1986 . 6^. Wotton, CHAP. R. op.cit. 65. Capellanus, February 1945-

199 In May, the Anglican Chaplain General acknowledged the difficulties in finding suitable men or replacing others and some of his words may be seen as a thinly veiled threat. He found that he had taken fit men from static units and sent them to do the front line work, and those at home were now the older men or those brought back for family or medical reasons. He believed that the older men were doing "great work" but wished that the older men could be replaced by younger men:

Many of us are concerned about the future

in the Church of the young priest who will

have no war service to his credit. He will

find it a handicap to himself and a slur on

his diocese.(66)

The chaplains were often concerned more about the behaviour of soldiers as groups than as individuals, especially where alcohol was a factor.(67) They could be abominable when drunk, excited or demoralised. CHAP Ogden(CE) passed through Port Morseby and saw that St John's

Anglican Church and Rectory:

had been left, looted and completely

wrecked by a drunken mob of militiamen in

the first panic of the Japanese advance

66. Capellanus, May 19^5. 67. Prior, CHAP. A. op.cit.

200 over the Owen Stanleys. The font, a giant

clam shell, smashed with a sledgehammer,

the organ wrecked, memorial tablets pulled

from the walls, books shredded and all

manner of filth everywhere.(68)

(The Church was later restored). Also during the landing at Labuan, CHAP Ogden was disgusted to see other instances of looting. Ele recalled:

I saw one of our fellows rush into a Malay

house and come out on tEie upstairs balcony

twirling the handle of an old-style sewing

machine (probably the v/retched owner's

livelihood) which he then threw into tEie

adjoining canal. Others of tEie same unit

looted the local Roman Catholic Church of

items (which) we later recovered.(69)

However, on balance the chaplains believed that behaviour of tEie troops v/as reasonably good, and in some cases excel lent. They Eiave few complaints aE^out ttie soldiers. In some areas liquor was in sEiort supply, but in areas were it was concocted, "jungle juice" caused problems for soldiers and at least one chaplain:

One of our Captains drank himself into the

DTs. In an adjoining CCS, the CO and a

68. Ogden, CHAP. R. op.cit. 69. ibid.

2 01 chaplain were sent home after being' found

paralytic in the former’s tent on some sort

of home brew. Bub these were

exceptions.(70)

Chaplains were often required to represent the

interest of soldiers within the Army system. In fact, there was a line of reasoning which believed that the chaplains wore the rank they did so that they could represent the soldier at appropriate levels within the Army hierarchy. At the 3 AUS

DIV ORD Vehicle Park at North Ryde, Sydney, one of the drivers was involved in the death of a motor cyclist. CHAP Larnbert(CE) took an active part in the driver’s defence, and, after the Chaplain had engaged the services of the best barrister available with funds donated by the soldier’s mates, the man was acquitted of manslaughter.(71)

The tasks of representing soldiers was not always easy. One soldier wanted to leave the Army for service with an agricultural department and sought a chaplain’s reluctant help. In a letter home, the chaplain exploded: "WOULDN’T IT I!??" (72)

The Morale Section of the AAChD handled many of the investigations necessary when servicemen applied to be posted back to Australia for family reasons. But in Feburary, 1945, the Chaplains

General believed that the flow of applications for

70. ibid. 71. Lambert, CHAP.L. op.cit. 72. McCullough, CHAP. M. op.cit.

202 compassionate releases or transfers was increasing as the war dragged on. The Church of England Chaplain General found it necessary to write to his chaplains indicating that chaplains in the field would help the situation at home if the requests were filtered so as to comply with the general principles for such transfers or releases, and to obtain the approval of the CO for all such requests. The work-load could also be shared if the soldier's religious denomination was included in the application. (73) In fact, the Morale

Section began to take up a good deal of time in the chaplaincy Department, but the results of the investigations were not very encouraging. It appears that chaplains were forwarding cases for investigation which had really very little chance of success, and they were now urged to forward only cases which had some prospects. "We seem sometimes to be treated as the last resort of the destitute and cases with little or no justice in them sent along for peace sake".(74)

Soldiers also had strong opinions about the ministry and the worth of chaplains in war-time. Many ministers appointed as chaplains were given the opportunity they had always prayed for, to minister to "all sorts and conditions of men", to believers, agnostics and atheists. Chaplains might

73. Riley, CHAP6EN. in Capellanus, February 19^5. 7^. ibid.

203 also have expected that those favourably disposed towards the Church would be the ones who v/ould be most vocal in their praise of chaplains. But this was not always the case. Some of the sternest criticism of chaplains cornes from those who would describe themselves as Christians, while support and appreciation for chaplains came from surprising sources.

One Christian layman of unknown name but probably of senior NCO rank, writing in Capellanus described the kind of chaplains who were really needed in the Army. He believed that it was more than just a matter of supply; in other words, there was a demand for good chaplains, "better ones than we knew in civilian life because we are in a much more sinful situation now than we were then". He believed the padres should be good priests, for any man who was a failure in his parish would be an even greater failure as a chaplain. The layman also realised something which some of the chaplains did not fully realise that the chaplain was more than a priest:

He is also a soldier. More than that he is an officer, and we expect our officers to be the best men in our unit at their particular job.(75)

75. Capellanus, April 19^5. This writer claimed that the soldiers did not mind the padre having better living conditions and a batman, being required to salute him and so on.

But they did. expect him to have all the best of military virtues. The soldiers expected him to be a good officer and therefore to know his way through and around the service organization and administration. They deplored the fact that some chaplains had never been through any type of schooling with the Army, and they wanted the chaplain to know the sort of things the soldiers had to do, whether "it is during those few minutes of acute fear or those long hours of intense boredom". "In other words", the layman continued, "we like the padre to be as accessible as possible and of course to be friendly and approachable". He should not be in the Officers' Mess too much or spending most of his time with officers, nor should he be "always full of cheery chaff". Instead he should be someone who would listen to

"our own personal private troubles, doubts, fears, hopes and rejoicings...and to give us a quiet personal private reply". (76)

It followed that the chaplain "shall at all times be absolutely sincere in all he says or does". The writer believed that there were some clergymen who had not become chaplains because

76. ibid.

205 they felt they were "not the type", because they were of "quiet, unassuming, unforceful personality. If only they knew that they WERE the type we like most to have in our unit". There was a popular image of a chaplain; "it is distressing to have to say [there are] too many chaplains who seek popularity by being one of the boys and drinking to excess and telling gross and vulgar stories. Such men lose the respect of churchgoers and non-churchgoers alike". (77) In another place, a Christian officer objected to the chaplain smoking his cigar throughout the prayer meeting, and he decided he could no longer attend, even though the chaplain insisted he only smoked the cigar to make the men feel at home in the meeting.

The same officer also told of another chaplain who, on saying goodbye to troops he would afterwards rejoin, called after them that he would be sure and send on the beer supply. A soldier standing nearby said "Wasn't that a strange thing for the Padre to say?"(78)

The unknown author of the article in

Capellanus went on to list some of the existential issues soldiers spoke of or thought about and finally concluded that what the soldiers really wanted from their chaplains was "more definite detailed information, and perhaps less exhortation 77. ibid. 78. Russack, CAPT E.K. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, October 1986.

206 (particularly of the negative type) more teaching (we are willing bo learn) and perhaps less preaching". (79) If the sentiments of this man were wide-spread among the troops, and had the chaplains known all of these demanding requirements, and the degree to which they, the Churches and the Christian faith they represented were being scrutinised by the soldiers, there may have been even fewer clergymen who volunteered to be chaplains. Whether they understood what was required of them beforehand or as is more likely, learned what was needed in response to the situation they faced, many chaplains served in what was an almost impossible situation of being "all things to all men". Because he is "their" chaplain, soldiers probably all had a different idea of what constituted a "good" chaplain.

Individual chaplains made decisions for themselves as to how their ministry should be conducted and where they should be located, but on some occasions the decisions were made for them. In January 1944, the Chaplains General decided that the presence of three Assistant Chaplains General in a Colonels' mess in New Guinea was something of an embarrassment, and suggested that they should organise themselves to attend the mess on a monthly roster.(80) On the other hand, CHAP

7 9 . Capellanus, April 1 9 5 ♦ 80. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, January 19^.

207 Norris(CC) messed w i th the men more often tli an witFi thie officers, and in tliis move he Fiad tFie agreement and support of the officers, because i t helped the chaplain maintain contact with the men.

Fie regarded this move as essential to any chaplain, and for him it cemented relationships with the 2/10 BN which exist to this day.(81) An article in The Guardian (25 Aug 1944) by the

R.A.F. CFFAP K. Budd, reprinted in Capel lanus

January 1945, also makes reference to the separation in peacetime of the minister and his congregation which no longer existed in the war s ituation. He v/rote that:

The man who in peace time used to regard

the priest as one inhabiting a different

world, and concealed himself in the kitchen

if the curate called at his suburban home

in the evening, is now more likely to run

across the vicar or curate several times a

day in the workshops, on the playing field

or in the canteen.

Those words have a decidedly Australian ring to them, but CHAP Budd goes on to relate that there was more than just a spatial separation between chaplains and men. He tells of the occasion when Fie received a letter from a

Christian layman wlio Fiad heard a chaplain deliver

81. Norris, CHAP. H. op.cit.

208 a sermon on being "risen with Christ". "He was. . .well-meaning' and sincere, but he did not realise the utter stupefaction his words caused, or would have caused had any of his audience been unused to this sort of thing and had been attending to him". The layman continued that it was not that there was any direct hostility or anti-religious philosophy; instead, there was "no attitude among the vast mass of them". He continued:

Religion in the Services was. . .very much

associated with the powers that be, and the

padre, as he is an officer, with the

officer class... [which is] removed from the

rank and file. Much depends on the

personality and approach of the padre.(32)

It was important for the chaplains to maintain a sense of humour, and they in turn also provided humour in a number of ways. Humour played an important part in relieving nervous tension, and laughter, even at bizarre incidents or in moments of great stress was a great service to individuals. CAPT. E.K. Russack, ADJ of the 2/10th

BN, recalls that CHAP Sharp (CE) rode a motor cycle around the Jungle Training Centre at

Canungra, Queensland, his black clerical cloak streaming in the wind. He called himself the

82. Capellanus, January 19^5.

209 "Lord's Don-R" bu b bhe soldiers h ad other nicknames for him such as "Mandrake".(83) Religion seemed to appear everywhere and there were oblique references to familiar Biblical events or ecclesiastical expressions. For example, a fictitious jungle mobile search party included in the establishment "wisemen, star following, ORs,

3, and attached a chaplain, lead kindly light (the first line of a popular hymn) rendering, Offrs,

1".(84) COs sending signals would sometimes then (and now) include verses of Scripture as some sort of parting quip and this often required a good knowledge of the Bible on the part of the chaplain.

One chaplain was also involved in the "no clothes hour". A certain CO came to the conclusion that if sunshine was good for the top half of the body it must also be good for the lower half. He therefore instituted a "no clothes" hour during which his soldiers would benefit from the sun's rays. The experiment did not last long; on the very first day of the "no clothes" hour, bhe unit was visited by a senior officer who was greeted at the unit by guards clad only in boots, webbing and hats. Proceeding, the senior officer came upon:

a specimen of genus man about six feet three high, a long thin face with bushy

83. Russack, CAPI. E.K. op.cit. 8^. Ackland, J. & R. op.cit.

210 black eyebrows, a long and skinny superstructure and very knobbly knees. It wore boots, a hat and a bland smile, and gave the visitor the worst salute ever seen

in the Australian Army. .. When the visitor- had recovered his power of speech and

asked: 'Who the hell are you?’ he v/as told, 'The Padre, Sir, and would you care to have lunch with us?’(85)

Even though the chaplains had a place within the rank structure and were important for the support of soldiers in the war effort, the effectiveness of their work was often enhanced or denigrated by the attitude of higher ranking officers. These attitudes ranged from very active encouragement for their work to outright hostility. The example set by a General's attitude to his chaplains and his own attendance at Church services, such as General Percival’s attendance at Communion early on "Black Sunday", 15 Feb 1942, (86) was believed by the padres to filter down from the top. There were some uneasy alliances in this respect as well as some confrontations and stand-offs. It usually depended however upon the posting of the chaplain and his proximity to the higher ranks; there were a number of chaplains who

"never gave them a thought".

85. ibid. 86. Owen, F. The Fall Of Singapore. London, 1960. p.195.

211 The chaplains felt that some Generals gave them very good support, men such as Vasey, Allen,

Morshead and Herring and some did not mind when

"Red Robbie" paraded all the chaplains at

Singleton, NSW and "laid down the law" to them.

Among the Brigadiers, Chilton, Porter, Docherty and Windeyer are particularly remembered. However, some brigadiers tended to believe that they owned the chaplain and could do what they liked with him. In Sep 1943, one chaplain was posted by the brigadier, and this action brought a swift response from the CHAPSGEN. In the following month it was determined that a brigadier had no authority to transfer a chaplain without the approval and concurrence of at least the DACG.(87)

Students at the Second Australian Army Chaplains'

School being held in Sydney about the time of the posting in question, were warned that brigadiers

"particularly adopt attitudes of omnipotence".(88)

But some chaplains took their role seriously enough to challenge men of high rank when they considered their behaviour inappropriate.(89)

A few of the chaplains met the US General

McArthur. Chaplain Reis(RC) felt he was a "great actor and scene-stealer, who appeared to be anti-Australian in his communiques". (90) General

Allen introduced McArthur to CHAP Wotton(CE) at

87. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, October 19^3. 88. Second Australian Army Chaplains' School, September, 19^3 89. Wotton, CHAP. R. op,c i t. 90. Reis, CHAP. C. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 19 July 1988.

212 the start of the Kokoda* trail. "His white, manicured hands surprised me. He said our work was very important, and then said to me, 'You look after their spirits'. When McArthur was told how rugged the country was he continued, 'Yes, but you have good rugged men to match it'". CHAP Wotton believes that this was quite a compliment to the

Australian soldier, and so different from his other reported opinions. "To me he was an enigma.

The GI's I spoke to had little love for him but his chaplains regarded him as helpful". (91)

Relationships with General Blarney were strained on a number of occasions. In October 1943

Blarney ordered that a hut being built as a chapel in New Guinea v/as to be demolished. DCHAPGEN

McCarthy, who was then visiting New Guinea flew home immediately over the issue, his sense of frustration intolerable. (92 ) . Blarney once refused to meet the CHAPSGEN and consented to speak only to CHAPGEN Riley, while the others were required to wait outside in the corridor. However, when

General Blarney was ill in February, 1945, the

CHAPSGEN sent hirn their best wishes. (93) CHAP

Ogden believes that Blarney was "hostile and contemptuous of chaplains".(94) Immediately following the famous row between MAJGEN Allen, GOC of 7th Division, and General Blarney, the former

91. Wotton, CHAP.R.op.cit. 92. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op. cit♦ 93. Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, 1A February 19^5. 9A. Ogden, CHAP. R. op. cit.

213 confided to CHAP Wotton that ‘Blarney was anti-chaplain":

21 BI)E had stopped the Japanese at Effogi

but at terrible cost. 25 BDE followed them

but their chaplains could not stop to bury

[the dead] of 21 BDE. So I was sent to do

the job. I went part of the way with

"Tubby" Allen who told me that Blarney would

not approve of my mission.(95)

A further instance of Blarney’s attitude was the case of CHAP F. Burt(CE). Blarney had called 21

BDE 'rabbits’ observing that only rabbits got shot in the back. "This was a cowardly lie" Burt said.

"I buried about 100 of them and they 'fell with their face to the foe’". When Burt was home on leave, he addressed the Perth Millions Club. Perth was proud of the 2/16th and Blarney’s criticism was resented. In reply to questions, Burt said "If a man cannot run a police force of 400 men, how do you expect him to run two armies?" [A reference to

Blarney and the Victorian Police Force]. CHAP Burt was brought before the Adjutant General (MAJGEN

Lloyd) and ordered to apologise to Blarney who was very angry and could have him sacked. Burt refused and soon "left" the Army".(96) CHAP Wotton also recalls that "When Blarney, contrary to all

95. Wotton, CHAP. R. op.cit. 96. ibid.

Z'lh military ethics, pitched his tent in the lines of

LTGEN Rowell, he noticed that Bishop Strong had a

'black boy' and was determined to have him. This

Papuan, Lawrence by name, was a deacon and the domestic chaplain to the Bishop Strong'. Blarney ordered Strong' to give him Lawrence and of course

Blarney prevailed. Fie ordered Lawrence to clean his boots. When Lawrence paused, Blarney yelled, 'Can't you understand English?' Lawrence replied, 'Not very well, but 1 understand you'. SFiortly afterwards Strong was ordered out of New Guinea.

The order came from LTGEN McKay, who had taken over New Guinea Force, but Blarney was suspected as the mover. Governor General Gowrie had told Strong

"that he would help him if ever the need arose.

Strong had a message sent to Gowrie by McKay's courier and the Governor General reversed the order". (97) CF1AP Wotton also claims that at the time all this was going on, the CHAPSGEN failed to stand by their chaplains who were serving overseas and possibly also over issues including the

'sacking' of CHAP N. McLeod.(98)

In contrast with the lack of contact with

Aborigines in Australia, chaplains who served overseas have very positive things to say about the indigenous people throughout South East Asia.

Flowever the CHAPSGEN, as a group, were concerned

97. ibid. 98. ibid.

215 about the propriety of relationships between Australian soldiers, local people and white settlers. Assistant Chaplain General Bell for example, believed that some marriages planned between Australians and New Guineans were of doubtful validity [the same applied to marriages

between Australians and Americans because of the possibility of bigamy] and the issue was referred by the CHAPSGEN to the Director of Legal

Services.(99) The Churches were concerned to keep indigenous people in their missions away from the influence of white settlers because the latter's behaviour was suspect. For example, in February 1940, Bishop Strong expressed his opinion of white settlers in a letter written from the New Guinea Anglican Mission at Sarnari to the Archdeacon of Brisbane in which he described some of the locations he had visited. At Wau, the Church had a chaplaincy to the gold fields, and Strong described the people as "hard-boiled, and the completely materialistic outlook together with the 'booze' has really rather appalled me". He believed it was much the same in nearly all the

European settlements.(100)

However, the chaplains who served in New

Guinea were greatly impressed with the state of the Church and speak with obvious gratitude,

99* Minutes: CHAPSGEN Conference, 21 December 4943- 100. Strong, Bishop P. Correspondence with Archdeacon Thomas, 5 February 1940.

216 humour and emotion in their relationships with the inhabitants generally, and in particular with those who were Christians. A District Service

Officer, writing in Cape11 anus in 1945 referred to the:

pre-war untruth that 'the average

mission-trained native is dishonest and

untrustworthy' [which] has unfortunately

been spread wide since 1942; the troops,

whilst admiring the "Fuzzy Wuzzy" for his

work, distrust his morals.(101)

The chaplains were pleased that the Christian faith had taken root and was continuing to grow despite the lack of Christian missionaries, most of whom had been withdrawn when the Japanese invasion was imminent. Bishop Morgan recalls that as a Catholic chaplain he found that he was able to communicate with the Lutheran inhabitants of the Wau area as well as with Catholics in the oepik area, both of which groups had been served by German missionaries. Some of the local children spread the word of his presence after he had shown them his crucifix, and in the Aitape and Wewak areas Bishop Morgan still maintains very deep links with the native people.(102)

101. Capellanus, June 1945. 102. Morgan, Bishop J.A. op. cit.

217 On "the inland of All, where the Airier i cans had relocated a group of native people away from the influence of the troops, they erected a temporary altar and Bishop Morgan was invited to say Mass.

He was joined in the conduct of the service by one of the religious leaders who not only knew the service in Latin, German and Pidgin, but also knew the date of the beginning of A.dvent [after three years without their priest, Fr Bliss] as well as the hymns appropriate for Advent and Christmas.

Bishop Morgan also recalls how the native

Christians described themselves as “Me Catholic", "Me no Catholic yet" and "Me heathen". Native Christians had been given Christian names by the missionaries, and most of the names were of German origin. ("I noticed there were no 'Patricks' among them", said Bishop Morgan.) On meeting one group,

Bishop Morgan found that one man was reluctant to give his name. The bishop gently persisted in an attempt to have the man declare his faith by his Christian name. The man then revealed that his name was "Moses", to the mirth of all present.

(103)

Another native Christian travelled one and a half days in order to meet Bishop Morgan so that he might receive a blessing from a priest who shared the same Christian name as he. While

103. ibid.

218 conducting' Mass for members of the 2/11 BN near the village of Sowry, two natives came and knelt before the altar, asking whether Bishop Morgan was in fact a priest. The missionary for this group had been evacuated, but he had apparently promised that a priest would return to conduct services for them. The missionary had charged these two men that they should maintain their faith and present the returning priest with the crucifix, which they now did, thus discharging their duty. The leader, Henry, was shot soon afterwards for giving direction and assistance to the Australians, but on Bishop Morgan's return to Papua New Guinea in 1958 he met Henry's wife and in 1985 received a letter from Henry's descendants enquiring about their grandfather.(104)

Anglican chaplains in New Guinea were all licensed by Bishop Strong and ministered to the local people as the opportunity presented itself.(105) CHAP R. Dillon (CE) visited the Seventh Day Adventist group on the Sporley

Islands, finding to his delight that they had been taught the evangelical Piymns of the faith. (106)

CHAP Marks(BAPT) recalls that he and his New Guinean batman 'got on famously' and ANGAU men helped him build two churches at Koitaki and Lae. Papuan choirs were also used at church services

104. ibid. 105. Ogden, CHAP. R. op.cit. 106. Dillon, CHAP. R. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 23 January 1987.

219 for Australian troops.(107) CHAP Lambert(CE) believes that the Papuan Christians were themselves a good example to the Australians in attendance at communion services. He found that

the bearers were treated as equals and rations

were often shared. As with CHAP Marks, CHAP Lambert remembers his batman, Aupala, a Christian

from the Dog'ura area. Once, in company with CHAP T. Reed (later Anglican Archbishop of Adelaide) he paid a visit to Tupeslei, a Methodist mission, and

they both found that they were impressed by the

head man, his wife and family, who were all

Christians.(108) CHAP Ashman(METH) was able to minister to the native Christians at Moresby and Bougainville who were confined to the native compound. He notes that it was their attitude to life that impressed him most of all:

For after all they had experienced and suffered at the hand of the invader, loved ones killed, homes burnt down, and

vegetable gardens destroyed, and yet in spite of it all they would gather together to worship God with hymns of praise and in a spirit of rejoicing...I must admit that their faith and witness in those days did much towards strengthening mine.(109) 107. Marks, CHAP. E. op.cit. 108. Lambert, CHAP. L. op.cit. 109- Ashman, CHAP. L. op.cit.

220 As a result of their war experience, four

Baptist chaplains were instrumental in their denomination beginning a missionary enterprise in

Papua New Guinea after the war. CHAP McCullough had written home to his wife in July 1945, stating that "the natives are a pathetic sight reflecting the utter barbarism of the Japanese".(110) The other three, CHAPs Orr, Starr and Prior also saw the need for missionaries in the area, especially with a view to establishing Christian education among the people whom CHAP McCullough thought were

"very reliable and beautiful people".(111)

The Christian faith had survived in other places as well. CHAP Eyers(CE) survived the wreck of a small boat but lost his books on the way to baptise a Chinese baby in Borneo. On reaching the settlement the Chinese produced a Book of Common

Prayer and a St Swithin’s Bible which they had buried in the ground when the Japanese arrived. On this occasion, the font was was a tin helmet, and the baby was finally named Ann after the mother of

Mary. CHAP Eyers then discovered that in order to have her baby baptised, the mother had travelled seven miles through the jungle and four miles by canoe.(112)

The missionary presence however, was not always welcomed without some qualification. When

110. McCullough, CHAP. M. op.cit. 111. ibid. 112. Eyers, CHAP. L. op.cit.

221 Chaplain General Rentoul visited the SWPA in April

1945, he discussed the posting' of chaplains to the

Pacific Islands Regiment with Colonel Edwards.

Rentoul was surprised to find that Edwards did not want ex-missionaries as chaplains because they were "politically minded". Edwards believed that the best type of person would be someone about thirty years of age who could learn the job from the ground up. He believed that clashes over ideas and methods between the chaplains and himself would not be good for the natives under his command. CHAPGEN Rentoul found for example that

Colonel Edwards never used Pidgin in speaking with his soldiers because he thought it degrading to the local people.(113)

In most areas, the missionaries had been evacuated and some, such as four Dutch nuns, had walked from the Sepik River to Mt Hagen. But in a number of places where they remained, some of them ignored the presence of Allied Army chaplains, probably with a similar desire to limit the extent of the contact of their charges with the fighting forces, as had happened when missionaries had shifted aborigines away from RAAF stations in

Australia. An American Navy chaplain, Lt. E.

Jones, wrote that missionaries at Aobci, Vanuatu,

113. Minutes: CHAPS6EN Conference, April 19^5.

222 had ignored the presence of Army and Navy ohaplains:

It seems to me that non-Roman Catholic missionaries are overlooking an opportunity. Back home we chaplains have urged our people to contribute toward the support of foreign missionaries. Our presence gives the missionaries. . .a chance

to let us see their work and return home

with first hand experience to illustrate

our appeals for the support of missionary

v/ork. (114)

On the other hand some missionaries had found that the armed forces often unthinkingly destroyed the livelihood of the people. Dr A. Tippett in the Solomon Islands saved a plantation of paw paw trees from extinction by pointing out that other timber not used in food production was better for the overhead cover needed for weapon pits etc.(115)

114. Jones, LT. E. (USA) Correspondence with Archbishop J.W.C.Wand, 6 March 1943. Anglican Archives, Brisbane. 115. Tippett, Dr A. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 30 April 1986.

223 Australian chaplains also had the opportunity of contact with chaplains from other allied forces. The contact with American chaplains was probably closer on RAAF bases than within the

Army, where the former found that "close co-operation was the order of the day". Compared with Australian Army chaplains the American chaplains were lavishly supplied with equipment and sometimes insisted that Australian chaplains should be supplied from US stores. However there were times when the American system broke down, and LT E. Tones, the US Navy chaplain at Acorn

(Red) Two, 15th US Naval Construction Battalion, was forced to write to Archbishop Wand in Brisbane to request supplies of 3 bottles of communion wine, 250 wafers and 50 candles "to tide him over until my own supplies arrive". LT Jones also contacted Archbishop Wand regarding confirmation for some Arnericans. (116)

Australians not only envied the supplies of the American chaplains but also their standing in the US Army and in the manner in which they were aided in their work. Some friendships which were formed outlasted the conflict. "They were warm, brotherly and willing to co-operate in every way possible if it was for the good of the troops" (117), even if "they were a little naive".(118) 116. Jones, LT.E. op. cit. 2 7 February 19^3. 117. McCullough, CHAP. M. op.cit. 118. Ashman, CHAP. L. op.cit.

22A LTCOL Arlin H. Adams, a retired US Army chaplain living' in Wisconsin, felt a special bond with the

Australians in New Guinea and Australia. "One thing I must say, your people were so good and wonderful to us Yanks down there. I was invited to many places, homes, and met so many of your people". He also recalls having conducted services for and assisted dying Australian soldiers in the Owen Stanley Ranges, stating that one Australian soldier had travelled about 10 krns to enlist his aid. (119) However, even though the relations were good, the US chaplains were not invited to the chaplains’ conferences which were beginning to be held regularly in 1943 in the

Milne Bay and Port Morseby area.(120).

The two branches of the Lutheran Church in

Australia actively tried to foster relationships with US chaplains. The Churches kept a close contact with all Lutheran service personnel and at the end of the war published magazines which listed the names of all those who had served in the forces. The list included the names of 14 US

Lutheran chaplains.(121) The Americans were frequently invited to address Lutheran services of worship in Queensland and South Australia.(122) 119. Adams, LTCOL. A.H.(USA) Correspondence with R.W.Tippett 1987 . 120. Lambert, CHAP. L. op.cit. 121. On Service. Lutheran Service Commission post-war magazine(ELCA) 1946. 122. ibid.

225 CHAP Pither(METH) recalls meeting a black US

Army chaplain, and he was invited to speak to the black battalion. He planned to take one of the

Australian nurses to sing' in the service, but "the adjutant put a stop to that". Music v/as a feature throughout the service which was marked by a great deal of freedom, but "this negro chaplain was getting his message across to his soldiers very effectively".(123) However another chaplain found that when he was "domiciled with a coloured regiment, I found the atmosphere a little strained. It was difficult to make contact with them".(124)

While most of the contact was with American chaplains, after the war ended some met Dutch

Reformed chaplains in Macassar in the Celebes where the Australians were sent to occupy the city. (125) CHAP Pither and a New Zealand chaplain,

CHAP Dakers, used to spar together in preparation for the boxing tournaments organised on board ship, "until he (Dakers) broke my ribs and I had to give up!"(126) Apart from those who met as prisoners of war there was little contact with

British chaplains in the South West Pacific Area.

Military service overseas provided unique opportunities for Australian Army chaplains. The 123- Pither, CHAP. K. op.cit. 12*t. Dillon, CHAP. R. op.cit. 125. Dryden, CHAP, op.cit. 126. Pither, CHAP. K. op.cit.

226 chaplains found that generally speaking the nearer the fighting the better were the attendances at church services. Also the temperament of the soldiers was better when the services were voluntary, although compulsory church services on special occasions drew attention to the event the service commemorated. The chaplains found it necessary not only to improvise ecclesiastical equipment, but also to express religious truth in language which the soldiers could understand. They discovered they could not assume even a moderate understanding of Christianity.

The nature of the terrain and the battle in the SWPA often meant that the chaplains were involved with smaller groups of men, but while this was time consuming, it made for closer and deeper relationships. Furthermore, tangible results of their work were not always evident, and there was a personal struggle to maintain their own spiritual lives. Contact with chaplains of their own denomination was infrequent, and whether they liked it or not, they were forced by circumstances to co-operate with chaplains of other denominations and even act for each other across denominational extremes. As censors of mail, chaplains were privy to the deep personal feelings of the men, guarding these confidences

227 carefully with some treating this work with the sanctity of the confessional. They were also the only males to be given responsibility for censoring + he mai 1 of servicewomen. They had special duties ministering to the injured and the dying, as well as being responsible for accurately recording the location of the temporary cemeteries from which bodies would later be exhumed for reinterment in the permanent war cemeteries. The experiences of war changed the theology of some and sharpened the image of the padre among the soldiers and the chaplains themselves. They could not always rely upon the support of senior- officers, but generally agreed that where they had this support, their work was made easier. Finally, the chaplains were delighted to find that the Christian faith had become deeply rooted among indigenous people in the SWPA and that it had survived Japanese occupation.

228 PLATE 4.

Four chaplains conduct the cenotaph dedication ceremony at the Tarakan War Cemetery, Tarakan Island, 30 Sep 1945. They are from left to right CHAP. W.D. McAllister(CE) 2/3 Pioneer BN, CHAP. F.L.Cuttriss (RAAF), CHAP G.S.Udy(M) 2/23 Infantry BN, and CHAP W.R. Cowper(M) HQ, 1 Corps Troops.

AWM Negative no 117759.

4

229 11*5*

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230 PLATE 5.

A Church service conducted by CHAP. R.M.Park(Pres) before going into battle at Cona, New Guinea, 5 Dec 1942.

AWM Negative No 013736.

231 232 PLATE 6.

CHAP H. Norman(CE) administers Holy Communion to soldiers in the Ramu Valley, New Guinea, 20 Oct 1943.

AWM Negative No. 58078.

233 23*» PLATE 7.

The military funeral of Colonel P. J. McCormack, 'DSO, OBE, VD, at the Victorian War Memorial Cemetery, 8 Jun 1943.

The graveside service was conducted by Deputy Chaplain General T. McCarthy(RC).

AWM Negative No. 52280.

235 236 PLATES 8 and 9.

Chaplains were responsibile for the burial of the dead and were required to carefully document the grave site. This contemporary photograph taken by CHAP. H.G. Norris (CC) is of the cememtery he established at Gilli Gilli, New Guinea.

The simple cross marking the grave of CPL, J. A. French, VC, shows the soldier’s serial number, unit, religious denomination and the date of his death.

23 7 238

CHAPTER 5.

CHAPLAINS AS PRISONERS OF WAR.

In August, 1941, the Army notified Senior

Chaplains of a change in the treatment of chaplains. Under Articles 9-13 of the

'International Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded and Sick in Armies in the

Field’ (1929) medical personnel, chaplains and members of the Red Cross were not to be treated as prisoners of war, but were to be repatriated as soon as possible. The change meant that captured chaplains were no longer to be repatriated as previously had been the case in Europe, but were to be imprisoned along with the rest of the prisoners for the duration of the war. This change was first agreed between the United Kingdom and

Italian Governments, with a similar agreement between the UK and Germany expected to follow soon. After 1941 all chaplains being appointed to the Australian Imperial Forces were to be advised of this change of status.(1) Japan had signed but not ratified the 1929 treaty. Herein lay some of the difficulties chaplains experienced as prisoners of war in the South West Pacific.

Officially, 34 Australian Army chaplains were taken as prisoners of war in the South West I. Assistant Adjutant General Northern Command to Archbishop J. W.C.Wand, 23 August 494T.

2A0 Pacific area. CHAP V.S.Turner (RC) was imprisoned in Japan and CHAP V. Cochrane(RC) in Hainan.(See appendix &) Other ministers of religion, such as Canon H. Thorpe (CE)(and hereafter called

"chaplain"), Rev G. Vellacott (Pres) who enlisted in the A.A.M.C. and was appointed to act as a chaplain by the Commander of the Changi camp and Pastor A. Garland (CC) who enlisted in the ranks of the A.A.M.C., sometimes served as chaplains but without official rank and status. According to some criteria therefore others might be added to that list. Four chaplains died during their imprisonment in the South West Pacific Area.(see appendix S'). Rev Vellacott died in Thailand, and Pastor Garland in Borneo. At the time of their commissioning as chaplains, the ages of the POW chaplains ranged from 26 years (CHAPS J.L. May(CE) and J.B. Rogers(RC)) to 46 years (CHAP C.H. Patmore(CE). Methodist chaplains were the oldest group (aver. 38 years 4 months) a fact which reflected the Methodist Church’s policy of enlisting older men for chaplaincy duties. Anglican and Roman Catholic chaplains were on average two years younger. Eight of the thirteen Roman Catholic chaplains were from religious orders, rather than diocesan priests. Of the POW chaplains, twelve were from Victoria, eight from NSW, two each South Australia, Western Australia and Tasmania, and one from Queensland. Three MBEs and four MIDs were awarded. One POW chaplain had been awarded the MC in World War 1, but not for service as a chaplain.

Capture brought a mixture of emotions. CHAP

Blakeway(CE), captured with the 2/3rd MG BN, felt

"hopeless" at the time of his capture, and CHAP

Thorpe who was captured at the fall of Singapore felt "glad that the firing was over, thankful for being alive, and with no worries about the future at the time".(2) Others felt anger and shame, but quickly began to attend to the needs of the troops. CHAP Rogers for example recalled that he went to see the Roman Catholic Bishop of

Singapore, who gave permission for the , Cathedral to be used for the injured and dying."The fellows were dying like flies...the sick and injured were all over the floor...I set to going from bed to bed... administering last rites to many and closing the eyes of others in death", and CHAP Rogers working together with a couple of Protestant chaplains turned a nearby tennis court into a cemetery for forty or fifty men, the work finishing at midnight.(3) Imprisonment, however, meant a change from the uncertainties of battle to the uncertainties of captivity.

2. Thorpe. CHAP. H. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 19 February 1987. 3. Rogers, CHAP. J.B. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 16 May 1987. The attitudes of and the treatment by the

Japanese captors of chaplains varied, probably because of the confusion generated over the chaplains' officer status on the one hand and their unique relationships with the troops on the other. Since badges of rank for chaplains were not restored until Sep 1942, the black bars worn on the epaulets might have added to the confusion in the treatment of chaplains, not only on the part of the Japanese but also by the captives themselves.

CHAP Blakeway reported that relationships with the Japanese authorities were always difficult

(4), and CHAP Thorpe believes that the Japanese

"delighted to belittle the padres, so in front of the other POWs we took our share of bashings and insults, which in a way helped our cause". (5)

CHAPS Bourke (not Australian) and Thorpe were punished for breaking camp rules. CHAP Thorpe had been worried about the extent of cholera in some of the other camps, and had gone to find out the names of Australians who had died of the disease.

He had been away eight days, "jumping a barge on the way to Kanchanaburi after his wild trip to

Kinsayok".(6) On return he was put in the guard house for three days. Thorpe believes that it was fortunate that he reported to a Japanese officer . Blakeway, CHAP. L. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 19 February 1987. 5. Thorpe, CHAP.H. op.cit. 6. Dunlop, Sir Edward. The War Diaries Of Weary Dunlop. Java and The Burma- Thailand Railway 19A2-19A5. Australia, 1986 . p .281.

2A3 on his return. "He it was who probably saved me, for the HQs Japanese thought I was the chap taking radio news from hidden radios, to other camps".(7)

LT COL E.E. (Later Sir Edward "Weary") Dunlop also writes that on CHAP Bourke’s behalf he intervened between the chaplain and the Japanese commander

(Osaki) who believed that CHAP Bourke had disobeyed camp rules:

0: Why do you disobey the orders of the

Japanese Army?

B: I take my orders from a much higher

authority than the Japanese Army.

0: (More angry) Nunda! Nunda! Higher

authority-where?

B: (Pointing to sky) My orders are from up

there!

0: (Perplexed) Bugero! (Raising sword)

B: (Face happy at prospect of martyrdom)

I (Dunlop)intervened, tapping my head.

D: Kistian priests very eccentric men!

0: (Mollified) Ah, 'eccentric' man. (8)

CHAP Bourke was also forced to work as a labourer, not by the Japanese, but by one of his own officers, though he was unsuited to the task.

On another occasion recorded by Dunlop, CHAPS Parr

(British) and Bourke arrived at one location without passes and spent some time in the guard 7. Thorpe, CHAP. H. op.cit. 8. Dunlop, op.cit. house as a result, before eventually being released through Dunlop's intervention. Parr had adopted a belligerent stance, and "Bourke as usual (was) the Church mi1itant".(9)

Two examples will demonstrate the difficulty of the rank and status of chaplains as POWs. CHAP Roy Cosier(UCA), a Vietnam veteran, recalled listening to the late Chaplain General Hugh Cunningham (PRES), speaking of his experiences at the hands of the Japanese after the fall of Singapore: The Japanese were bewildered

by his status and role of chaplain. ...He was treated just as firmly and harshly as all the other prisoners. The prison guards constantly brought him in for questioning to try and determine who he really was...being

shown great respect...[yet] not holding

any rank...

Because of their uncertainty

about him, he was kept in virtual isolation and given restricted access to his fellow POWs.

Eventually one of his Japanese guards was able to gain an inkling of his

9. ibid, p .219.

245 position and special status. He was given an arm band to wear with green Japanese characters written on it and instructed to wear it at all times.

Soon he began to be treated with great honour by the guards...and he was allowed unfettered movement amongst his fellow

prisoners. His captors did not tell him

what was written on the arm band and he did not discover its meaning until after he was freed and returned to Australia. The translation read simply, "Captain of the souls of men". (10) However, CHAP Marsden (RC) was not so fortunate. Dr K. Fagan recalls that one day Marsden came home in a mixture of amusement and disgust. The Japanese wore armbands to distinguish them in their employment, and they were thus able to go from camp to camp without question. Dr Fagan says:

None of us knew what these damn

things meant. CHAP Marsden found

one on the track to the next camp

and he put it on. When he got to

the gates of the next camp, there were shouts of laughter, and the

10. Cosier, CHAP. R. in Intercom, RAAChD Magazine, 1984.

246 guards all gathered around. One

gave him a terrific hit across the side of the head and pushed him over. When he got back to our camp where we had an interpreter, he discovered that the armband read "Carrier Of Faeces".(11)

The attitude of the Japanese to those who died can be described as a curious mixture. For many of the prisoners, death was the only time they were respected. Since in the mind of the Japanese soldier it was a disgrace to be captured, prisoners of war were of little consequence.(12)

On the other hand, in December 1943, the Japanese prison camp authorities suggested to LTCOL Dunlop that they should join with the prisoners in a memorial service on Christmas Day. The feeling of the Australians, both for religious and other reasons, was against this, but the service when it took place included Japanese, British, Dutch and Australian troops; "a suitable large cross and dais was erected...Two wreaths were laid on the cross by bearers representing homage of the Nippon Army and our own. The service was largely conducted by Padre Alcock (a British chaplain) with Nipponese contributing 11, Fagan, Dr K. Taped interview with R.W.Tippett, 20 May1987. 12. Thorpe, CHAP. H. op. cit.

2A7 addresses".(13) Earlier, the cremation and return to Japan of the bodies of the Japanese submariners killed in the raid on Sydney had been highly regarded by the Japanese as rightly honouring their war dead. But on other occasions some of the behaviour of Japanese officers appeared meaningless to the prisoners of war. LTCOL Dunlop recalls that once "we wandered down past the cemetery where he [a Japanese officer] made the most profound and prolonged bow I have ever seen".(14) At Bukit Tima, Singapore, some Japanese attended a Christian burial and there left gifts of food according to Buddhist custom. CHAP Rogers recalls that the Japanese were stunned when their gifts of food disappeared overnight."We all know what happened to those", Rogers says. "The living were in much more need than the dead".(15)

The many funerals in Thailand were times when some semblance of dignity for the living and the dead could be maintained. As far as possible in the early stages military honours were accorded the dead such as that accorded PTE R.J. Watson who was buried in Thailand, and some hundreds of men attended the service. The theme chosen by the chaplain was that of suffering, the cross and the empty tomb. Crosses of teak were erected for those who were buried, but it was necessary to cremate 13. Dunlop, op.cit. p. 315. 14. ibid, p.171. 15« Rogers, CHAP. J.B. op. cit.

248 those who died of cholera. If the chaplain was not

in the camp, the service might be taken by a layman but at the first opportunity other recognition would be made, such as that of CHAP Marsden who assisted by blessing the ashes of Roman Catholics cremated after services led by laymen.(16) The Roman Catholic Church generally forbade cremation because it was deemed to be an act of unbelief and also a lack of reverence for the human body, which according to 1 Corinthians

3:16-17 and 6:19 is the temple of the Holy Spirit. However, there were exemptions for plagues, and Roman Catholic chaplains would most likely have claimed that exemption in the cholera crises throughout the prisoner of wur camps. Furthermore, cremations became more frequent as the strength of the prisoners waned and the effort of sick men to clear more jungle for a larger cemetery became increasingly difficult. The cremation ceremony

itself could be very unnerving, as Hank Nelson has described, but on a journey such as the Sandakan march many received no burial at all. (17) In Thailand, Dunlop observed that the "whispering of that bugle through the jungle is all too common lately. More and more fine, virile men of yesterday being quietly borne away, roughly stitched in a blanket to be buried in the jungle 16. Dunlop, op.cit. p.256. 17* Nelson, H. Prisoners of War. Australians Under Nippon. Sydney, 1 985. p . 5 ^-

2A9 much after the fashion of a dog'. This despite our natural effort to g'ive the ceremony a little dignity".(18) In March 1944, an impressive and complicated service conducted by a Japanese priest

(a two-star private with a bayonet at his side) took place at Takanoon. There a monument festooned with offerings of food and wreaths had been erected to honour those from five different cultures who had died on the Thailand/Burma railway. (19) But there were still another seventeen months to endure before the horror would end.

Dr Fagan recalled the feelings of horror which CHAP Marsden had at Japanese attitudes to their own injured:

At one stage we were situated at Khanchanaburi. It was the terminus of the line from Burma. A lot of Japanese wounded went through there. He happened to be close to a point where they

were unloading their wounded and he came back nauseated. The Japanese not only did not care

about their wounded...they hated

them for holding things up

18. Dunlop, op.cit. p.262. 19. ibid, p.337.

250 and causing a lot of bother

occupying railway space...They*d

drag out the wounded by their

injured limbs. This was what they

did to their own people.

How could we expect any kindness?

(20)

There were some occasions when CO's were forced to make difficult decisions regarding their chaplains, for example, when LTCOL Dunlop was making up a group to move from Batavia to

Thailand, he requested permission to take CHAPS

Camroux(CE) and Elliott(RC), but was told that he could only take them at the expense of other officers and on this particular occasion, the chaplains were reluctantly left behind. (21)

Church services in captivity were often forbidden altogether (22), but other services were risked in secret in the jungle with one soldier keeping watch for guards.(23) When Church services were permitted by the Japanese in the Thailand camps, there were restrictions on the numbers attending and the material which could be used.

Commanding Officers were required to request permission for Church services and sermons had to be submitted in advance to the camp office for

20 . Fagan, op . c i t. 21. Dunlop, o p. cit. p.133. 22. Blakeway, CHAP. L. op.cit. 23- Thorpe, CHAP.H. op.cit.

251 "verification", although there were ways around this. CHAP Thorpe always sent in a different sermon than the one he intended to preach and got away with this ruse because it was usually only a private soldier on guard during service times. On one occasion, CHAP Thorpe was told by a Japanese

Colonel that too many men had gathered for the service, apparently fearful that a breakout was being planned. But the service proceded, as "men one by one came out of the dark and melted away again into the dark".(24)

CHAP. Marsden also found incongruity in conducting Mass for Roman Catholics. It was dark and the Mass had begun with the aid of two small candles:

Out of the jungle marched a battalion of Japanese fighting troops carrying great flaming torches and singing war songs.

They filed through the camp and passed within two yards of the altar. There we were, a handful of Australian Catholics worshipping the gentle heart of Christ in the heart of the Thailand jungle and marching

arrogantly past us were 500

2h. ibid.

252 pagans chanting to the god of war.(25)

The daily routine of the POW chaplain would usually begin at daylight with a visit to the hospital followed by a few burials, but freedom of movement and ministry much depended upon the Japanese commander.(26) At some stages during the captivity, CHAP Marsden for example buried 20-30 per day. He kept the proper records, an arduous task because of the lack of materials, and at the end of the war he received a commendation from the authorities because of the way he kept those records. Marsden would gather the walking wounded around him as the sun went down and say a few prayers, and then there would be another visit to the hospital.(27) But because they no longer enjoyed any special status, chaplains found great difficulty as POWs in going about their work. The role of the chaplain in captivity however, was not altogether different from the normal. The sacraments were served on days when permission was given, usually on a "yasurne" day, and pastoral ly it was important for the chaplains to "talk to all; to be a man among men; to work beside, listen to, comfort and to suffer with them".(28) The Roman Catholic chaplains even conducted a redemptive mission which on that occasion stressed' 25. Marsden, CHAP.L. in The Catholic Weekly, 15 November,19^5. 26. Walsh, CHAP.P. C o r r e sp oWen c e witnK.w. Tippett, 28 April, 1987 . 27. Fagan, op.cit. 28. ibid.

253 the importance, significance, unpredictability yet inevitablibity of death, causing LTCOL Dunlop in his diary to reflect on his own Christian faith in the midst of suffering and the only alternative as he saw it of "sink(ing) into the terrible mire of utter selfishness and materialism". (29)

Three of the prisoner chaplains identified some Christians among their captors. CHAP Blakeway accounted for six Roman Catholics and one Anglican, but CHAP Thorpe believed it was difficult for Japanese Christians to declare themselves. One day a guard gave Thorpe s ome sugar as a kindly gesture, but when CHAP Thorpe approached the next day to say thanks, he was struck on the face by the man. Nearing the end of the war some of the guards tried to assure CHAP Thorpe that they too were Christians, but this may have been some insurance against retribution.(30) CHAP Quirk(RC) claimed that a Japanese Catholic came to him secretly for the sacrament, and later he met the man in Singapore after the war. (31)

CAPT A. Curlewis found that following his complaint about the diet of rice and fish being of little recuperative value, the sentry "brought me in his mess tin of rice and sweet potato in it...(he) is a Korean Christian who sings 'Onward Christian Soldiers’ with me on working

29. Dunlop, o p. cit. p.178. 30. Blakeway, CHAP.L. and Thorpe, CHAP. H. op.cit. 31. Quirk, CHAP.R. Cited in a tape recording of Roman Catholic World War II chaplains at St Paschal's Church, Melbourne, 13 December 198A.

25*t parties " . ( 32 ) In some places, such as the Outram

Road gaol in Singapore, there were Japanese holy men who acted in similarly to the Christian chaplains. "They always had their holy man with them. He was like a Catholic priest. He dressed like one [that is, a Catholic priest] only that he had no crucifix; there was just all these beads.

He was all in black and he went out with this bloke [to his execution]".(33)

Ecclesiastical equipment was not available to some of the imprisoned chaplains and consequently much of it had to be improvised. CHAP Blakeway recalls that for the first year of his imprisonment he had almost nothing with which to work. Prayer books were confiscated. CHAP Thorpe managed to retrieve his book when the orderly room was empty, but he was only able to secure a Bible from the belongings of a dead prisoner, which he returned to the soldier's next of kin at the end of the war. He also cut up his surplice into gee-strings for prisoners without clothing, the recipients thereafter being dubbed the "Padre's

Purity Boys".(34) CHAP Thorpe's record book of baptisms etc. which has been displayed with other

POW memorabilia, was made secure when he was able to have it stamped by a Japanese guard who was 32. Curlewis, CAPT. A. in Poole,P. Of Love And War. Letters of CAPT Adrian Curlewis And His Family. 1939-19^t5Sydney, 1980, p.21V. 33. Nelson, op.cit. p.1b5. 3*t. Thorpe, CHAP. H. op. cit.

255 drunk, the book thus being made safe from further inspections by Japanese and Korean guards.(35)

Prisoners were sometimes "volunteered" by their superior officers to assist the chaplains:

Padre Webb...is having the sacrament of the Lord* s Supper, to which we are all invited, and he wants me to d ig Up some Elders of the Kirk from my men. I have none, but since Arthur ]Moon looks 1 ike one,... I have recommended h i rn and he will

function (much to his protests about this).(36)

On this occasion, the 'bread* was made from rice, and the 'wine* was "some sort of synthetic produce of the Padre*s", [at times, sanctified water was used]. One of the chalices was a bamboo cup,(37) and a shell served as a paten. (38) Dr Fagan recalls that CHAP Marsden always carried an altar stone..."It must have been an awful nuisance to him, and he was the only priest I saw carrying one". (39) Altar breads were especially difficult to keep in the circumstances, and Dr Fagan states that only one parcel of wafers ever got through and was shared among all the chaplains. CHAP

Rogers was able to obtain some supplies for Mass by convincing a Japanese guard to give him a pass

35. ibid. 36. Dunlop, op.cit. p. 183- 37. ibid, p.18V. 38. Thorpe, CHAP.H. op.cit, 39. Fagan, op.cit.

256 and he was then able to obtain supplies from a

Catholic priest in Singapore. On another occasion a Japanese Buddhist priest agreed to do a good turn for CHAP Rogers and went to the Cathedral to get communion supplies for him.(40) The Catholic priests' use of Latin also came in handy. CHAP Rogers was visiting Bishop Van Dahlenburg who had given him some books and study material. A Japanese interpreter was present for the entire meeting, but as the interview ended the Bishop handed the chaplain two bottles of wine and to the bewilderment of the interpreter said in Latin, "One for the Mass and one for yourself". (41)

The themes used in the conduct of worship in prison camps were anything which might be appropriate (42) or sermons from everyday events. (43) Although CHAP Marsden was not considered a very attractive public speaker, "he was able to put words together which attracted the men's attention; it was attractive because it was obviously spontaneous... and his problems were our problems".(44) Writing home, CAPT Curlewis commented on the sermons and theology of CHAP

Jones(CE). The chaplain had apparently spoken about the King's expressed wish for prayers for victory, and had indicated that the Lord's Prayer should be the model for such prayers:

40. Rogers, CHAP.J.B. op.cit. 41. ibid. 42. Blakeway, CHAP.L. op.cit. 4J. Thorpe, CHAP. H. op .cit. 44. Fagan, op.cit.

257 I began to look forward

to what would happen to

'As we forgive them that

trespass against us’, in

the light of his previous

remarks on self-seeking

persons who wanted to

dominate the world. But

no, he v/as too clever and

skipped the subject.(45)

On another occasion, the padre had preached a sermon on sin, noting that though they were removed from the vices of ordinary life , they were not necessarily any better for it. The sermon concluded that the prisoners had become selfish and jealous and life centred around their own misfortunes. On th i s theme, Curlewis said the sermon was "not bad"; however, a week or so later he wrote of another service, "Church parade at night. Sermon the worst ever".(46)

ANZAC Day held a special poignancy, and the seasons of the Christian year were recalled; the

National Anthem was sung "probably rather unwisely".(47) Once CHAP Camroux used the theme of the "Waters of Bitterness" and the cure effected by Moses by dipping the branch of a tree into the

45- Curlewis. CAPT.A. in Poole, P. op.cit. p.73- 46. ibid, p.154. 47. Dunlop, op.cit.p.57.

258 waters. ("I doubt if this could cure the bitterness of my water”, remarked LTCOL Dunlop in his diary). "The Padre prayed specially for those

suffering from food deficiencies". Other services

featured Christmas carols led by a choir, and

somewhat incongruously, a service of Harvest

Thanksgiving when special gifts were made to those

in hospital. "Even a shot at hot cross buns made out of rice".(48) Towards the end, "during those appalling days of last year most of us went to

some bourn beyond that: to bones. A valley of dry bones. It comes back to me with the memory of

Harry Thorpe's sermon, 'Shall These Dry Bones

Live’".(49)

The attitude and response of the prisoners to the work of the chaplains was also important for their work. Dr Fagan recalls that when the cholera began, they had reason to believe they would be very fortunate to survive the next four weeks:

Attendance (at the services)

v/as very satisfactory during

those weeks, but when it started to wane, CHAP Marsden said something like: "The cholera is diminishing...but

^8. ibidi P-3^3. h9. ibid, p.364-

259 there are other things to come. You'd be wise to continue your religious duties ... because we are not yet out of trouble".(50)

There were other times when the response was described as "great", but this reaction may have been reserved for special occasions. On ANZAC Day 1944, CHAP Thompson(CE), an Australian chaplain who with CHAP H. Ward1e-Greenwood(PRES) was to be machine-gunned at Ranau on the Sandakan death march shortly before the cease-fire in 1945, saw fit to give those attending "a rocket (in) that we only turn up to Church in large numbers on this one day!...borne out by the fact that we did not seem to remember the words of 'Rock Of Ages' at all well. On this occasion, the score was probably evened, because the Padre forgot to include any reference to the New Zealanders".(51) Compulsory Church parades were held in captivity, but CAPT Curlewis, himself a regular attender and assistant at Church services, was probably writing for many when he wrote: "Regimented religion does not appeal to me, and I had just got to the stage of appreciating a Sunday evening service".(52)

In Changi, Ernest Gordon found that there was a great interest in religion for a time. As

50. Fagan, op.cit. 51. Dunlop, op.cit.p.346. 52. Curlewis, CAPT.A. in Poole, P. op.cit. p.139«

260 t-he situation deteriorated, men looked for something beyond themselves as the grounds of their hope, some endeavouring to predict the end of the war from passages in the prophecy of Daniel. To Gordon, this sort of religion became a thing of "shibboleths, formulas and easy answers...an insurance policy...against personal suffering...[in which] the dominant motive was not love or faith but fear...[which] made for division rather than for community" . (53) In Thailand, CAPT

Curlewis noted that after leaving Changi and having had no service of worship for over seven weeks, "some pretty earnest prayers were offered".(54) However, the fact that at the end of the war the chaplains were able to present 120 men (British and A.I.F) for confirmation by the

Bishop of Singapore, and the monthly lists of communicant numbers kept for all the chapel services in Changi from 28 February 1942 to 9

September 1945 and the records kept for other prisoner of war camps show that the faith was maintained in captivity, even though attendances fluctuated according to the number of work parties sent to other places.(Appendix 6) In some camps, the chaplains were supported by other clergymen who were interned at the fall of Malaya and Singapore, and in the more settled prison camps

53. Gordon, E. Miracle On The River Kwai. Glasgow, 1965. pp. 51-52. 5*t. Curlewis, CAPT. A. in Poole, P. o p. c i t. p.193*

261 they were able to maintain fellowship and prayer groups through the week. CHAP Rogers believes that the experience of captivity “brought a feeling of togetherness, and instead of DRIVING people to religion, it BROUGHT them closer to it". [His emphasis](55) Many Church services were held in the open air, and Sir Edward Dunlop described one such site:

There is beauty in this spot with the

quietness of the river and the large stone altar with the simple bamboo table and cross built over it. Along side is the little cemetery with some great trees. The altar rail and seats are provided by bamboo...and these rise up the bank theatre-wise. All around the green life of the jungle and the challenge of the

little cross down by the river.(56)

Chapels were built of any material available and from any source, knocked down, rebuilt and even carried to Thailand. CHAP. Marsden reported that most of the material for the chapel in the hospital area in Singapore was obtained at night.

Every evening a few of the men would creep

through the wire surrounding the camp, and

55. Rogers, CHAP.J.B. o p.c i t. 56. Dunlop, o p. cit.

262 bring back all the v/ood they could find. During these scrounging operations, an unused military hut was completely dismantled, and brought back to the

hospital.(57)

The Rev. J.N. Lewis Bryan, formerly the Assistant Chaplain General (Far East British Forces) and a POW in Singapore has recorded the history of over forty chapels and at least two synagogues which operated in prisoner of war areas in Singapore and Malaya.(58) St Luke’s chapel was located in the dysentery ward in Roberts Barracks hospital, and a religious mural painted by a British soldier during his illness can still be seen. In the Changi prison area there were a number of chapels erected, some with names which reflected the location of the chapel, such as 'St George’s In The Poultry’, which was built four times before being given the above name.(59) One of the Roman Catholic chapels built by prisoners of war in Cnangi was dismantled and brought to

Australia in February 1947 under the supervision of the War Graves Commission. For many years what remained of the building was stored in the Australian War Memorial’s shed at the Royal Military College, Duntroon. A committee was formed in 1986 to work towards the re-erection of the chapel. This work was done by the Royal Australian

57. Marsden, CHAP.L. op.cit. 58. Bryan, Rev. J.N. Lewis. The Churches Of The Captivity In Malaya. London, 19^6. p.8. 59. Singapore Prison Authority Report on Changi Prison Museum , July 1987 .

265 Engineers and re-dedication of the chapel took place in August 1988 and now stands within the grounds of the Royal Military College as a national memorial to prisoners of war. Though the tiled roof and flooring were in good condition, other original building materials used were fragile and these sections were in need of considerable refurbishment or replacement.

The reactions of prisoners to chaplains were not always favourable. The officers received privileges which the men working on the gangs did not, and there was resentment present even after the levies to support the sick had been paid. One prisoner wondered if the "officers who were reverent and humble when they read the funeral services over our dead ever realised how bitter, harsh and sour the men felt towards them". In Nelson's account of the prisoners George McNeilly levels criticism at some of the chaplains. "...Half were not suited to camp life. They became absorbed in their own survival, just trying to scrounge things to eat, collecting snails, catching birds and neglecting everything else."(60) Some members of the hospital staff were criticised for prosyletising (61) although whether this was at the instigation of any

60. Nelson, o p , cit. p.3 3 - 61. Dunlop, op.cit. p.J12. chaplain is unknown. John BarrettJs references to chaplains may refer to all the threatres of the war, not just the SWPA but there were some chaplains who "forgot th at Christ was a carpenter"(62). Barrett’s examples include the conviction of a devout Presbyterian layman who had come to the conclusion that religion in the Army was "just part of the establishment" and that chaplains had "put rank first, church second and soldiers last".(63) Barrett also notes that 9% of his respondents did not answer his questions about chaplains, and "another 9% damned the padres". However, there was an "uncritical appreciation [of the chaplains]...expressed by 63%" which as Barrett notes would have been well above the number of churchgoers.(64)

A few chaplains were able to observe each other at work, and there were mixed reactions, ranging from excel lent to great disappointment. There does not appeai- to have been a strict deliniation of areas in wh i ch the chaplains worked. Thus a British Colonel in one camp asked

CHAP Thorpe to act for the British troops, and when it was pointed out that there was a British chaplain in the camp, the Colonel replied, "I am asking you". CHAP Thorpe never knew why. In fact, CHAP Thorpe who never was a chaplain in the

62. Barrett, J. We Were There. Australia 1987. p.75. 63. ibid, p.206. 6A. ibid, p.326.

265 Australian Army Chaplains' Department, though there were moves to have him made one, may well have been making critical comment on some chaplains from the point of view of one who was then serving' in the ranks when he wrote:

I felt that some of them could not bring themselves down to the men's level. They kept full uniform. I wore old shorts and sometimes gee-strings, more often an old shirt and shorts, with camp-made thongs. It

was also unfortunate they seemed to lack a

suitable approach to the sick and

dying.(65)

Those chaplains who were favourably regarded were probably those who fitted the model laid down in the history, experience and folklore of the first World War, performing a combination of both a practical and a spiritual ministry. Thus on a march Padre Paddy Walsh (RC) was "continually helping any stragglers at the back, carrying their gear and doing everything possible to help them along". When "the pressure was most intense at Songkurai ...at five am...Paddy Walsh, the priest, would be at the front of the camp. We'd be in pouring rain of course, and he'd be there to see if anybody wanted to go to confession in case they

65. Thorpe, CHAP.H. 0 p . c i t.

266 died during the day".(66) CHAP John May courageously carried a white handkerchief and walked towards forty-nine boats loaded with

Japanese to offer the surrender of nursing sisters at Kokopo. CHAP Patmore of the 2/21st BN Gull

Force, was known affectionately to the soldiers as

"Chewing Gum Charlie", a nickname which he had acquired in Australia because of his ability to produce unlimited amounts of chewing gum on the march from Rokeby Camp to Albury. "He would have been the most understanding, the most quiet and gentle man I have ever met, yet underneath he was a dynamo, always ready to listen, advise and offer spiritual help and cornf ort" . ( 67 ) CHAP Patmore was killed tending the wounded during an Allied raid when an ammunition dump exploded in a POW camp in

Arnboina. (68) LTCOL Dunlop believed that CHAP Parr in spite of his imprisonment was still quite conventional in his approach to the services he conducted, even though his "robes and communion kit (are) battered, travel-stained and with water stains. Above this a gaunt, bearded, spiritual face (at times I caught a distinct resemblance to a bedraggled and ill J.C.), below a gaunt, thin pair of legs and army boots". Similarly with CHAP

Bourke..."a scintillating brillant spectacle in scarlett and gold... presenting the colour,

66. Nelson, op.cit. p.48. 67. Page, W.J. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, (undated) 1987 68. Hicks, W. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 1987 .

267 dignity, purple pomp and power of the Church temporal". (69) CHAP Duckworth, a British chaplain was also held in high esteem by the Australians. Duckworth often regaled his hearers with stories of weekend trips to Paris as prizes for rowing victories in former days. In Changi his communion table was made of steel lockers, the altar cloth was a white parachute, washed with a soap made of wood ash and palm oil.(70) He has been described as "effervescent and entertaining...sincere and solemn...if anyone could lead the lost sheep back into the fold, he was the man to do it". (71) On one occasion, Padre Duckworth who was renowned for his practical advice was asked by some of the British regular soldiers about the embarrassment they might have at their first sexual encounter after such a long time, and they were looking for some indication as to how they shouid behave. "Padre Duckworth was quick with his advice:

'First, take off your pack and your boots!'"(72)

CHAP O'Donovan(RC) during the battle near

Johore Bahru was seen "moving prominently among the troops. Later I found that he had been wounded, shrapnel having lodged too close to the heart to be removed", yet he also went to Sandarkan instead of remaining at Changi.(73) CHAP

69. Dunlop, op.cit.p.l?1!. 70. Millward, E. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 7 May 1987. 71. Hunt, 8. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett, 8 June 1987. 72. ibid. 73. Peterson, H. Correspondence with R . W. T i p pe 11,(u (td a t e d) 1987

268 O'Donovan later became the Vice Provincial for his Order and carried the shrapnel until his death at fifty-two years of age.(74)

Nelson believes that the medical personnel acted as a sort of buffer between the prisoners and the Japanese, and that they were able to continue their medical work because they had no moral doubts. Their role was clear cut. However, the chaplains were not permitted by the Japanese to be buffers in the same sense as the medical staff, perhaps because the chaplains did not have the same status in the eyes of the Japanese as did the medical officers, especially since Japanese Buddhists served in the Army without any special rank. The case of CHAP Cunningham (with the green-figured armband) was certainly an exception. The chaplains may also have been seen as unimportant when it came to procuring work parties.

The prisoner of war chaplains interviewed do not believe that their capture provoked any crisis in their own faith. CHAP Thorpe believed that his faith seemed to strengthen as the years of captivity went by even though the maintenance of their own spiritual life was 'piecemeal' (75).

Others found that by "absorbing oneself in the

7*t. ibid. 75* Blakeway, CHAP.L. op . cit.

269 task of helping the so many distressed and suffering men" their own spiritual life was replenished.(76) CHAP Rogers believed that his

"faith was sufficiently grounded and serene in itself that it was just another path in life, and you just had to face up to it by believing in God and believing in His promises...all I had to do was my job, give spiritual consolation and try to live up to the faith".(77) In common with others, they received almost no support from Australia, and anything which did arrive was purloined by the J apanese.

The experience of being a chaplain in a prisoner of war camp undoubtedly influenced their subsequent ministry in that the material things V were seen in their true perspective. "I did not want a parish where a Women’s Guild might cause trouble over a broken article or be mean with their money". (78) The prison experience became a backdrop for CHAP Rogers which has coloured his life to a great extent over the last 40 years. "Sometimes it is a vivid memory, more insistent sometimes. It makes me different from a great many others, but not to the extent of being difficult to get on with...If anything, more concerned about other people’s troubles".(79) While still a

76. Thorpe, CHAP.H. op . c i t. 77. Rogers, CHAP.J.B. op . cit. 78. Thorpe, CHAP.H. op.cit. 79. Rogers, CHAP.J.B. op.cit.

270 prisoner, CHAP Marsden planned to establish a mission in Japan, believing that the destruction there provided an opportunity for the Christian

Church. He later established a hospital and schools in Japan and Korea but on a return trip to

Australia made a remark critical of the Australian government's support, and he was never forgiven by the Church authorities. Support for his project withered and Marsden died disillusioned. (80)

At the end of the war, three Australian chaplains found themselves in the opposite position to the prison camp chaplains. CHAP J.

O'Callaghan (RC) recalled how he came to be photographed with two Japanese Roman Catholic

Bishops, Ogihara of Hiroshima and Yarnaguchi of

Nagasaki, both of which cities were the targets of the atomic bombs. In Asia, most of the Christian missions had been staffed by expatriates but with advance of the Japanese armies, Japanese Christian leaders were permitted to enter occupied areas although they did not have jurisdiction over

Christians in the Japanese Imperial Army or in POW camps. Two of the Japanese who volunteered were

Bishop Ogihara who was stationed at Banjarrnas in

Dutch Borneo, and Bishop Yarnaguchi, in Makasar

Celebes. Bishop Yarnaguchi had been a class mate of

Cardinal Gilroy and Archbishop Beovich of Adelaide

80 . Fagan , op.cit,

271 while at the Propaganda College, Rome. When the war ended, the Australian 7th DIV became the protectors of all Japanese and the bishops and other missionaries were imprisoned at Balikpapan. Bishop Ogihara was invited by CHAP. Charles Cunningham to say Mass for about 1,000 Australian troops, with an equal number of curious onlookers, an action which the G.O.C viewed as fraternising with an unforgiven enemy. He issued a Divisional Routine Order which read:

Japanese Christians and Christian Priests are not to be accorded favoured treatment and they are to be treated as ordinary Japanese nationals.

Japanese personnel will salute Australian

Officers at all times; Australian Officers will not return the salute, but look them sternly between the eyes.

Fr 0"Callaghan continued:

Charlie Cunningham took umbrage and complained to Tim McCarthy, Deputy

Chaplain General, who forwarded the

complaint to Mr Frank Forde, then Minister for the Army, who in turn forwarded the complaint to General McArthur. The result was a brief signal

272 which readBishops to be returned to Japan, forthwith'.

They were then transferred to Movement Control awaiting' the first plane to Japan, during' which interval Charlie Cunningham,

Joe Phillips and myself with the Bishops

celebrated Christmas Dinner, 1945, with

American turkey, Australian beer, and Austra1ian p1um pudding (cold) and also toasted our new Cardinal, Norman Gilroy.(81)

On Sunday, 27th August, 1945, a final combined service of thanksgiving was held in

Singapore to the accompaniment of the camp's string orchestra and a harmonium. It was conservatively estimated at the time that some 4,000 prisoners were present. In his address, the Rev J.N.Lewis Bryan (Assistant Chaplain General,

UK) remarked that it was true that nothing could bring back that "which the locusts had eaten", but that the years need not have been wasted:

We have learned many lessons in this place, he said, the art of doing without so many things we considered vitally essential...

81. O'Callaghan, CHAP.J. Correspondence with R.W.Tippett. November 1986.

273 the value of simple things...a

greater self-reliance. . . the ability to

turn our hands to fresh endeavours...

our minds to new pursuits.

For many this captivity has been

a time of awakening to the reality

of spiritual thing's. . .the worth of

prayer and sacrament...a deeper

faith and trust in God. . .a fuller

knowledge of that glorious

heritage of our Faith...the

Swo rd of tii e Spirit, wh i ch i s

the Word of God. (82)

82.Bryan, op.cit. p.70.

2 7*t PLATE 10. Sketch by a POW of a burial ground in Thailand. Reprinted from Bryan, Rev. J. Lewis. The Churches of the Captivity in Malaya. London, 1946. Crown copyright approval (10 January 1989. ) 76 PLATE 11. A Christian altar in Singapore. The sign at the front of the altar was written in Japanese requesting that the altar be left undisturbed. It stood for the duration of the war. Reprinted from Bryan, Rev. J. Lewis. The Churches of the Captivity in Malava. London, 1946. Crown copyright approval (10 January 1989)

277 278 PLATE 12. Interior of the Jewish Synagogue, Changi Camp, Singapore. Reprinted Bryan, Rev. J. Lewis. The Churches of the Captivity in Malaya. London, 1946. Crown copyright approval (10 January 1989). 280 PLATE 13. A contemporary photograph of the Roman Catholic chapel, Changi, now re-erected in the grounds of the Royal Mi 1 itary Col lege, Duntroon, ACT. The chapel stands as a memorial to prisoners of war, and is adjacent to the ANZAC Memorial Chapel of St Paul erected in 1966 with funds donated through Operation Christian Soldier.

Photograph reprinted by Australian Army Public Relations. 282 PLATE 14. Bishop G. Mayne, Roman Catholic Member of the Religious Advisory Committee to the Services and Principal Chaplain (RC) G. Cudmore inspect the cross from the Roman Catholic chapel, Changi. The crates at the rear contain the wood-fired roofing tiles packed in grass for the journey to Australia. Photograph by Australian Army Public Relations.

9 Q 7 m PLATE 15. A rosary carved with a pocket knife by Mr W.J.Jouaneau from a mahjong tile while a POW in Changi. The rosary has been presented to the Red Cross Society.

Photograph by the Red Cross.

285 Oft A PLATE 16, Chaplain A. Toms, a presently serving Roman Catholic chaplain dedicatee a plaoue erected at Fell Eire Pass, Thailand. 26 April 1987.

287 288 CHAPTER 6.

EVALUATION.

Any evaluation of the ministry of chaplains in the South West Pacific Area during* World War II, must he against the background of the many factors

occasioned by the complexity of modern warfare and the appointment of men and women with motivations generated by deeply held religious beliefs.

McKernan notes that there was an "enormous

impact the First World War still [being] exercised during the second". (1) There were changes however. Australians had accepted World War I propaganda too easily, and the promised benefits had not been achieved. Australia had lived through the "worst economic depression the world had known".(2)

However Arnold Hunt, writing of the situation in the Methodist Church in the 1940's, notes that the Church was trying to make sure it did not repeat the errors in attitude of the First World

War. Many and not all of them pacifists "may have been left with an uneasy conscience about the way

Methodists had fomented hatred of Germans...and suspicions of Catholics". In the end though, very 1. McKernan, M. All In! Australia During The Second World War. Australia, 1983. p.viii. 2. ibid.

289 few were against the war.(3) The Church was wary of calls for recruits, but undertook to pray for victory, subject "to certain conditions". "Their cause was just, but their approach to God should be accompanied by individual and social repentance". Furthermore, Methodists should ask "what sins, personal and national, were challenged by war".(4)

The situation was different for the Roman

Catholic Church as well. She was now less suspect in the community generally. The Irish question was no longer paramount for Australians, and their new chief spokesman, Cardinal Gilroy had been a member of the Australian forces in World War I, thereby giving his voice more authority when making pronouncements.

On the day World War II broke out appeals for " calm and Ch r i s t i an fortitude" were made f rorn Christian pulpits. Archbishop Mowll, who was to react very quickly to the new war situation and provide much greater support for soldiers than his predecessor had done, preached from a text popular in war time: "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in time of trouble". (5) Some of the "simplistic moral judgements" of the clergy that the war must come from God(6) came to sit 3. Hunt, A.D. This Side Of Heaven. A History Of Methodism In South Australia. Adelaide, 4 985" p - 3 4 9 - V. ibid, p. 351. 5. McKernan, op. cit. p.2. 6. ibid, p. 5.

290 uneasily with chaplains faced with actual battle and its effects.

The census proportion of denominations as the agreed basis upon which the number of chaplains recruited for the AAChD in World War II was probably the only fair way of achieving a balance of Christian denominations and Jewish chaplains.

[The AAChD was never an entirely Christian

Department] The relative percentages of denominations had changed since World War I, much to the chagrin of some of the chaplains and their bishops. The arguments of men such as Bishop

Burgrnan that the number of chaplains should be related to the denominations of those soldiers who actually enlisted were quite impractical .and would have led to as many anomalies as they tried to redress. The motives for such a demand are understandable, in that the desire to give the best possible pastoral care of soldiers of a particular denomination would have been uppermost in the minds of the bishops and those in authority in the Protestant churches.

However, there is implicit in this thinking a type of rearguard action against increasing secularisation as well as being disturbed at the changes taking place in Australian society and in

291 denominational loyalties. The national census figures were probably more accurate anyway, since while some of the churches may have claimed a greater percentage of adherents through large nominal followings, respondents to national questionnaires are more likely, through the anonymity of a census form, to declare that they are of no religion.

The number of Salvation Army chaplains on Army rolls at the outbreak of World War II was far in excess of the census figures for that denomination. This may have been because the social conscience of the Salvation Army outstripped that of other denominations. Furthermore, Salvation Army officers had distinguished themselves in World War I through their practical work and it is obvious from s owe of the correspondence of the time that other Churches envied their success with the troops. Upon the outbreak of World War II, the proportions were changed to meet the census requirements for chaplains and many former chaplains thereafter became Red Shield welfare workers. It should be noted at this point that it was only the chaplains who were paid for by the Army; the Red Shield welfare workers were paid by the Salvation Army.

292 The states of enlistment of World War II chaplains bear a relationship to the percentages of population in the more populous states of New

South Wales and Victoria; for example 65% of

Anglican chaplains and over 78% of Roman Catholic chaplains came from New South Wales and Victoria.

The exception appears to be in the numbers of

Methodist chaplains originating from South

Australia where the Methodist Church was numerically strong. After the initial burst of enthusiasm had waned some churches found it difficult to meet their quota of chaplains. The appeals by both the Anglican and Roman Catholic hierarchy for more chaplains had only partial success. In these denominations the permission of the bishops was needed for ministers and priests to become chaplains and this control would have put a brake on individuals volunteering directly, though some did this. The reluctance of bishops is perhaps understandable because of their desire to maintain their work at home, already hard pressed because of the war effort. In churches with less control over their clergy the lack of volunteers might not have been so critical, although the Presbyterian Church never filled her quota of chaplains. This lack is strange considering that the Moderator General of the

Presbyterian Church, RT Rev R. Wilson Macaulay,

293 writing' in The Argun of 1 January 1945 considered that the Presbyterian Church was a "most truly national Church...and the essence of her witness has been international". He went on to add that no matter what happened in the future, "we may so behave ourselves ...that we may give Australia real aid in her great task of achieving unity, justice with goodwill, and an unbreakable integrity".(7)

More might have been made of the question of the age of chaplains than was necessary. Presbyterian, Churches of Christ and Salvation Army chaplains were on average the oldest chaplains and this in spite of the Methodist conferences’ policy of deliberately choosing more mature men, but even then some of the Methodist chaplains were among the youngest group. The more important criteria was probably prior experience as ministers or as chaplains if they were still young enough, the ability to learn quickly and adapt to the new situations war placed upon them, rather than an insistence on age alone. There were plenty of positions in hospitals behind the lines, in hospital ships which of course also had a degree of danger, and "voyage only" postings where the older men could have been used. However, there

7. Macaulay, RT. Rev. R. Wilson, in The Argus, 1 January 191*5«

2 9*t is no evidence to suggest that only the younger men were used in forward areas.

At the outbreak of World War II only 50 chaplains had had experience in World War I. Over

770 chaplains served in World War II and while it is undisputed that former chaplains would have passed on their World War I experience to the new chaplains in World War II, the extent of contact on numbers alone would have been quite limited.

Furthermore, the nature and manner in which World

War II in the South West Pacific was fought was different from World War I. In the intervening years there had been much emphasis on pacifism in the churches and society generally. Thus it is likely that the direct personal advice to World

War II chaplains was of limited value only. Also, the nearest enemy so far as Australia was concerned was an Asian power which was probably perceived to be more unpredictable and more mystifying than a European enemy.

While not prolific, much of the early writing and advice in 1939 by chaplains with prior experience, while generally offering very sound, practical advice assumed a European enemy which respected the conventions of warfare. The best that could have been transmitted in the case of a

South West Pacific conflict would have been

295 general principles as to how a chaplain might go about his duties. This was clearly inadequate, aggravated by the fact that many men received no instruction at all. The Australian Army Chaplains'

Department left the Directorate of Educational and Vocational Training and became a separate entity in 1941. This fact together with the recognition of the developing and changing nature of chaplaincy revealed the need for the Department to carefully select, instruct and adequately prepare th e chaplains for c onf1ict.

There were a number of reasons why men enlisted as chaplains in the Australian Army. Loyalty was an important motivating factor and it would appear that some ministers and priests were extremely eager to volunteer. In World War I volunteerism was related to loyalty and allegience to "God, King and Country", which meant in effect the "British Empire", since Australia itself was under no direct threat. In World War II, at least in the South West Pacific Area, it was probably fear for national survival and the future of Christian institutions if Australia should be overrun by an Asian power which was the primary motivation for chaplains, a fear shared by many long after the defeat of Japan in 1945. These were

296 new priorities which replaced in large measure the prior loyalty to Britain.

However, the leadership of Archbishop J. W. C. Wand, the Anglican Primate of Australia was very important in maintaining a "British Connection". In pamphlets and addresses he expressed his belief that the world faced its greatest decision in history, and urged that Australia should stand firmly with Britain because, in reality, the battle was for Christian civilisation. Even though Archbishop Wand returned to England in July, 1943, to become Bishop of Bath, he maintained his interest in Australia by remaining an Australian Army chaplain, being the contact for Australian servicemen in Britain.

The practical support and motivation of the Roman Catholic Church had been questioned in World War I, but Archbishop Mannix well-understood the inadequate provision for the spiritual welfare of the troops that obtained when Australia was threatened with invasion by the Japanese. Though the church’s claim for special privileges and exclusiveness rankled the Church of England and

Protestant Denominations, both of these groups engaged in special pleading for their own cause when the need arose.

297 The two branches of the Lutheran Church in

Australia fought hard to overcome prejudice and have their chaplains appointed to the Army. Initially the group saw their ministry as only to Lutherans. It was probably fortunate that eventually the decision was made to join the United Churches section of the AAChD which meant that the Lutheran chaplains accepted the responsibility for caring for all Protestant denominations soldiers. This move would have allayed any lingering suspicion that the Church was only concerned with those of German origins. The extent and cohesion of the Church's war effort with a relatively small membership based almost entirely upon ethnic origins gave a level of pastoral care for Australian Lutheran servicemen and women in the South West Pacific Area that was quite remarkable. The Church's "letter factory" which operated from the West Coast of South Australia produced enormous quantities of mail for the troops.

There was also the motive of genuine pastoral concern. World War I chaplains had learned the value of ‘being there', that is, ‘a ministry of presence'. Chaplains should be present whenever and wherever soldiers fought or relaxed, were injured or killed. They buried the dead, and

298 offered spiritual and practical help, as some would make the distinction. There was some thought also that the personal morals of soldiers could be protected by the chaplain who stood for moral and spiritual values in the questionable morality of total warfare. It is also in this area that the condemnation of chaplains by chaplains and laymen was strongest when they failed personally.

Personal failure affected others, in that, despite comparisons with the soldiers’ own morality, the chaplain’s failure was seen as something more than simply the failure of an individual. Criticisms by laymen may have been influenced by preconceived ideas of the chaplains’ role.

As in World War 1, the chaplains were faced with psychological, theological and moral issues. Fatalism, callousness, lack of spirituality, the relationship of fear and prayer, long periods of boredom and shorter, but no less debilitating periods of stress. They also had to confront the belief that the Church was either irrelevant or too closely tied to authority. A particularly difficult question to answer was that which queried the moral judgment of God in permitting war at all.

299 With 1 he outbreak of war in 1939, it very quickly became obvious that the Chaplains'

Department was not adequately prepared to send chaplains overseas. There were plenty of names on lists within the Department, but many were far too old and the Army required no fitness tests for chaplains. CHAPGEN Riley had fought hard to have compulsory periodical medical boards for all chaplains, but the Army had simply refused his requests. The spiritual care of servicemen was also haphazard. The type of man to be enlisted was probably governed initially by what senior chaplains remembered or considered the role of the chaplain to be. Sometimes men volunteered their services, but some of the correspondence of the time reveals that some of these were considered unsuitable and so vacancies were not filled, or were offered to another denomination to fill. This in itself shows a development in the thinking of ecclesiastical seniors about chaplaincy as a developing ministry of the church and of the need for specialists in this field. Hence careful selection became necessary.

Early Roman Catholic appointments appear to have favoured men from the religious orders probably because of their immediate availability, but thereafter the church actively sought diocesan

300 priests perhaps because those with the wider- con tacts with men and women would have come from the ranks of the latter. However that is not to say that men from religious orders did not perform well as chaplains; in fact the ability to work by oneself within a strict religious rule would also have assisted the chaplain and in particular those who became prisoners of war.

Given the lack of organisation and preparation in the Australian Army Chaplains' Department and the urgency with which instructional guidelines were prepared, the content of these instructions is very good. The papers are a mixture of theological rationale, Army protocol, and practical good sense, and still have a wealth of good advice for chaplains. Not all chaplains attended the Schools organised by the Chaplains' Department but the topics on the agenda were important and valuable, even if, as some believed, the quality of the presentation left something to be desired. Other chaplains attended the normal Officer Cadet Training Units conducted by the Army, but in these specific instruction on chaplaincy would have been incidental to the course. In December 1943, a suggestion by the CGS that all chaplains enlisted since 1942 should attend an OCTU course was rejected since it would

301 mean withdrawing younger chaplains from the front. However, it was decided that all new chaplains would attend the OCTU course, even though it was considered that matters concerning chaplaincy were better covered in the Chaplains' Department's

Schools. What was unfortunate was that many chaplains received no instruction whatever as to their duties on joining a battalion, being left to gather what they could as soon as possible, mostly from a sympathetic layman, or if they were fortunate, a few words of advice from the man they were relieving. A number of laymen deplored the lack of education about military procedures and of how to survive in an Army environment. Sometimes a lack of common sense seems to be evident in the behaviour and attitudes some of the chaplains. But it must be noted that the Army, let alone modern warfare, was an alien environment for many ministers and priests.

The location of chaplains in war time was a much debated question. In the trench warfare of World War I, it could be argued that the chaplain's place was in the trenches with the troops. However, World War I chaplains later came to the conclusion that the chaplain was better placed at aid posts and casualty clearing stations. They found that chaplains were hard to

302 replace if they were killed or injured and some military authorities believed that no man was required to take more risks than his job entailed.

This called into question the role of the chaplain in battle. It was not that later chaplains lacked the necessary bravery as a reading of the citations for decorations and awards shows. (Appendix 3) Rather it was a question of where chaplains would be most useful. In World War II, Australian Army chaplains served with distinction in front line areas in the forefront of battle, but the number of postings to clearing stations, military and general hospitals etc, reveal that no matter what individual chaplains felt was their rightful location, the Chaplains'’ Department believed that their work in rear locations was very important indeed, the more so the better casualty evacuation procedures became. Unfortunately, it would appear that a few chaplains were able to arrange postings for themselves where danger was negligible but such maneuverings were not lost on other chaplains.

It is perhaps at this point that comparisons between chaplains and welfare workers of various kinds, particularly with Salvation Army Red Shield officers, are inaccurate. Australians seem to want their religion to be revealed as an immediate,

303 practical response to the present physical need only. The formal worship of the large denominations with their roots in other lands may have appeared to be anachronistic. More recently and with reference to the social welfare activities of the major denominations, Giliman writes of the importance to Australians of such organisations as the Brotherhood of St Lawrence,

St Vincent De Paul Society, Red Shield etc. , which become in effect the symbol of the denomination

itself:

It is of importance to recognise

how in each of these, in common

with the Australian penchant for

'doing', there are foci which fit

in readily with the perceived

essential 'Good Samaritan' role

of religion. Nowhere was this seen

and developed more than in the

respect accorded the Salvation Army

by servicemen in the wars in which

Australians have been involved. In

this there was a sharp contrast with

the attitudes taken towards not a

few of the official representatives

of the churches involved as chaplains.

Wartime attitudes paralleled in many

304 ways those found in peace time". (3)

The location of Senior Chaplains and the

Chaplains ’ General was also a matter for comment.

The Senior Chaplains were rightly located with BDE

HQ wherever that might be and the Chaplains’

General were in Melbourne. However, the terrain in the South West Pacific Area, the nature of the battle, the availability of transport, the frequency of movement and the fact that chaplains in the field often worked by themselves and might have been at any one of many locations occupied by the BDE, made easy access to chaplains difficult, and the visits of the Chap1ains’ Genera1 to the field irregular on the criteria of distance alone.

Nevertheless, when contact was made the worth of the visit of a superior varied from very helpful and a meeting of kindred spirits, to uselessness.

The attempt in 1945 by the Presbyterian Church to suggest that one CHAPGEN should be appointed for­ al 1 the Protestant Denominations failed, but following a visit to the South West Pacific Area by CHAPGEN Rentoul, it v/as decided that the prestige of the AACHD would be enhanced if the visits were less frequent and more evenly spaced.

The custom of having the CHAPSGEN accompanied by

Assistant Chaplains’ General and Deputy Assistant b. Gillman, I. Many F aiths. One Nation. Sydney, 1988. p.30-31

305 Chaplains* General was an entourage which was unnecessary and embarrassing.

General mobilisation for war confronted the chaplains with a mixture of religious, psychological, moral and theological views and brought them in touch with those who were not members of the mainline churches represented in the Australian Army Chaplains'’ Department as well as those who professed no religion at all. Of war

itself, in both soldiers and chaplains, it would

seem that beliefs ranged from regarding war as totally evil and without any redeeming features at all, to a belief that it was the instrument of God to punish the ungodly, and therefore totally justified. Service to one’s country became ipso facto service to God. It was assumed that God was on the side of the Allied Armies and the fact that God might not have been on either side does not appear to have been considered. One question put to Australian Army chaplains asked what they thought of chaplains who served in the German Army in World War II, and almost without exception they

made the response of "Never gave them a thought(9)

Other religious attitudes centred on the growing non-denominationalism evident in the Army, or towards an "Army Religion" which did not 9.Twenty-two German Protestant chaplains were killed in World War II, and another twenty died of wounds. Glen,F. "The German Defence Force Chaplain. 1939-19^5." in Intercom unofficial journal of the Royal Australian ArTny Chaplains' Department, May 1975.

306 recognize denominational divisions. This phenomenon is still evident today as many serving chaplains have been requested to conduct funerals for World War II soldiers and those of more recent conflicts simply on the grounds of being' "Army’.

This thinking* did not only belong to the soldiers.

In the extremes of war, many chaplains did not and perhaps could not subscribe to strict denominational or theological divisions, thereby assisting* albeit unwittingly the growth of non-denorninationalism. No matter how many chaplains thought otherwise, in the mind of the

Australian soldier strict denominationalism often did more harm than good and did nob serve the cause of religious faith generally and

Christianity in particular. Some would have described this as 'Church-ianity' as against

* Chr i st i. an i by * .

Coming as they did from many and varied backgrounds the chaplains represented theological opposites, such as sacramentalism on the one hand and no sacramental ministry on the other. The latter group, to v/hich belonged the Salvation

Army, were considered by many in the mainline churches to be ineligible to be chaplains on this ground alone. Coupled with this was the question of what constituted valid ministry, a question

307 which was not limited to any one of the denominational groups. This is evidenced by the fact that in Australia primarily, chaplains of all denominations ran recreation huts of some kind and with varying degrees of enthusiasm and success.

Part of the issue here was whether chaplains were present in the Army by right of ordination which all should recognize, receiving rank, pay and standing because of that, or whether as ministers and priests they had to find something to do which others would find useful and of value.

Thus commanding officers, following the pattern set in World War I, often gave other duties to the chaplains. These included the censorship of letters, organizing sports meetings, concert parties, and recreation responsibilities generally, which were important for the morale of the troops. In Australia, the chaplains found that boredom, proximity to cities, venereal disease and the misuse of alcohol were problems which called for their attention. They fought boredom by offering the entertainments mentioned above, advised that the men should "write home first" and not do anything they could not write home about.

Opinions varied about the use and availability of alcohol, but the opinions probably reflected the stance of the denomination to which the chaplain

308 belonged. (This may have applied to smoking and language as well). The chaplains who espoused total abstinence were sometimes embarrassed at the condition of some of their colleagues and then found it difficult to confront the soldiers on the issue. In Australia, the combined chaplain-doctor

VD teams worked hard at their task within the Army despite criticism and derision, but without a corresponding programme in the civilian community not very much progress could be made in combatting the disease.

In their religious duties, Church of England chaplains were assisted by the magazine CapclIanus. The magazine offered themes for worship services which generally followed the church year and provided valuable outlines for sermons. This service to chaplains was particularly important because for the most part the resources of the chaplain's library were not available in the field. Letters to the editor of Canel1 anus were encouraged and a number of controversial issues were raised either as editorials or by letters to the editor. CapelIanus also carried news of the work of other chaplains, postings, obituaries, recommended reading, etc., even suggesting the formation of an Australian Army Chaplains' Association (which did not reach

309 fruition until 15 August 1984). The magazine must have been a source of great assitance and A encouragement to Church of England chaplains.

As might be expected; the use of the Bible and

the Creeds were widely used by the chaplains in the conduct of religious worship and in personal work. However; many chaplains found that a good deal of teaching and personal explanation was needed because the Bible and the Creeds were not

widely known. The cross section of society evident

in the Army at that time revealed what may have

escaped the attention of the clergy in their churches surrounded by the faithful, that is, that secularization and suspicion were more widespread in Australian society than many suspected. The problem for the chaplains here was two-fold. They had to minister to the devout who would have expected a high level of ministry and needed to be fed spiritually at the level to which they had become accustomed at home. On the other hand, those who were coming into contact with chaplains and religion either for the first time or after long absences required simple yet adequate explanations to existential and religious questions and satisfying patterns of worship which might not meet the needs of the regular attenders. It was at this point that trenchant criticism was

310 leveled at some Army chaplains by active

Chr i st i ans d i s s at i s f i ed w ith what s ome chap 1 ains offered.

Furthermore, chaplains were faced with the vexed issue of combined religious services. The

Roman Catholic group worshipped separately, and although there were many occasions when Anglican and Protestants chaplains ministered to Roman

Catholics and vice versa, there was never any formal agreement that this should happen. Forms of worship were formulated by the respective CHAPSGEN so that Anglican and Protestant chaplains could act for eaen other, but some Anglican chaplains objected strongly to this arrangement. The problem was partly solved by appointing one Anglican, one

Roman Catholic and one Protestant Denominations chaplain to the BDE HQ, each with authority to act for their denomination across the battalions’ areas, a practice which is still followed.

However, each chaplain was attached to one of the battalions for rations, quarters and administration which meant that to some degree he was still seen as the battalion chaplain. The niceties of these distinctions as well as the reasons for it, were probably lost on the average soldier as personal popularity was always important. The war forced co-operation and

311 teamwork upon the different denominational groups, but a much greater appreciation of the work and worth of each other resulted over time.

Although the numerical odds were not high, chaplains along with all Army personnel were faced with the possibility of death and injury. There were instances where the chaplains themselves took an active part in the battle besides their norma1 chaplaincy tasks. The question of the carriage of weapons was a personal one, although the Geneva Convention decreed that only weapons of personal protection, that is, pistols, v/ere to be carried by chaplains. Such questions required personal re-assessments and moral judgments on the part of the chaplain. Similarly with burials which in the religious climate and practise of Church relationships at home in Australia meant that those of various denominations were buried in consecrated ground in different parts of the cemetery. To their credit, the Chaplains General decreed that this would not be the case with

Australia's war dead, and all were buried with as much dignity and decorum as the circumstances permitted.

Bishop Burgmann’s committee of clergy in

Goulburn also tried to make changes in chaplaincy with the object of maintaining the position of the

312 Church of England in respect of all others. This committee was fighting something of a rear-guard action; the circumstances of Australian religious life and church attendance had changed far more than was realised. This became painfully obvious to the chaplains in the field. Archbishop Wand's three point policy for the Church of England in the war period endeavoured to meet some of these factors. However of the three, evangelism to strengthen the base of the Church, consideration of the opportunities and obligations of the future, only the last, to do everything possible for the servicemen, showed any great success, at least for the duration of the war.

However, the war changed "the way many Anglicans saw the society in which they lived".(10) The evangelicalism of the Sydney diocese had hitherto stressed personal salvation as a means of redeeming society thus separating the "secular and the sacred". However, the more liberal elements, though in the minority, had rejected this simplicistic approach arguing that social issues and the "structural issues of economics and politics" should not be ignored. They advocated "a new social order based on Christian principles". (11) The views of the liberal evangelicals were taken more seriously

10. Judd, S. and Cable, K. Sydney Anglicans. Sydney, 1987. P.2A3. 11. ibid, p. 24A.

313 after World War II and Archbishop Mowll himself urged Christians to "express their Christian ideals in everyday activity".(12) Furthermore, the Primacy returned to Sydney after the war, adding to the stature of the diocese.The Sydney diocese of the Anglican church became more interested in the ecumenical movement after World War II probably because after World War II the emphasis of the movement was not on denominational re-union(13). The manner in which most chaplains of all denominations worked together in World War

11. the shared experiences, and perhaps the threat to Christian survival in an increasingly secular age gave added emphasis to these moves.

The Roman Catholic Church also changed as a result of World War II. The Church was stung by criticism of her role in World War 1 and despite some initial misgivings, the Church made rapid reassessments of her spiritual and practical assistance to the soldiers. Furthermore, the instruction by the Roman Catholic Archbishop, Dr Mannix, was a definite attempt to set forth guidelines for chaplains * activities. While these goals and instructions were based on denominational interests initially, there was a learning process taking place so far as chaplains of other denominations were concerned. This

12. ibid. 13. ibid, p.252.

31 enabled chaplains to realise that they did act for each other; their ministry was accepted by the soldiers regardless of denomination, and the chaplains themselves gained a much greater appreciation of each other as a result. Personal theology fell between "a rock and a hard place", and changed as a result.

While the greatest changes were to come later as a result of the Vatican Council of Catholic Bishops (1962-1965), there were a number of factors which prompted a "new surge of intellectual life" after the war and perhaps were precipitated by it. "The former obsession with security and habits of caution and deference to authority, characteristic of the earlier socially emergent Catholicism, were much diminished." (14)

The strict segregation of Roman Catholic soldiers at worship during the war appears to have been readily accepted by all. However, it is likely that soldiers and chaplains of protestant denominations softened their sectarian attitudes towards Roman Catholics not only because of the latter's whole-hearted support in World War II but also because they saw the genuineness of their Christianity and value of the ministry of Roman Catholic chaplains. In fact, the move towards greater openness may have been initiated by Dr

11*. O'Farrell, P. The Catholic Church And Community. (Revised Edition) Sydney, 198^. p.Auy-d.

315 Mannix himself in May 1939 at, the "Peace Rally" organized by the Catholic Action Secretariat. On that occasion, in company with the Prime Minister (Mr Menzies), Dr H.V.Evatt and other leaders, Dr Mannix said that Roman Catholics "were there, not to rake over the cinders of history, but to try and open a new era; to promote understanding and goodwill among the nations".(15)

The chaplains2 developing role brought conflict with the military system. In times of total mobilisation, governments are apt to harness all available means in the community to ensure victory. An example of this is seen in the calls for days of prayer upon the outbreak of war. Although military writings extolled the virtues of religion and chaplains, the latter had to fight not only for recogition but for supplies as well. Chaplains even had to bring their own communion kits to war, and it was some time before the military system agreed that these should be provided. A number of chaplains and bishops came to the conclusion that the Australian government paid only lip service to religion. Furthermore, the Catholic United Servicemens' Auxilliary which was dedicated to providing assistance to servicemen and women had a difficult fight with

15. Murtagh, J.6. Australia. The Catholic Chapter. Melbourne, 1969. p.187. ‘ ——

316 the government in order to be accepted as an accredited organization.

There was also the question of the freedom to worship or not to worship. Commanding Officers may have thought that if a little religion was good, a lot must be better, and ordered compulsory church parades. In the European theatre Field Marshall

Montgomery, "despite the strict Protestantism of his parents", being the brother of a chaplain and a devout Christian himself "risk[ed] his career by banning formal church parades".(16)The chaplains in the SWPA were divided on the issue, as were their ecclesiastical superiors. The Bishop of North Queensland (who had never been an Army chaplain), writing to the Anglican Chaplain

General who had seen considerable service and was therefore more aware of the conditions within the Army, raised the question of whether Anglicans should be required to attend any service taken by a non-conformist." The problem was that "if he didn't go, he would...peel potatoes...You, I think, hold that an Anglican soldier might be obliged to go to a Non-Conformist Service without the option of potatoes".(17) However, most appeared to believe that the atmosphere was generally better when the church services were voluntary and linked with personal anniversaries,

16. Dixon, N.E. On The Psychology Of Military Incompetence. London, 1976. p . 359. 17. Bishop Of North Queensland. Correspondence with CHAPGEN Riley. 2 April 19^0. A n g 1 i c a n A r c h i v e s , Brisbane.

317 significant dates in the church year or before and after battles. Compulsion was more likely to produce conscientious objectors.

Conflict also came between COs and the chaplains role within the unit; in that numerous COs gave extra tasks such as censoring letters, conducting concert parties and sporting events to the padres in order to keep them busy. While some chaplains saw this as an extension of their spiritual role and were happy to oblige, others saw it as an attack on their legitimate status in being ordained to the ministry of the Word and Sacraments being commissioned in the Army for that purpose.

Yet in order for Australian Army chaplaincy to be effective in war-time, there seems to have been a need for work other than the sacramental and pastoral work of the ordained minister. The “Request Hours", forerunners of CO's Hours which are still a part of Army life dealt with practical and moral issues. The chaplains were involved with other educational work; ROW chaplains taught in the University of Changi, and in Australia they participated in the combined doctor-chaplain VD teams. Chaplains discovered that there was a need to adapt their teaching to the circumstances in which they found themselves. The Morale Section of

318 the Chaplains’ Department filled an important need, and the female liaison staff formed an important bridge with women in the services. A few chaplains set to writing hymns but the authorised

Army hymn book did not make an appearance until near the end of the war. Chapel huts were built at public expense and operated by chaplains and their soldier assistants. This work was something of an innovation because, as the churches had found in

World War 1 and noted above, Australian soldiers liked religion to be expressed in very practical terms. The government also assisted with finance for the very successful rest and recreation centres provided by the Christian churches.

Rank, status and pay were kindred issues. When badges of rank were restored in 1942 against the wishes of the GOC and Bishop Riley, there appears to have been an increase in the status of chaplains throughout the Army. The badges distinguished them from philanthropic groups, but as the chaplains found, badges did not automatically make for acceptance. They still had to earn the trust and respect of the soldiers and officers. There was much embarrassment when in a reorganisation reversions in rank were necessary, and although the worn rank was the same as other officers, the chaplains were not paid at the same

319 rate, and still are not. The history of the pay of the Chaplains General during World War II was little short of a disgrace.

The support given to the chaplains by the Churches both personally and institutionally was generally very good being sorely missed when assistance was delayed. The work of the Church of England Soldiers and Sailors Help Society, the

Church of England National Emergency Fund, the

Catholic United Servicemen’s Auxilliary, the

Methodist Padres Organization, the ministry of Sydney city Anglican and Protestant Churches and the Lutheran Church’s programmes were very successfu1.

However the methods used to raise .funds for the programmes run by the Roman Catholic Church and other community groups raised the anger of evangelical clergymen, exacerbated when the Victorian government introduced a law to make “charitable gambling legal".(18) There were other moral issues as well, which were being brought home to Australians as in some way associated with war, and from which Australia had been shielded in World War 1.(19) These included “looser morals", the divorce and VD rates went up, the opening of commercial enterprises, the black market, sporting and cultural activities on Sundays (the dreaded

18. McKernan, op.cit. p.56. 19. ibid, p .239 .

320 "Continental Sunday") (20). In fact, the Recreation hub outside of St Andrew's Anglican Cathedral in Sydney packed up its games on

Saturday night and remained closed all day Sunday. St Mary's Roman Catholic Cathedral hut on the other side of the square remained opened and was heavily patronised.(21)

The British & Foreign Bible Society also supported the chaplains through the provision of Bibles and Scripture portions, a work which continues to this day. But it was not only the institutional support which was important. The support of some ministers of religion at home was magnificent. Rev Arthur Strange, a veteran of

World War I, personally found 14,000 billets for servicemen on leave. (22) Support by committed laymen in the Army was also vital. It was formalised by the Roman Catholic chaplains in the field by identifying a senior soldier who could be relied upon to gather Roman Catholics for Mass.

The chaplains found themselves in the alien environment of modern warfare, some as prisoners of war. Deprived of the normal means for them to do their work they were forced to improvise their ecclesiastical equipment. The resilience and depth of personal religious faith became even more important and in the extreme conditions some failed while others were ineffective. 20. ibid, p.241. 21. ibid. 22. Hunt, op . cit. p.352.

321 Unknown to them, other chaplains were experiencing similar changes in European prison camps. The British Methodist chaplain in Colditz CHAP Ellison Platt found as Ernest Gordon had found in Changi that men turned to religion expecting miracles of deliverance.(23) None came. Or perhaps they were looking in the wrong place, for there were many more miracles of personal survival rather than escape. In Europe, as in Asia, communion services came to be taken together;(24) CHAP Platt found himself conducting services surrounded by the incense and religious figures beloved of Polish and French Catholics,(25) and came to wonder why for Anglicans every service had to be one of Holy Communion.(26) Ecumenical services had an air of inevitability about them.(27) Permission was required for the conduct of any services(28) but the formal prayers of the Anglican chaplains left the Methodist cold. He wrote:

[CHAP] Heard led our thought, but for me the path led nov/here. In some remote age those prayers may have stimulated the faith and vouchsafed a vision, but I fear I am too concerned with faith and vision in this age.(29) 23. Duggan, M.(ed) Padre In Colditz. The Diary Of Elison Platt London, 1978 . p.227 . 2. ibid, p . 21. 25. ibid, P .57. 26. ibid, p.159. 27. ibid, p-53. 28. ibid, P - 30. 29. ibid, p .85.

322 However, Australian chaplains as prisoners of war in the SWPA were without the psychological boost of Red Cross parcels and mail from home which the British chaplains received, albeit irregularly.(30) Furthermore, the mock funeral staged by the Poles and the French in Colditz for

'entertainment/ (31) would have been grossly out of place in Japanese camps.

Although sharing common roots, it would appear that Australian and New Zealand chaplains did not have very much contact with each other in the South West Pacific Area. Initially the New Zealand Chaplains’ Department enlisted 50 men, comprising 20 Anglicans, 14 Presbyterians, 8 Roman Catholics, 4 Methods and one each from the Baptist, Churches of Christ, Congregational anrnd Salvation Army. Approximately half went to divisional units and the others to hospitals and bases.(32) Following considerable commitment in the Middle East and European theatres of the war, from 1942 onwards New Zealand forces in the SWPA were concentrated in Fiji thence to New Caledonia, and Bouganville in company with US forces. "By the close of the Second World War over 150 New Zealand Army chaplains had seen overseas service while a large number had also served entirely within New Zealand".(33) In contrast with the Australian Army

3°. ibid, p.27- 31. ibid, p.95- 32. Haigh, J.B. Men Of Faith And Courage. New Zealand, 1983. p.104-105.(The World War II section of this work concentrates upon New Zealand's involvement in the Middle East and European theatres of war.) 33. ibid, pp 149, 153•

323 Chaplains' Department which included no aboriginal chaplains, a number of Maori chaplains (all

Anglicans) served with the Maori battalion of the

New Zealand Army.

Australian Army chaplains also had contact with chaplains from the United States of America.

The outbreak of war brought a similar problem of procurement of chaplains for the forces, but a large core of reserve chaplains had been built up between the two World Wars, many of whom had served with the Civil Conservation Corps. A total of

1,478 chaplains "were on active duty when the attack on Pearl Harbour took place". But almost

8,900 US chaplains served in all theatres of World

War II, "Go [of whom] were killed in action, 19 v/ere killed or died while detained by the enemy,

254 v/ere wounded. . and 1,783 chaplains received

2,453 decorations".(34) As with the Australian

Army Chaplains' Department denominational quotas were employed, (35) but this was much more complicated than that which obtained in Australia.

Australian chaplains generally believed that the

Americans were better equipped and enjoyed a higher standing within their Army. Some life-long friendships were established during the war.

The Australian front-line chaplains, generally older than they troops they supported, worked in 3 4. The American Army Chaplaincy. A Brief History. Department Of The Army(USA) Pamphlet. Authorised by Taylor, M.D. (General) Pamphlet No. 165-1, USA, 24 October 1955. p.14. 35. ibid.

324 the very difficult physical environment of the jungle and shared its misery. "Salamaua was no glittering prize. The American Forces described it as a 'filthy, rat-ridden, pestilential hole. Rotting corpses sent up a vile stench and rats as big as small dogs roamed all over the place'".(36)

But they also found that their ministry was difficult in other ways. Many soldiers knew little of the Christian faith. Others, including officers, had little understanding of their spiritual role. They found that men were more anxious for religious activity the closer they came to battle areas. Prayer died when the shelling ceased. In their work the ability to adapt became vital. Success was difficult to measure and much of their work had to be left for others to judge. It became necessary to take a long view of their ministry and relationships with others. They were commending the ancient God of Israel who seemed to move too slowly in the world of men. Moreover, His justice appeared suspect. The chaplains v/ere representing the Christian gospel of peace and the slowly adjusting church. All this in an era which was beginning to experience the move towards secularization which began in nineteenth century Europe and the alienation of men whose foundations were shaken. 36. Matthews, R. Militia Battalion At War. 58/59th BN. Sydney , 1961. p.100.

325 The chaplains saw the horror of war in its awful attrition. They buried scores, sometimes hundreds of men a day. Theirs was the sad task of bundling up the few pathetic treasures of the dead, the writing of letters to next-of-kin, and trying to put into those letters some humanity to soften the starkness of official telegrams nobody wanted to deliver. These experiences etched themselves deeply into their own spiritual progress and subsequent ministry.

Together with the medical profession, and with doctors in particular, (CAPT Follent, R.M.O. and

CHAP Skehan were known in the 2/33r*d BN as the "inseparable twins") (37) they formed a helping team which won them great respect, and in a few instances decorations and awards. Many more, such as CHAP H. Wardale-Greenwood of the 2/19 BN who volunteered for Sandarkan, were recommended for awards but did not receive them.(38)

More importantly, many are personally remembered for their ministry over 40 years later. It is against this background that caricature, derison, loneliness, spiritual struggles, denominational rivalries, liturgical convictions, personal animosity, safe postings, the glamour of the uniform, pay, prestige of rank, self-interest and personal survival, begin to pale.

37. Crooks, W m. Ihe Foot Soldiers. The Story Of The 2/53rd Australian Infantry Battalion. Australia, 1971.. p - 3 31 - 38. Newton, R.W. The Grim Glory Of The 2/l9th Battalion, A.I.F (No place of publication , and no date recorded), p. 8 0 6 1

326 The remaining chaplains cannot themselves give an answer to the question, "Do you think you were successful?"

But the final judgment of others is likely to be that as men of faith and servants of God, they were greater than we thought.

327 APPENDIX 1.

A PAPER Y/RITTEN BY CHAP. HENDERSON ON ARMY CHAPLAINCY

/) N the war of I9I4-I9I8, many chaplains of the Australian Imperial Force, by IJ their example, their initiative and resourcefulness in serving the needs of all y" sorts and conditions of men, and their devotion to their calling, earned ever­ lasting gratitude and respect from soldiers of all ranks. But there were some who failed to do justice to themselves and their vocation for a variety of reasons. Some were baffled by the novelty of their surroundings, and could not adapt them­ selves to the difficulties and opportunities of their new environment. Others failed in more or less degree to interpret their real functions, and there were even a few who succumbed to those sharp temptations incidental to active service which it was their duty to help their comrades to fight and overcome. Even some of those who ended by acquitting themselves with credit took time to learn their new work, and began by making certain avoidable mistakes that had to be lived down. It has, therefore, been deemed advisable, as the result of consultation with padres who served in the last war, to issue these brief notes of guidance and advice with a view to helping newly-appointed chaplains to achieve their maximum efficiency as soon as possible. This memorandum is intended to set forth briefly what the Army expects of them. The principal difficulty of a padre's job arises from the fact that generally speaking there is no one in a position to give him orders as to his methods of doing his own work. These are rightly regarded as belonging to his own personality and training. He is subject to military orders, of course, in the matter of his movements and discipline, but the ways which he chooses to make contact with the men of his unit and to impress them with what he stands for will naturally depend upon his own resources. His work will, therefore, constantly demand initiative and -imagination. He must be continually making experiments, and in so doing will discover his own ability to do many things he has never attempted in civil life. The organising of sports and amusements, for example, will help to break the ice with some types of men, reading circles, lectures, debates, quiet, unofficial services of a devotional type, and “sing-songs" into which popular hymns are introduced will be of value to others. Generally speaking, the padre will find that though no experiment may succeed on the scale hoped for, none of them will fail to quicken the interest of some men. He should be careful not to measure results by numbers alone. One caution must be given to chaplains at the outset. Avoid "the intoxica­ tion of the uniform." Do not imitate the bearing and manner imposed by the exigencies of discipline on other military officers. You wear a uniform to give you a status in the army, and that status makes you a member of the officers' mess and gives you the privileges of an officer. But be mindful always that you are serving as a minister of religion, and that that is your function in the Army. The distance that for disciplinary reasons must separate the social intercourse of officers and men is not for you. You will naturally respect the dignity of your own calling, and in doing so will find that it is respected. But that does not imply aloofness from the men you serve. Though perhaps you will find it physically impossible to know all the men in the unit to which you are attached, it is your duty to give everyone who wishes an easy and natural opportunity of knowing you.

328 You should, therefore, make a practice of moving about easily among the men in their leisure hours, visiting them at meals, moving up and down the lines on the march, etc. This personal intercourse is the most important part of your work, as it is the hardest demand on your energies. You will find that no hour of it passes without your coming into some vital contact with someone who is eager for some kind of help, advice or companionship. As you become known and trusted, you will be asked to help in the solving of intimate personal problems, home troubles, etc., and may be asked to write ‘‘difficult" letters, and assist in other ways. Many men are thinking serious thoughts for the first time, and if you help them to over­ come their shyness—especially marked in the case of those who have never come, into contact with a minister of religion before—you will find yourself able to be of real assistance in fundamental questions of character and conduct. Visit especially those who are undergoing military punishment. Some of these men are passing through a period of bitter humiliation, and the offer of your friendship, an offer that need not always be put into words, may help them to recover self-respect.

Helping the sick or wounded in aid-posts, casualty clearing stations, and hos­ pitals is an art which needs careful judgment in each individual case. Many of these men, especially those recently wounded, are suffering from shock, and require quietening and reassurance. Many of them are anxious to send messages to rela­ tives and those dear to them. Be punctilious in this duty, if you are attached to a military hospital, visit the patients regularly and constantly. Be very careful not to acquire the reputation of one who visits only those who are seriously or critically ill. If you do acquire that reputation, you will be regarded as a "bird of ill-omen," and your visits will be dreaded rather than welcomed. If there are one or two men in a ward on the "Dangerously III" list, do not, on any account, single them out and make straight for their beds when you enter. Engage in casual and friendly conversations with others not so ill before you come to them. Your work, of course, should be a help and not a hindrance to that of the medical officers, and it is your task to give calmness, cheerfulness and courage as much as you can. But sometimes, in cases that are hopeless, you may be asked to break the gravest tidings. That will require all your wisdom, tenderness and fortitude. In these cases, be careful, strictly and accurately, to record and communicate the wishes and instructions en­ trusted to you. You should acquaint yourself with the elementary rules of making wills.

In your dealings with officers, non-commissioned officers, and other ranks be easy and friendly, but remember that "heartiness" is not enough. You will naturally be eager to disperse prejudice against your calling wherever you find it. All whole­ sale prejudices are, of course, unfair, and sometimes they take absurd forms. But do not let your eagerness in this matter take the form of an exaggerated "heartiness" of manner. It is natural that you should wish to show those around you that you are "human," and not a strange being whose habitual outlook is censorious, and often an easy kind of popularity is to be had for a time by assimilating your conduct and conversation to those around you. But, remember, that the best way to overcome prejudice in the long run is to be faithful to your work in an unostentatious friendly kind of way. Stiffness, of course, should be avoided, and irritability is always out of place, but you can maintain your standards with cordiality and reasonableness. The men whose opinions matter expect a chaplain to be a little "different" and respect him for it. Almost everyone resents a padre who "lets his job down." Parade services should be fairly short, as you are dealing with many men unac­ customed to prolonged attention to any set of ideas. The language of prayers and hymns should be such as to make the men realise that they deal with issues that are real for them. Do not be afraid to preach thoughtful sermons. With many men, these are more influential than simple, emotional appeals. Everyone likes to feel he is being reasonable. Do not always take much for granted in your congregation of soldiers, but give reasons for your fundamental beliefs. It is the sermon that gives rise to argument and discussion afterwards that carries most weight. You are, of course, commissioned by a Christian country to preach the Christian gospel with wisdom and charity and common sense. On active service, we need not remind you that this implies giving men strength and sanity to resist temptation, to maintain standards of self-respect, to live in goodwill to­ gether. Furthermore, from your ministry we hope they will gain courage and fortitude to maintain the cause entrusted to them—a cause whose triumph we trust will bring a just and lasting peace. As you move about among the officers and men, you may find yourself being made a "safety valve" for grievances. See to it that it is really as a "safety valve" that you function. In this matter of listening to grievances, you will need careful judgment. You should be careful to discriminate, as far as you can, between those grievances which arise from a habit of chronic "grousing" and those that have a real basis of fact or are worth enquiring into. Sometimes grievances are quite imaginary as to their cause, but, nevertheless, may be troubling the mental health and effi­ ciency of those who are suffering from a sense of grievance. There are methods of presenting complaints laid down by military regulations, and you should know these, and advise the aggrieved to use them where they are appropriate. But sometimes the sense of wrong is not amenable to these regulation methods. Often a feeling of discontent within a unit is aroused by an order or restriction, the reason for which is not understood. It may be possible for you to alleviate the irritation by an informal explanation, where this is possible without communicating information improperly. If you are on such terms with the company commanders, adjutant or commanding officer of your unit that confidences of this kind are likely to be welcomed and respected, you may often pass on unofficially and informally an inti­ mation of the discontent and the reasons for it as they exist in the minds of the discontented. In cases where such confidences are not welcomed, you can only advise the discontented to use official channels. If you yourself feel that you are not being granted fair and reasonable facilities for your work by the command of your unit, discuss the matter frankly with your commanding officer. There may well be reason of which you are not aware that limit your opportunities. In occa­ sional and extreme cases, it may be necessary for you to appeal to the military authority above that of your unit commander, but should such a case arise, notify your commanding officer frankly of your intention and ask him formally to arrange for the necessary interview. Protect yourself by a correct observance of military procedure. In action, most padres find difficulty in deciding where they can best do their duty. You need never be ashamed of feeling fear. This is the common experience of all intelligent and imaginative men. Courage is not fearlessness in most soldiers, but the overcoming of fear. You are not called upon to make yourself conspicuous by any theatrical exhibition of bravery. Military officers and all trained personnel are more useful serving than as casualties. You are required just to take the risks incidental to your duty, as is everyone else in the Army. Your commanding officer will usually regard himself as in a measure responsible for your safety, and may order you out of danger. But in most instances it is your own task to decide where you can be most useful as a padre and to go there. The very fact that you show yourself willing to share the lot of the men in your unit will enhance your influence

330 with them. But as a padre you will be out of place and not of much use partici­ pating in an attack, for example, nor is there likely to be room for you in the crowded and pre-occupied headquarters of a unit in action. In battle, you will, as a general rule, find yourself most usefully employed at a medical aid-post, where you have the opportunity to see the wounded as they come through, and to do what you can to help them according to the circumstances of each case. Avoid as far as possible committing yourself to heavy secular routine tasks for which you have no special training or qualifications, such, for example, as the super­ vising or running of canteens. The handling of money in large sums is an onerous responsibility, and requires more time than you should be able to give, together with a special kind of training which you probably lack. In conclusion, do not be discouraged if your work seems to lack visible result, and do not place a too-exclusive value on the spoken word. The real results of your work are produced in the inner disposition of men to the values and conduct that you stand for. Most of the men you are dealing with are shy and inarticulate in such matters, and most of those you help are unable to tell you in so many words what they have gained from you. Your conduct and personality, more than your words, convey your mesage. Be faithful at all times in all things, and with all men to your high calling, and be confident in your faithfulness. The Army appreciates your services, and wishes you well.

(Thin Memorandum, written by an Ex-A.I.F. Chaplain, is issued for the personal use of C. of E. Chaplains serving in the A.I.F.) C. L. BENDIGO, Senior Chaplain and D.C.G. (C. of E.) A.I.F.

331 APPENDIX 2.

THE CHAPLAIN'S DUTY IN BATTLE. (1)

Opinions vary widely as to the chaplain's duty in battle. It is not laid down in any manual; he receives no orders and works on his own. He therefore needs to be quite clear what his duty is, and the following advice is based on the whole experience of Eighth Army chaplains.

The chaplain follows in battle, as at other times, his normal and unchanging principle; he is there that Christ may work through his personality, and he should attempt nothing else--that is all. It is enough to ensure full employment.

Battle-duty on this principle divides into seven phases.

1• The Approach To Battle.

Regard all training as an approach to battle. We are detached from Parishes and set in an Army raised to fight effectively for God's cause. That the Army be effective is the Staff's job; that it serve God's is ours.

As the minds of the men are turned to battle, spotlight for them the Conflict of Good and Evil, the opposing standards of Right and Wrong, the just foundations of our Cause, the Presence of Christ, the value of prayer, the glory of sacrifice, the gift of eternal life, and such things as deepen sincerity and confidence as soldiers gathered to battle by God.

2. Eve-Of-Battle Services.

Hold these always. Troops welcome and respond to them. Pitch them in a major, not a minor key; concentrate resolve, appeal to strength, pass on the attitude of Christ to duty; “Be of good cheer, I have overcome the world..." and all its allurements. Do not treat these services as an insurance against death. Men wish to meet their God that they may better meet their foe. The spirit is: “Let God arise and let his enemies be scattered", and the general theme: Praise for a

332 just Cause, Prayer to be worthy of it, and Commendation to God of all the issues for us and ours.

3. Voluntary Companionship at- Zero Hour.

Show, as a non-cornbatant, the will to share danger and death for Truth and Right, and so bring to the men the authentic spirit of the Cross. It will do work as such. That is, repeat is, the spiritual work of the chaplain at Zero hour, and his text: “Yes, I am with you in trouble". In battle all are wanted for a supreme effort at full capacity, and amongst them the men charged with the message that God loves and is with them.

There is little more a chaplain can do at Zero hour except be there; but in no other time or way will he v/in from a Unit so much acceptance for himself and his ministry. By suffering with the men we bring them to God. No chaplain who has been with his Unit in action regrets it. Some who were detached to Dressing Stations and B. Echelons regret it bitterly. 4. Practical Service In Battle. Once the battle is on, go all out to rally the shaken and to give wounded men a chance of life. The text is: "Take care of him". Get him to the Inn, the M.0.[medical officer], A.D.S.[Advanced Dressing Station], M.D.S.[Medical Dressing Station], where he can be looked after. Let the chaplain stand for life; he comes not to bury but to save. The situation calls for practical service in many forrns--stretcher bearing, helping with first rough dressings, holding a torch for the M.O., cups of tea and smokes, preparing men for the surgeon, embussing walking wounded, navigating convoys to the M.D.S., seeing to personal belongings etc. Minds as well as bodies call for help. The remorse of sin, the ache for forgiveness, the fear of death, the dread of loneliness, the need for a Divine Companion, the hope of heaven, the anxiety of home, all are alive in men, and to let these out to an understanding friend salves anguish as surely as tears relieve sorrow.

333 5. Reconstructive Companionship in Thought After Action. Further back in the M.D.S. and C.C.S.[Casualty Clearing' Station] and later on in the forward Units, men begin to recover from stimulus and shock and suffer from reaction. Then our text is: “Whilst he was yet a great way off the Father saw him". Start at once to reconstruct men's outlook, purpose, balance and equanimity, and to release into their hearts the calm of the God of the Centuries. “He set my feet upon a rock and ordered my going's". 6• The Aftermath of Battle. The Burial of the Dead. This goes on all through the battle. Death takes second place to life; but at the end see that all the dead are buried. The men, still more their families, have a strong desire to be buried by a chaplain with a prayer and love as a child of God. To bury a man reverently, secure the future recognition of the grave, and preserve a true record of his passing is no small service to him and his family. 7. The Epilogue.__Thanksgiving and Memorial Services. When a phase of the campaign is over, gather in its experience. Thanksgiving and Memorial services meet with a real and ready response. Men want to thank God that the Cause is safe, and that no man died in vain or suffered uncornforted; for the bravery whereby we stand, for grace received and many things personal. They wish to ask God to help the wounded, reward the dead, and solace the bereaved; and they will offer Him, if given a chance, a much purified resolution to carry on to Victory, and place it in His Hands. A chaplain who follows these phases through will always know what he is trying to do, will have no vacant mind, no lack of work, no idle moments, but a fine, full task demanding’ his energy and skill.

t*. LI. Hughes

33* I have read "the above with great interest and commend it to all chaplains.

A chaplain who follows the above advice will have done well, and will earn the love of his men—which is a pearl of very great price.

(Sgd) B.L.Montgomery General Eighth Army.

Tripoli 14 Feb. 1943.

(1) Extracted from The Chaplains' Magazine. Middle East, Easter 1943 and presented at the Second Australian Army Chaplains' Course No. 2, in Sydney 6 -11 September, 1943. APPENDIX 5 •

HONOURS & AWARDS. S. W.P. A.

O.B.E.

Roman Catholic. NX 369 P. T. Boland.

M.B.E.

Church of England QX 6078 W.P. Hohenhouse. NX 40156 M.K. Jones. TX 6004 J.L. May. SX 3103 D.L. Redding.

Roman Catholic. WX 111285 C.W.J. Cunningham. QX 6387 M.J. Dolan. P 220 N.J. Earl. VX 90116 P.J. O' Keefe.

United Churches QX 24324 J.O. Methven.

M. C.

Church of England NX 317 W.P. Hart. NX 76446 E.J. Seatree

United Churches. SX 22714 H.R. Ballard.

M. I. D.

Church of England NX 70685 F. H. Bashford VX 27405 A. Bell. VX 67089 W.E. Holt. NX 40156 M.K. Jones. VX 302 J. D. McKie. SX 11061 H. Norrnan. NX 70175 G. Polain. SX 3103 D .L. Redding. VX 104114 G.T. Sambell WX 22708 L.G. Whent. NX 114214 A.J. Withers

Roman Catho1ic. QX 6387 M.J. Dolan. NX 162535 F.J. Fry. QX 6381 W.J. Kenny. NX 76355 L.T. Marsden. VX 111282 J.A. Morgan. NX 166853 T.P. Ormonde VX 108119 C.W. Reis. P.J. Walsh.

Presbyterian. TX 13122 A.I. Absolarn. VX 27521 W.L. Collins. VX 108117 C.M. Cox (posthumous) QX 6347 D. Me Leod. NX 20070 N. Me Leod.

Methodist. VX 39632 F.J. Hartley. VX 114251 H.T. Shotton. QX 46545 S.T. Vickery.

United Churches. WX 37414 F.M. Fewster. VX 64453 T.F. Keyte. QX 24324 J.O. Methven. WX 37414 H.H. Orr. NX 156703 R.S. Pickup.

CITATIONS, (see over.)

337 TEXT OF CITATION

FOR AWARD OF

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TO

N X 3 6 9 CHAPLAIN SECOND CLASS PATRICK TREACY BOLAND

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Dale and place of action must be stated): 3 0 Jv;UV 1345

Chaplain BOLAMD has served with the ALP since 13 April 1940 and during that period has served in the MIDDLE EAST and MEW GUINEA. He was appointed to Headquarters First Army on 8 June 1944# Eis work has been of a consistently high order and by his hard and conscientious efforts has contributed materially to the maintenance of morale within First Army. His work has been of considerable assistance to the Army Commander in the successful co-ordination and administration of the Australian Army Chaplains Department# TEXT OF CITATION

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WX17091 CHAPLAIN—FOURTH—CLASS CHARLES WILLIAM JOSEPH CUNNINGHAM

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW2

Cn 27 Oct*#*42, Padre-C# Gunnlr^iOU Joined this unit* die \n# vus then holdinc a t»rldde houd at IiOd\ C2‘'E, and tho Japs went hoXdinf, hL^ ^x'ound in front# Fron thic poo it-# ion ho brought nor tar fire onto our area, cuusind casualties and nakind work difficult# the so conditions lasted coven days end Author Cuuniuyhan was untiring; in hie efforts to help the wounded, ccufort the < yin., and busy tho dotal# regardless of cieed# in ontrorjoly difficult circuusUincoa# Hu physically uoaiaU* od at night in tho ovucuabian of stretcher ease 002*080 the sutoDr^ed bridge whore courage and a length wo:'© required# He acooispuniod tlio In# on its forced ncrch to GOif.qi and whilst tho !h* was holding tlaj bridge position there# was again oatstendin in his devotion to duty, gone rally organising ulio .uVP personnel and mising tlielr morale by his choorful courage and splendid He was without a loop for threej days aiid •wuu *WvU*s'in oitcar to „atianw wuo nob He cvac.uttod cetn , Jap# patrols Ground our position and who r*oguirod constant at Lent* leu, owing to cho^t wounds etc# fhe i&F a -oa in this position was ulso undo:* intermittent rsortar and snail urua fiic. ilia services uxno essential as , of die hip dtaff, three load previously l*jon killed In act lax and 2 ucu.:dod whilst tho M.O. Capi* J* Connell* '-C unn very sick at U*o time*

339 TEXT OF CI TAT ION

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0X6387 CHAPLAIN THIRD CLASS MICHAEL JOSEPH DOLAN

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Date and place ol action must be stated): 9 Q 1946

Throughout the AIP Operations in Malaya this officer, as Chaplain of HQ 8 Anst Div withoutstanding disregard for personal danger, continued to move in the forward areas bringing comfort to the troops who were wounded and those who subsequently died of wounds.

The courage and tireless devotion to duty displayed by this Chaplain was an inspiration to all ranks throughout the campaign-.

3*tO TEXT OF CITATION

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P 2 2 0 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS NORBERT JOHN EARL

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

Chaplain KARL wta attached to 59 Auat Inf Brpr' during the KOKODA-OWEN STANLEY campaign (Aug- Sep 42) and the OONA-SANANANDA campaign (Dao- Jan 42). On Aug 8 and Aug 20, Chaplain EARL carried out 111 a duties among forward troops at DKNKKI • Ho risked hla life to recover bodloa forward of our poaition; and, inspired all ranks by hla complete diaregard for danger, whan he accompanied attacking troops. On Aug 26 at ISURAVA, a strong fighting patrol left 59 Bn perimeter to break through the bosieging KNEhY. The offioer commanding the patrol vaa wounded and misaing; the aergeant acting aa guide lay helpless with his thigh shattered by a burst of machine gun fire. Accompanying the RMO out with a stretcher, explain EARL helped him to carry the wounded aergeant baok i to our linee through Jungle and creek, while the battle still raged around them. Throughout these actions and subsequent fighting to the end of the SANANANDA campaign, Chaplain KARL’S devotion to duty waa an invaluable aid to the battalion’s morals. TEXT OF CITATION

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N X 7 01 5 6 CHAPLAIN THIRD CLASS MATTHEW KENNETH JONES

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Date and place ot action must be stated) : 2 01AM W>P Throughout the AIF operations in Malaya this officer as Chapliin on HQ, 8 Aust Div with outstanding disregard for personal danger, continued to move in the forward areas bringing comfort to the troops who were wounded and to those who subsequently died of wounds.

The courage and tireless devotion to duty displayed by this Chaplain was an inspiration to all ranks throughout the campaign. TEXT OF CITATION

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MEMBER OF THE ORDER OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE

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T X 6 0 0 4 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS JOHN LOVETT MAY

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Dale and [dace ol action must be stated): 2 2 MAR 1^4R 13riap May was a PW In Japanese hands from Jem 42 to Aug 45# Ha was one of the first AIF captured after the Japanese landing at KOKOPO beach, Rabaul, on 23 Jan 42. Here, by calm courage, his refusal to be intimidated and by the sheer force of his personality he dissuaded the very excited Japanese troops from their expressed intention of sacking the Hospital, thereby saving six nursing sister and one hundred patients from probable molestation and massacre. Throughout the whole period as a PV7 Chaplain May exhibited out­ standing courage in his daily contact with the Japanese and during the whole period he was tireless in his efforts to obtain improved conditions for fellow FW. His influence was very high in sustaining the morale of all ranks. His courage, unselfish example, constant cheerfulness and devotion to duty were an inspiration to all with whom he came in contact.

343 TEXT OF Cl TAT I ON

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QX 2 4 3 2 4 CHAPLAIN THIRD CLASS JAMES OLIVER METHVEN

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Date and place ot action must be stated) : ------3 0 NOV i?4d lor courageous devotion to duty during the operations in the AXlalD - wkwaK area*

Continually in tie forward areas throughout the whole of these operations, Chaplain has given an inspiring example of courageous devotion to duty, lie has not spared himself in his efforts to reach all sections of the Divisional theatre and has traversed the rugged TGHiilCKLLI JaQUflTiilMS on many occasions to fulfil his obligations to the various units.

His xindly tolerance, unselfisuness and behaviour under enemy fire have earned for him the respeot and affection of thousands of in^n. in the Division. In all respects he naa been an outstanding influence for good upon all with whom he has come in contact. TEXT OF CITATION

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MEMBER OF THE ORDER OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE

TO

V X 9 0116 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS PATRICK GERARD O'KEEFE

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

Throughout the ops in UUBO - KOlllATUU are* Jul/Aug 43 Padre O'KEEFB has by his untiring efforts, total disregard for his personal safety and comfort, calm and cheerful personality been an inspiration to, and has ^on the esteem and admiration of all ranks,irrespective of their creed# Padre O'KJ EFB although officially attached to 2/7 lust Inf En, i.3 alv-ays to be found where the fighting is the heaviest and where spiritual comfort and aid is required the most# He has tramped incessantly . rom one end of the fighting front to the other in SALAIUUA area in the performance of his ministerial office^ He ha3 fearlessly and needlessly exposed himself on innumerable occasions to render aid to the vrounded and the dying in the forefront of the battle# Hi3 constant attention to the sick and wounded in the advanced dressing stat'ons 17as outstanding# Padre O'KEEFB has contributed greatly to the high morale r/hicK exists among the .troops, thereby materially assis-ed in the successful conduct of ops in MUBO - KOMIATOM area# His complete lack of regard Tor personal safety under all conditions has been an inspiration to all ranks# TEXT OF CITATION

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S X14 7 6 CHAPLAIN THIRD CLASS DONALD LLEWELLYN REDDING

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

period - X Oct 43 to 51 Mar 44. Flaco - LAE, MA'CEHAK ATD RAMTJ VALLEY. For outstanding devotion to duty during the LAE, fcAREHAv and RAtfU VALLEY campaigns. As one of the senior chaplains of the div he has been constantly amongst the forward medical posts and unlta attending to the spiritual welfare of the sick and wounded and when sickness depleted the number of chaplains in the div, he fulfilled these duties in the units concerned. By his personal example and cheerfulness of manner he has endeared himself to officers and other ranks of all grades within the div. By the confidence imposed in hlx by the troops he has been most valuable in indicating to me and other officers the outlook and morale of the troops TEXT OF CITATION

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MILITARY CROSS

TO

S X 2 2 7 14 CHAPLAIN THIRD CLASS HUGH ROBERT BALLARD

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

1 AUCthtj CITATION (Date and place of action must be stated) : On the morning of 16 Jun 45, 2/11 Aust Cdo Sqn, under comd 2/28 Auat Inf Bn von In poan area 808358 LABUAN SOUTH SPECIAL 1 : 25000. At 0930 hra A coy attacked enemy poan, and shortly after attack commenc­ ed a call was made for stretcher bearera. Padre BALLARD with seven men volunteered and went forward immediately, and with great coolneaa and determination Padre BALLARD organised hia bearera and personally aeaiated in carrying back a number of wounded. During the whole period he was under fire from LMGs and rifles. During the action a bearer who waa assisting him to carry back a wounded man waa wounded by a sniper. The Padre moved both wounded men into cover behind a nearby tank, and in order to enable evacuation to continue, ho located enemy position and indicated it to tank crew and the pos­ ition was destroyed. The courage displayed by Padre BALLARD and hia disregard for person­ al danger greatly inspired the men who were assisting him, and he was chiefly instrumental in ensuring the swift and efficient evac­ uation of casualties during the action. TEXT OF CITATION

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MILITARY CROSS

TO

NX317 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS WILLIAM PERCY HART

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW2

Jaix-tf GUJARa. For outstanding gallantry and de­ votion to duty. At approx 1730 hrs on 26 Oct 42 at LORA. CRDmA Chaplain HART who was attached to the RAP led a atretcher party on an arduous hill dim'd to a detached position. Despite the faot the line of oommunication was under heavy fire'" • from an enemy poaition 50yds distant he success-• fully bypassed the poaition. His fearless leaderaiiip, per3o}nal courage and complete disregard for hia own safety * was an inspiration to the men and led to ihe successful evacuation of the casualties* Later, on 27 Oct 42 at LORA CRDKR when the RAP positioi^ came under haavy mountain gunfire, he was an ( inspiration to both orderlies and wounded. Despite the heave fire he arranged shelters for wounded caaea and with a cheery smile gave thhm confidence. On many oocaaiona he fearlessly ass­ isted wounded men in. Throughout the campaign he continued to inspire men and was a considerable force in maintaining the morale of the unit at a high ‘standard. TEXT OF CITATION

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MILITARY CROSS

TO

N X 7 6 4 4 6 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS ERIC JOSEPH SEATREE

FOP SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

During the operations on the 31 Oct 42, in the vicinity of the BLOCKHOUSE (87073038), Chaplain SEATREE was stationed at the unit RAP establish­ ed on the SOUTHERN side of the railway embankment immediately in rear of our FDLs. On one occasion during the above period, when this area was under heavy shell and mortar fire, and when there were a number of dead and wounded nearby, he went out around the railway crossing and to a distance of 200 yds south to search the area for wounded. He personally brought in to the RAP a soldier who was in a state of collapse At about 1600 hrs•when fire was particularly heavy, an ambulance dvr was seen to fall whilst returning to his ambulance from the RAP 25 yds away. Together with the RMO and Med Sgt, he brought this man in and assisted with the dress­ ing of his wounds. At about 1700 hrs, when a number of shells were ieen to estplode amongst our troops about 200 yds away, he ran oua with a EtretcheJ? whilst the fire was still in progress and assiste d in carrying in NX 14305 Pte GORDON T H of 2/32 Aust Inf Bn, who had beer wo unde I. The above instances of the Chaplain's conduct are indicati ve o f h L s general behaviour during the whole period. He was tireless in his efforts in looking after the comfort of wounded men before and after treatment, and during periods when the RAP was ccmparitive ly inac :ive moving around neighboring troops. His cheerful ar.d encouraging demeanour was an inspiration to those with whom he came ir contact The enemy fire, which continued the whole period and which at times was heavy, did not prevent the Chaplain from carrying out his duty In fact, it was during the periods of more intensive fire that he was most conspicuous. TEXT OF CITATION

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MENTIONED-IN-DESPATCHES

TO

V X 2 7 4 0 5 CHAPLAIN SECOND CLASS ARTHUR BELL

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Date and place of action must be stated) :

Chaplain HELL has had continuous service in the Al.iP since 22 I;ovender 193 9 and during that period has served in the DIDDLE EAST and LEW GTJIliEA. Ke has served on Headquarters first Army since 12 April 1944, His work has been of a consistently high order and has been characterised by conscientiousness, tact and sincerity. The hi0h standard of work oi‘ This officer has been of the greatest assistance in the successful maintenance of morale of first Army, and he has contributed in no small manner to the co-ordination and administration of the Australian Army Chaplains Department,

350 T EXT OF CITATION

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MENTIONED-IN-DESPATCHES

TO

V X 2 7 5 2 1 CHAPLAIN SECOND CLASS WILFRED LANGFORD COLLINS

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

CITATION (Dale and place of action must be stated) : 3 0 KO'J 1S45

Chaplain COLLIhS has served in the Air1 since 1 June 1940 and from that time to the present date has served in the LiIDDLE EAST and NEJ GUINEA. He has served with Hirst Army since 6 August 1942, throughout his period of service wi th Hirst Army his work has been of a very hiph order and has ^one l'ar to maintain the hi^h morale of the troops throughout the Army, His division of his work ha3 contributed in a lar^e decree to the successful administration and co-ordination of the Australian Army Chaplains Department,

351 TEXT OF CITATION

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MENTIONED-IN-DESPATCHES

TO

NX162533 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS FREDERICK JAMES FRY

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

______tlOTwiS CITATION (Date and place-ol action must be stated) :

Chaplain PRY was attached to the battalion during the period of operations in BOUGAINVILLE, April - August 1945* He was continually with the forward troops in their positions, and frequently took similar risks when accompanying convoys from post to post. On two occasions the convoy was ambushed, and the coolness displayed by Chaplain PRY, and the comfprt administer, did much to sustain morale under most difficult crl rcurast ance s. The conscientious manner in which lie carried out all of his duties, his readiness to accept risks, his cheerfulness and devotion to duty, made and left their mark on the unit.

352 TEXT OF C I TAT ION

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MENTIONED-IN-DESPATCHES

TO

S X 1 4 7 6 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS DONALD LLEWELLYN REDDING

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

017517 STANLEY RANGES 14 September 1942 to b Jecember 194 L:. Chaplain bedding has been associated with this unit since its inception in England in 1940* He served in action in Syria, wherein everyone spoke very highly or his work. During the Hew Guinea Campaign, Padre Redding tramped beside the men during wet and fine from the start, often suffering severely from physical discom­ fort, He has worked untiringly beside the R.M.O, during all the actions, and finally during the attack on GOHA, he showed untiring energy in his attention to the wounded for ■ almost 48 hours continuously. His work has been of jmest imable assistance to the LI. 0, during this time. Besides his active participation in the work of the R.A.P., Padre Redding has always been ready to give spiritual comfort to the men, and a Christian burial to the killed. On one occasion during fighting on the approach to GORARI, Padre went out in the face of Japanese occupied positions to conduct a burial service. Padre Reddingfe^nas extended far beyond thi3 Unit, so that many others have felt his comforting hand.

353 TEXT OF CITAT ION

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MENTIONED-IN-DESPATCHES

TO

VX114251 CHAPLAIN FOURTH CLASS HEDLEY THOMAS SHOTTON

FOR SERVICE IN SWPA DURING WW 2

: CITATION (Date.and place ot action must be stated).-: '' 1 L ‘ ' ' : SOUTH BOUGAINVILLE1 - APRIL-JULY 1945 FOR DEVOTION TO DUTY FAR BEYOND THAT REQUIRED OF- A CHAPLAIN AND FOR ESPECIALLY DISTINGUISHED SERVICES; - During the period April-July 1945, Chaplain SHOTTON gained the respect and admiration of ail members of the battalion for his unselfish devotion to duty and his calm and encouraging bearing under enemy fire. On numerous occasions Chaplain SHOTTON accompanied fighting patrols into enemy territory for the purpose of locating the bodies of soldiers •who had been killed on previous patrols. On several of these patrols the enemy were engaged «nH chaplain SHOTTON distinguished himself by his calm bearing under .enemy fire and hia quiet and confident encouragement to the men fighting the action. During the Unit's operations Chaplain SHOTTON recovered the bodies of all personnel who were killed in action and not one member who was killed remains to be located and buried. Throughout the operation he was tireloss in ministering spiritual APPENDIX 4.

CHAPLAIN'S LETTER TO NEXT OF KIN.

VX 197 R. Helrnore. 2/6th Battalion AIF. New Guinea. 27 Sept 1942.

Dear Mr Inglis,

You will doubtless have received word through the authorities of the death of your son Max on 28 August, as a result of an unfortunate event.An Army regulation forbids me to write until 28 days have elapsed, otherwise I would have written before this.

On 27th August the battalion was moving up into a position from which it was expected to contact the Japanese the following morning. Along with the RAP, Max was going up in a Bren gun carrier when it struck a land mine and was blown up. One lad died on the spot, but the remaining eight, including Max were severely burned and shocked and were taken to 10th Aust CCs. Captain Syrne, the M.O. died that evening, and the next day, Max, Stan Baldock, Frank McBride and PTE Warhurst passed away. Later two others, CPL Dew and PTE Priess died, so that of the party of nine only one--PTE F.V. Turner—is living. It was a heavy blow to have so many of the medical personnel of the Battalion put out of action, just before what proved to be a tough engagement against the Japanese.

Max was a wonderful lad and is a great loss to us all. He was always out to serve the lads and was popular with officers and men alike.

He was buried by Padre Norris, who is attached to the 10th CCS, in a little area about 300 yards from the CCS.

We have marked his grave with a simple wooden cross with a metal plate bearing an inscription attached.

I understand that later the War Graves Commission is responsible for removing the remains to a central cemetery, which is not yet established.

355 Any personal effects will be forwarded to you by the military authorities but there is often a delay for some months before this happens. Will you please accept my sincere personal sympathy in your bereavement. I do not know whether Mrs Ing'lis is living as only one next of kin is nominated, but if so I pray that you both will have the comfort and strength which comes from the Heavenly Father above. Yours Sincerely, R. He1more.

356 APPENDIX s•(a)

DEATHS OF FULL TIME DUTY CHAPLAINS. S. W.P.A.

Church of England.

Cula, L. Following an operation, Lae, New Guinea, 25 Dec. 1944. Holt, W.E. Died of wounds, Labuan, 22 Jun. 1945. Laverick, E.G. Died in the sinking of HMS Centaur, 14 May 1943. Matthews, H. Killed in the sinking of a lugger, (date unknown) Patmore, C.H. Killed in ammunition dump explosion, POW camp, Ambon, 15 Feb. 1943. Thompson, A.H. Sandarkan Death March, 19 Jun. 1945. Waugh, M.M. Killed by crashing aircraft, Lae, 18 Feb. 1945. Woolf, G.C. Accidently drowned, Adelaide River, NT, 25 Oct. 1943.

Methodist.

Rentoul, T.C. (CHAPGEN) Died of illness, Australia, 28 Dec. 1945. Sandars, J.A. Died of illness, Australia, 1 Feb. 1943.

Presbyterian.

Cox, C. M. Died of wounds, New Guinea, 28 Dec. 1942. Dean, A.B. Died of illness, Thailand, 8 Jul. 1943. Wardle-Greenwood, H. Shot at Ranau as a POW, 18 Jul. 1945.

United Churches.

Willings, H.J.W. Died of illness, Australia, 20 Aug. 1942.

(a) AAChD lists.

357 APPENDIX 6 . (1)

P.O. W. CHAPLAINS, S.W.P.A.

Church of England.

Bashford, F.H. (With "A T Force) Blakev/ay, L. CamrouX; F.J. Fleming, W.I.(With "A" Force) Jones, M.K. (Changi) Kellow, F. May, J. Pain, A.W. (Kranji) Patmore, C.H. (Arnboina) Polain, G. (Changi) Thompson, A.H.(With "B" Force) (Jssher, C.E. (Changi)

Roman Catho1ic.

Cochrane, V.E. (Hainan) Corry, F.X. Dolan, M. Elliott, T.E. Kennedy, J.P. Marsden, L.T. O’Donovan, L. Quirk, B.J. Rogers, J.B. Sexton,, C.G. Smith, H.A. Turner, V.S. (Japan) Walsh, P.J.

Methodist.

Barrett, S.M. (Changi) Benjamin, J.J. (Changi)

Burt, T.R.

Presbyterian.

Cunningham, H. (With Force) Dean, R.H.

358 Forrest, J.F. Jones, H. (Kranji) Me Neil, A.R. MC, (Changi) Wardle- Greenwood, H. (With "B" Force)

1. Bryan, Rev. J.N. Lewis The Churches Of The Captivity In Malaya. SPCK, London, 1946, lists the camps where some of the chaplains were interned. AAChD lists are incomplete.

359 i-vri-'h'i'j !jia y COMMUNICANTS

WITH

ANALYSIS OF CAMP STRENGTH DURING 1942-1945 ) Singapore. Numbers in Areas and Hospitals.

i HOSPITAL.COMMUNICANTS ,

British TOTAL Brit. Aust. Dutch. (incl Br., only Austr & Dutch)

1942 28 Feb 52,000* _ 4,744 52,000

31 Mar 45,562 - - 3,211 45,562 30 Apr 19,466 8,264 4,267 4,644 31,997 31 May 16,818 - 4,071 16,818 30 Jun 15,445 - - 3,494 15,445

31 Jul 11,811 1,561 - 3,656 4,623 17,028 31 Aug 12,828 1 ,958 - 4,004 4,514 18,790 30 Sep 14,501 2,283 - 4,370 4,363 21,154 31 Oct 4,522 2,237 5,221 3,764 3,733 15,744 30 Nov 3,053 2,801 2,331 2,739 1,762 10,924 31 Dec 9,791 8,300 5,406 2,877 1,635 26,374 Christmas 2,475

1943 31 Jan 9,721 8,463 4,374 2,949 2,566 25,507 28 Feb 9,904 8,359 6,993 2,951 2,563 22,207 31 Mar 6,651 5,679 6,974 2,907 2,644 22,211 30 Apr 3,910 2,029 1 ,973 2,652 Easter 1,152 10,564 1 ,817 31 May 1 ,476 985 420 2,669 869 5,550 30 Jun 1 ,618 1,120 497 2,114 747 5,369 31 Jul 1 ,702 1,167 564 1 ,948 634 5,381 31 Aug 1 .643 1,163 595 1 ,906 615 5,307 30 Sep 1 ,709 1 ,215 646 1 ,762 483 5,332 31 Oct 1,735 1 ,290 2,045 1 ,809 788 6,879 30 Nov No figures available 470 31 Dec 2,578 2,904 597 2,394 355 8,473 Christmas 538

1944 31 Jan No figures available 716 28 Feb 2,632 3,027 607 2,296 697 8,562 31 Mar 2,610 3,046 587 2,318 640 8,561 30 Apr 2,829 2,887 690 2,448 635 8,854 Easter 646 31 May NO figures available 475 30 Jun 4,648 4,349 1,,128 606 10,125 From May,1944, 31 Jul 4,528 4,399 1,,156 1,231 10,082 the Hospital 31 Aug 4,620 4,311 1,,171 1,211 10,102 figures were 30 Sep 4,660 4,340 1,,129 1 ,254 10,189 not recorded 31 Oct 4,670 4,362 1, 233 1 ,560 10,265 separately,but 30 Nov 4,659 4,375 1,,345 1 ,376 10,379 included in the 31 Dec 4,647 4,363 1, 328 1,579 10,338 other totals. Christmas 836

(1) Reproduced from Bryan, Rev. J. Lewis The ghurches of the Captivity in Malays. London, 1 946. p. 18. —4^ 360 2

1945 31 Jan 4,756 4,299 1 .290 1,450 10,345 28 Feb 4,702 4,303 1,259 1,521 10,264 31 Mar 4,173 4,120 1,260 1,539 9,553 Easter 507 30 Apr 3,798 3,310 993 1,195 8,101 31 May 3,390 3,000 1,963 1,530 8,893 30 Jun 3,597 2,907 1,215 1,413 7,719 31 Jul 3,040 2,308 1,191 1 ,605 6,534 1- 19 Aug 1 ,014 20-26 Aug 501 12,005 2- 9 Sep 450

♦An approximate figure, British 37,000, A.I.F. 15,000, marched into captivity. Other Nationalities, i.e. American, French, Italian, Danes, etc., are shown as British in all above. IN ALL 79,646 British Communicated in CHANGI C. of E. Churches (as above). 8,506 A.I.F. (numbers only from June, 1944, at Changi) 11,807 KRANJI, RIVER VALLEY ROAD, BUKIT TIMAH and No. 2 AREA. 9,414 "F" and "H" Parties (in THAILAND) and KUALA LUMPUR only.

109,433

This figure is the number recorded and takes no account of the many other camps up-country and overseas, the Chaplains of which had no opportunity of sending in their numbers to the A.C.G. in Singapore, and therefore cannot be included. A complete record would undoubtedly show a phenomenal total.

361 APPENDIX 8

NOMINAL ROLL. Australian Army Chaplains' Department. 1939-1945. (Compiled from incomplete RAAChD records, Army Office, Canberra)

CHURCH OF ENGLAND. *

WX 34445 Abbott, D. QX6284 Arkell, C.S. V Armour, T. Q. Ash, F.L. NX202998 Atterbury-Thomas QX4B260 Bale, A.A. NX70685 Bashford, F.H. NX70218 Baskin, J.E.D'A. NX 145220 Beatty, 6.R. NX 166809 Beqbie, A.E.S. VX27405 Bell, A. VX317 Benn, L.W.A. VX67746 Bennett, A.W.E. NX20648B Benson, J.S. T471 Biggs, A.E. QX64357 Black, C.6.P. VX46890 Blake, D. SX10144 B1akeway, L.N. NX 204135 B1issett, W.F. SX25543 Bond , J.L. VX39240 Booth, J.J. QX46615 Boyldew. W.E.Mc. N465148 Bradley, R.F.C. W X 4 2 0 9 8 B r a h a m , N. VX3931 1 Britten, M.W. WX310B4 Brown, J.L. VX 448 1 1 Brown-Beresford, W43705. Budge , J.W. SX10008 Bui bee k, A.L. NX146119 Burkitt, W.B.K. WXl557 Burt, F.R. TX4579 Butters, V. VX 108360 Calderwood, G.B. QX59675 Campbel1, R.S. NX 70322 Camr oux , F.J. Q14 310 9 Cavey, E.J.V. VX 90914 Chambers, N.W.S. NX206524 Christopher, G.W VX131418 Clarke, M.J. V Clarke, W.L. WX1 1095 Codd, E.A. VX94674 Cohn, L.J. SX 102 16 Coles, H.H. QX44605 Compton, C.M.

362 SX 27741 Constable, E.9. NX76350 Cooper, 0.W.C. NX 77242 Corriqan, J.T. Q X 4 0 8 4 7 Coupe, C.J.C. QX6293 Cowen, S. N429667 Copland, J.S. S31 10 Cowl e , (i. P. W X 4 12 513 Cox on , G.S. W138 Craven, J. NX 142560 Crossley, K.S. NX77252 Crossman, L.R. 9X65607 Cula, L. W64 Curtis, A.W. NX 131836 Cutcliffe, E.li. NX201123 Daish , J.D.S. QX57717 Daniels, W.J.A. V X 9 317 9 Dau, W.S. V X 9 7 5 2 8 Dence, A.S. NX 147635 Dillon, C.W. NX 139070 Dillon, R.F. NX 70935 Donohue, J.G. N X 3 4 9 61 Drans-f iel d , R. B. D X 3 2 4 Drury, R.D. N X 7 7 2 4 8 Dryden, A.F. V X 913 9 5 Duncan , C.H. NX 131556 Edwards, R.L. NX 125903 Eg 1ington, F.A.J NX351 12 El dr l dge-Doyle, W40036 Elsey , W.E, N429414 Evans, C.R. VX117234 Eyer 5 , F.T. VX117233 Fabian, R.T. NX202305 Fawcett, K. NX 178757 Firebrace, R.C. 9X89035 Firth, T. NX 148733 Fleck, 0.S. 9X39488 Fleming, W.I. NX35097 Francis, C. NX 202784 Freeman, A.R.A. N429574 Gallop, A.H. 9X114018 Gan 1y , D.A. NX 123750 Geary , E.E. NX 160903 Gee, T.G. GX6391 Gibson , G.R. NXl92l85 Gilbert, G. NX 139534 Gillespy, C.M. T478 Gill , 9.H.C. Q69072 Gi11 man, C.D. S3 1 1 l Gooden , li. C. W. N22 Gordon, H.K. NX 1 12769 Grace , A.J.

363 V148126 Graham, H. NX 101787 Guest , C.A. NX 34800 H a m in o n d , C. W. NX 142663 H a r d l n g h a in , J . WX11026 Harfield, W.C. SX35215 Harley, R. R. QX34745 Harrison , J.G. V 1 48082 Hart, W.F. NX317 Hart, W.P. NXl46 l 17 Hill, F.M. N X 7 6 219 H i n s e y , M. G. WX22B02 Hodge, H.P.0. Q X 6 0 7 8 Hohenhouse, W. VX94386 Holt, W. V X 6 7 0 8 9 Holt, W.E. Q X 2 4 3 9 4 How, J.D. N X 2 3 4 Hulme-Moir, F. VX6350 Jaeger , G.F. Q X 2 2 6 0 2 James, E.A. W Jaquet, E.G. TX6479 J e r r i m , H. A. NX76551 Jessop , C.R. SX13215 Johnson, W.C.S V 515 7 9 1 Jones, H. 0X108118 Jones, M.K. VX108118 Julien, G.E. W81 J u p p , L. R. QX48828 Kay, R.B.H. 0X67799 Keen, N.A. VX 1 7548 Kel1ow, F. NX206381 Kerle, R.C. Q X 5 9 3 4 6 K e r n k e , T. C. NX248 Kircher, G.W.A NX 151648 Kirk, A.H. 0X96326 Kugelman, P.S. NX203440 Laing , A.W.A. NX149271 Lambert, E.H. NX 136549 Lambert, L.T. TX6386 Latta, G.C. 0X66768 Lavender, C.G. 0X133221 Laverick, E.G. QX22994 Lawrence, H. NX206487 Lawrence, T.I. W Le Fanu, H.F. D X 8 9 4 Leslie, E.K. QX58998 Linsday, J.N. TX6558 Litt1ejohn , F. 0X95340 Lloyd, W.0. NX202786 L o a n e , K. L . NX 136162 Loane, M.L. 0X26735 Lousada, H.F.

364 NX 202733 Me A1ister , W.D. VX48827 Me Call, T.D. WX1530 Me Conchie, D.K. NX 1 24264 Me Cullach, R.D. W X 3 4 0 9 Mac Donald, T.B. N282B35 Mac Keown, K.L. V X 3 0 2 Me Kie, J.D. NX 133225 Me Leod, W.A. VX504272 Mac Pherson, A.S VX63297 Me Qui e , R. E. V X 6 3 3 7 3 M a 1 i n g , F . N X 3 5 0 71 Manny, 0.N. V X 10 8 4 2 3 Mappin, T.R. NX76258 Marshall, R.A. N39135 Mathers, G.R. P385 Matthews, H. TX6004 May, J.L. VX104115 Mee, A.G. SX1192 Meyer, V.F. WX39386 Mi 1ey , R.J.A. VX91622 Miller, F.W. NX 130729 Minty, N.P. TX2034 Mitchell, C.E.S. V X 3 9 3 3 Morphet, G.T. SX39720 Morralee, A.M. NX204963 Morrisby , A.R.B. VX38682 Morrison , R.N. NX 175435 Mottraui, G.G. N Mowll, H.W.K. NX207304 Mullin, G.Q. WX22632 Murray, F.G. QX43999 Nelson , P.C. NX 145244 Nob 1e , J.L. SX11061 Norman, H. VX94861 Nunn, H.W. NX 130817 O'Brien, R.A. W X 310 Oakley, W.J.T, NX 123494 Ogden, R.O. Q67357 Osborn, R. NX205219 Paddison, S.N. VX39461 Pain, A.W. VX138672 Palmer, A.E. NX 171829 Palmer, H.E. NX 1 12727 Parsons, B.H. V 516002 Partridge, C.H. VX48124 Patmore, C.H. NX 144760 Payten , M.A. VX91042 Perrotet, H.H. VX 41820 Phillis, V.O. VX114233 Pidd, A.T. V X 9 4 3 0 1 Pilkington, G.B.

365 N X 7 0 8 6 8 Pitt-Owen, A.T. NX70175 P o 1 a i n , G. VX4B162 Par ter, F. NX203269 Primrose, T. NX203036 Quay 1e , J.0. VX27403 Radford, M.A. S X 310 3 Redding, D. SX33660 Reed, T.T. V X 1 3 8 6 6 4 Regnier , W.T. NX70866 Reid, F.A. NX 165917 Reilly, A.G. NX201656 Richards, L.S. VX3941B Richards, R.E. NX2Q4356 Richards, W.J.K. QX19124 Richardson, D.J.T. W37623 Richardson, J.H. N X 7 0 3 0 0 Richmond, G.S. VX22469 Riley, C.L. (CHAPGEN) WX22469 Riley, L.W. NX76359 Roberts, F.W. S110557 Robinson, E. N X 7 0 9 8 5 Robinson, J.V.J. SX12188 Rob j ohns, A.J. NX70965 Rook, V.M. V X 9 0 0 0 4 1 Ruby, L. Q69029 St George, R. VX104114 Sambel1, G.T.C. V l 46843 Sansom, J.D. V510915 Sarroff, L.E.F. NX 70187 Saunders, K.F. V X 3 2 0 Saville, E.E. N X 7 6 4 4 6 Seatree, E.J. QX34998 Sharp, C.H. TX2102 Shepherd, H. NGX433 Sherwin, V.H. QX48813 Smith, A.C. N X 2 014 0 8 Smith, H.R. SX22324 Smith, P.H. QX48206 S m y t h e , C. D. VX 48628 Southey, R.M. WX 3372 Spratl i ng , S.J. WX22715 Stanley, E.G.G. QX 64432 Stevenson, A.C.C. NX200808 Stewart, S.G. QX60747 Stockdale , R.I.H. W 5 3 9 7 8 Storrs, C.E. VX91744 Strong, P.N.W. VX 251 Stuart-Burnett, F.R. VX93726 Sutton , A.W. SX14196 Swan, C,M. NX245 Swind1ehurst, L.M.

366 WX 38531 Tassel1, A.H. SX3402B Taylor, W.T. Q X 19307 Thomas, G. WX34442 Thomas, R. VXt12175 Thomas, T.W. Q26B153 Thompson, A.G. TX6093 Thompson, A.H. V X 9 514 3 Thorp, H. J. S3109 Thrush, A.R. WX15809 Tiller, C.G. VX111283 Ti11er , S. G. 0X92929 Tracy , R. D. 0X319 Tyler, W. R . VX112257 Tyler, W.W.A. N X 7 0 7 7 7 Ussher, C.E. Q X 4 512 1 Wagst af f , A.J. Q269078 Wand, J.W.C. V X 7 0 0 2 7 9 Waterman, J.R. NX202776 Watts, G.S. NX 157165 Waugh, M.M. 0X138549 Webber, E. SI 00016 Weston, F. W X 2 2 7 0 8 Whent, L.G. SX5201 Whereat, C.R. 0X90295 Whitfield, L.F. SX33967 Williams , W.G. N452038 Wi1 son , C.A. 0X114195 Winter, A.E. NX 140257 Withers , A.J. S 3 0 9 8 Wood, T.P. VX114214 Woolf, G.C. NX 139919 Wotton , R.A.W. NX 129075 Yates, T.J. 0148468 Yeo, E.S.

* Part-time chaplains not included

ROMAN CATHOLIC.

Abbott, C.G. A1ward, P. Baragry, E.R. Barry, O.P. NX 133195 Boland, M. N X 3 6 9 Bor land, P.T. NX 149792 Bradley, C. Bridget, W.H. Bridgewater, A.P. Brill, A. 0X112206 Broderick, K.J.

367 NX 132875 Bryson, A.W. NX35092 Burke, A.F. NX 13524 Busch , W. K, Bushel 1i , W. J . Q >; 2 4 191 Bryne, D.F. QX25695 Cahi 11 , B. Cahill, F. Campbel1, T.A, Cantwel1 , W.J. Carrol 1 , J. Clifford, P. Cochrane, V.E. Q X 4 9 i 0 2 Collins, T. SX29632 Collins, W. NX77236 Comerford, J. Conlan, F.J. Conway, J. Cook, T.J. NX 142933 Corr, W.L. VX60727 Corry , F.X. VX29579 Cosgrif f , 0.T. DX988 Cosgrove, J.M. NX 77357 Cranney, G. W17091 Cunningham, C.W.J VX111285 Curran, M.T. QX6287 Daly, C.W. De Loughry, D.J. Dew, W. N X132831 Dineen, J. Q X 6 3 8 7 Dolan, M. Doody, G.M. Dowd, J.K. Doyle, J. Dunne, P.J. Dwyer, J. P220 Earl, N.J. NX205422 Ekerick, I.C. VX61024 Elliott, T.E. V X 6 0 6 8 9 Ellis, K.P. VX111284 English , J.C. N X 7 7 3 8 7 E v a n 5 , J.M. Everard, T. NX146B08 Fahey, W.J. Fiseal ini, C. D642 Flynn, J. N X 16 7 9 3 7 Folkes, V.F. Ford, R.S. F r e a n , W. G. Q X19125 Frizzell, R.W. Frost, P.J. NX 162535 Fry, F.J.

368 NX34952 Gallagher, F.H. NX 77370 Gal 1 aher, L.0'B. Galway, J.K. Gar d , T. G1eisner , F. 61eeson, J.L. G1over , J.C. Graydon, K. J. N X 2 0 5 4 21 Grogan, K. Han 1 on , E. Haughey, C. QX37743 Henry , W.J. VX700022 Hogan, E. SX9042 Honnor , J. Hunter, S. VX90353 Hussey, T.P. Hyland, D.R. 0X53201 Kelly, J.K. Kelly, P.J. VX52061 Kennedy, J.P. 0X6381 Kenny, W.J. Kirby, J. 0X43975 Lake, G.S. MX 11198 Langmead, A.T.J. Led 1 in, A.T. NX 194710 Linehan, D.P. Livingstone, W.L. SX3549B » Lonergan, D. Loughnan, B.H. 0X191123 Lynch , J.B. Lyons , F.P. NX 163491 Hadden, J.G. V X134089 Maher, G. N482255 Ma r o n , J.G. N X 7 6 3 5 5 Mar sden , L.T. Marsh, F.T. McBreen, T.B. V X 2 0 8 Me Carthy, T. (DCHAPGEN) NXl74886 Me Cosker, J.F. Me Coy, J.P. Me Dermot, P. Me Donald, C.H. Me Encroe, M. NX IB 1033 Me Gin ley, F.B. NX 148055 Me Guinn, F.J. VX117169 Me Kenna, F.J. NX 192826 Me Kinnon , V.T. V X 6 6 9 0 8 M c M a 1) o ri, K. Me Manus, J.P. NX 1 66947 Me Manus, P. Me Manus, T.

369 He Master, J.C. VX 111282 Morgan, J.A. NX 1 19256 Hoverly, J.C. NX71123 Murphy , D.J. Murphy, M. Myers, H.A. N e s b i t, A . 0 ' Bryne, G.D. 0'Cal 1aghan, G. P SX20821 0 ' Cal 1aghan, J. O'Donnell, M. 0 ' Donoghue, G.R. 0'Donovan, A. VX117249 O'Driscoll, W.A. 0'Hal 1oran , E. 0'Her 1ihy , J.M. NX 168308 0'Hurley, D.F. VX901 16 O'Keefe, P. WX36477 O'Reilly, F. NX 166853 Ormonde, T.P. O'Rourke, J.A. 0'Sul 1ivan , P. O'Sullivan, R.P. V517233 Owens , A.B. Payne, G.G. NX 162369 Pear son , G.T. NX 141838 Peters, W.E. VX700033 Phillips, E.B. Purcell, T.W. Quinn, J.A. NX Quirk, B.J. NX700225 Reid, H.J. VX 108119 Reis, C.W. Reynolds, P.F. QX63763 Robinson, A.J. V X 3 9 0 8 7 Rogers, J.B. QX41422 Rosenskjar, J.M. VX133080 Ryan , J . J . V X1 17030 Ryan, V.E.M. VX135783 Sait, G.L. TX2042 Scarfe, R. Seaton , C.G. S h i (o s o n , C. C. S k e h a n , S . G. Smith, H.A. Smith, G. NX 148713 Smythe, R.F.A. NX 4295 13 Sobb, A.J. VX132218 Steele, H.E. Steele, O.B. NX 166433 Stokes, T.M.

370 NX 164999 Sullivan, C Sullivan, E QX39522 Torpie , J . A VX117292 Tresidder , V X 5 316 2 Tuohy, D.E. Turner, V.S NX 1 17261 Wal1lngton, Walsh, F.V. Walsh, P.J. Youll, G.P.

METHODIST.

V 144449 Ackroyd , J. W. QX23680 A1corn , I . W. NX7032S Archbold, B.C. S3124 Arnold, E. SX17725 Ashman, L .F. T44203 B a m p t o n , W. VX 1 14288 Barber, P . B. SX23065 Barrett, J.C. N X 7 6 4 0 5 Barrett, S.M. V X 3 9 516 Benjamin, J. J. V X11036 Bindeman, T. W. VX70321 Bird, R. VX91591 Blakemore , J.J. VX111270 Boquest, A. C. SX14858 Bottrel 1, A.E.E N278517 Boyer, E. M. VX38677 Br adbury, V.R. W X 5 8 2 3 Bramich , R.G. QX53938 B r a m 1 e y , R.E. V5 16339 Brand, A. D. T678 B r e m e r , F . C. L. WX31083 Broadbent , A. B. SX33528 Brook, W. R. SX 5729 Broomhead , E.N. V 5 0 4 8 4 8 Brown, C. QX59074 Browne, C .G. N X 2 0 7 4 13 Brown, R. S. Q X 4 3 7 9 0 B r u m w e 11 , D. S. N X 7 6 51 Burt, T.R • N X 2 0 5 4 1 1 Chaseling , w.s. TX13117 Clark, G. SX 14913 Clarke, W . F. NX 162390 Claughton , S.G. NX203235 Coleman , R.C. N X 10 4 0 4 1 Conibear, E.G. VX108441 Cook, C.0.L.

371 NX203207 Cowper, W.R. VX114256 Crouch , G. VX333 Dakers, R. V X 3 9 3 9 6 Daws, C.K. Q119874 Del 1er , T.N. S3128 Dickson, D.E. S X 21713 Farmer, S.H. NX 35097 Francis, W.C. NX700042 Fullerton, J. GX63149 Gaydon, J.D. T694 Giles, A.E. V500793 Goldsmith, G. SX34044 Goldsworthy, V X 8 10 7 8 Griffiths, H. T4B1 Hales, W. A. NX 203206 Hall, D.V. H a m b 1 y , W. F. VX39632 Hartley, F.J. VX111245 Harvey, T.B. N393006 Hayes, R.H. Q69047 Heaton , H.R. W87767 Hodgkins, S. S3122 Humphrey, F. N 109367 Hunter, H. S3129 Hutchinson, C WX3371 Inwood, F.C.N SX33959 Jackson, A.M. QX 48859 James, G. WX29297 Jenkins, S.J. VX90039 Johnson, W.J. VX48688 Kettle, H.H. NX 137512 King, F.A. NX 1 12728 Knight , G.A. VX 76805 Lade, W.R. Q48386 Lapthorne, A. N465427 Lew, R.B. N 2 7 8 5 5 0 Lick less, N.W S80347 Lornman, F.J. WX3B057 Lund. J.C. V 5l7227 M a c k a y , H . G . NX200027 Maddox, R.J. V X 9 4 6 3 3 H a g g s , I . R. VX112290 Milligan, A.W Q143006 Morsley, C.W. TX6493 Me Rae, C.F. VX94707 Newnham, A.R. VX 91489 Noble, R.J. V500313 Ormandy, W.J. VX138798 Packett, D.A. NXl80083 Pardey , N.C. NX144761 Pat on , F.

372 SX5708 Patrick, T.C. 0. VX100047 Peder i ck , A. SX10218 Perry, C.J. SX9764 Phillips, B.1 W53982 Phillips, C.F TX687 P i t h e r , K. M. Q132032 Pittendrigh, G.M. L a n h a m , P. J . SX32806 Rawlins, H.E. A. Q X 6 0 81 Read, C.A. V503497 Rentoul , T.C. (CHAPGEN) NX70917 Ritter, 6.1. V X 4 5 5 3 l Roberts, V.T. L. QX54941 Robinson, C.C NX 49566 Robinson, H. Sander 5 , J.A. V>; 1 14251 Shotton, H.T. SX9928 Si 1 wood , F.H. WX29296 Slater, S. V500256 Small , A.H. QX60086 Smith, G.D. NX 137939 Sorrell, J.H. NX 200026 Spencer, J.W. N X 2 0 0 3 9 2 Steele, W. J. V X 9 4 4 10 Turner, C.W. NX93451 Udy, G.S. VX96126 Udy, J.S. VX35334 Ugalde, L.T. V X 6 3 7 7 4 Ver tigan , G.E QX46545 Vickery, S.T. V X 148091 V i n e e r , A. NX318 Viney , C.P. VX1330 14 Wade , J.D. V X 25 119 Whittle, F.J. NX203296 Wilton, H.J. VX96537 Winn, F.V. SX8518 Young , G.H. N 2 7 8 6 8 8 Willey, W.H. NX 129934 Wi1 son , E.H.

PRESBYTERIAN.

TX13122 Absalom, A.J NX 165099 Anderson, N. Q112971 Ballinger, S N X 2 2 0 B a 1 iti e r , A. NX 149802 Beatty, G.A. V19826 Bell, A.A. VX112222 Boag, A. VX133197 Bor 1 and , F.T

373 N392954 Brice, A.E. NX203044 Brown, G.W. NX200034 Buttsworth, C.H VX1 12076 Cal tier , S. C. VX27521 Collins, W.L. VX 1 14022 Corr, B.J.R. VX108117 Cox, C.M. N127 Cranston, G. NX76305 Cunningham, H. V 5 0 3 3 9 9 Davidson , A.I. (CHAPGEN) N450331 Davies, E.A. NX 70635 Deal 1 , H.W. VX39407 Dean, A.R. V X 3 0 7 7 9 Dean, R.H. QX30561 Dodds, S. NX 129170 Douglas, L.J. VXl11082 Dowding, K. VX63372 Drennan, D. V10866 Dwyer, H.G. 0X59719 Faichney, N. NX 153871 Faulkner, W.R. VX133078 Finlay, J.A. T476 Ford, J.A.M. VX275 Forrest, J.F. V510629 Fraser, W.A. NX35024 Galloway, B. NX 145013 Gen11e , W.B. W X 3 2 3 6 3 George, J. T752 Gi1mour , W.F. D37 Gox , C.T. F. DX941 Grant, A.W. VX38675 Greenwood, H.W. VXl17192 Guest , T. V X 9 0 9 2 5 Hadley, V.F. WX11192 Herriman, R. M. V600024 Houston, A.S. V X 9 3 5 7 2 Howden, W.B. W87724 Jones, A.E. NX70278 Jones, H. Krust, C.G.D. NX 133391 Lackey, F.A. V X 6 6 8 8 4 Luck, K.K. VX93211 Martin, A. NX70677 Mathieson, C.G. QX62717 Miller, G.B. D X 6 4 11 Moore, W.C.R. VX91157 Me Adam, A.J. NX 140967 Me Alpine, M.A. N465655 Me Evoy, T.P. VX 7001 16 Me Lelland, R. QX6347 Me Leod , D.

374 NX20070 He Leod , W. A. WX 33457 Me Liver, A. VX39150 Me Neil , A.R. QX 48926 Me Pheat, L.R. N152573 Me Vittie, T. QX 22689 Park, R.M. VX91556 Parker, F.C. VX117235 Patton, G.A. V Xi30573 Paul, N.W. W X1561 Peirce, F.M. NX1 12729 Prenter, H. N281422 Racklyeft, R.C. Q69033 R a m 5 a y , R. Vl4440l Rankin, F.W. NX35129 Reynolds, W.C. SX34220 Roberts, P.M. SX38273 Smith, J.S. VX48844 Spencer, F. V X 6 3 7 9 6 Sprigg , D.E. N600001 Stevenson, A.Me E. VX39842 Stewart, A.H. VX94623 Strickland, F.R. TX9285 Tanner, J.S. VX9281 1 Taylor, G.S. QX24245 Thomas , P.J. Thompson, E.L. VX506289 T h o m p s o n , I. M. Tul1och , G. SX26146 Wallace, W.H.D. NX 161645 Ward, N.M. N 3 9 2 9 0 8 Watson, A. QX 56131 Whitney, 6.D. NX77397 Williamson, R.E. VX90160 Wood, K.C. VX97369 Yarnola , S.E. NX 162944 Young , W.

HEBREW.

V600024 Danglow, J.(SEN RABBI) Falk, L.B. Friedman, H. V X 3 5 4 Goldman, L.M. WX 1544 Rubin-Zac ks. Wolman , J.

375 UNITED CHURCHES.* BAPTIST.

VX96730 Blackburn, 6.H. Q X 4 8 211 Brooks, A.H. NX 147742 Drakeford, J . W. QX55382 Farquhar, J.C. QX63374 Farquhar, R.T. NX 146928 G o m ni, L. J . SX334I9 Gray, C.H. WX32380 Haley, R. Hansen, N. VX197 Helmore, R.A. VX91953 Holland, A.R. SX20844 Holly, S.J.M. VX91064 Hop kins, J.F. NX200383 Horn, A.N. V X 6 4 4 5 3 Keyte, T.F. WX36431 Law-Davis, H.W. VX91063 Lax ton , E.T. VX133079 Lindsay , J.W. NX 146757 Marks, E.V. QX34999 Martin, C.H.E. NX206054 M i 1 s o n , E. R. V X 9 3 91 1 Moriey , J. NX 142882 Me Cullough, M. 9X97787 Me Kittrick, A.H. NX200382 Orr, A.H. NX 156703 Pickup, R.S.HcK. NX 161548 Prior, A.C. NX700137 Redman , R.K. NX 167498 Ridley, J.C. VX114005 Rogers, B.T.A. T X 6 0 0 8 Salter, J.C. V X 9 2 0 0 0 Salter, W.J. Sayce , R. NX118658 Smith, F.T. NX 165960 Starr, F.H. V X 9 2 01 1 Thomson, M.A. SX8980 Watson , E.H. TX6441 Wooton , R.T.

CHURCHES OF CHRIST.

NX 134246 Ac 1 and , A. N393143 Alcorn, F.E. Q144537 Boettcher, V.G. QX6366 Brook, A. (CHAPGEN) 0X138502 Clark, H.A.G. N 15 3 2 6 8 Crossman, W.J. W X 3 7 4 14 Fewster, F.M.

376 V18998 Forbes, A.E. WX33905 Hi 1 ford, R. VX93978 Hoi 1ard, E.P VX89059 Martin, J.K. Q X 2 4 3 2 4 Methven, J.O WX11128 Miles, E.J. VX55324 Me Dowel 1, W SX31014 Norn s , H. G. VX96331 Robinson, C. S 3 0 9 6 Taylor, H.R. TX6460 Tease , G.D.0 QX4B212 Trezise , L.A V X 91018 Turner , M.J . WX22379 Vincent, L.R N 4 7 3 3 9 W a k e 1 e y , D. VX91366 Wigney , W.A. V 105881 Young , C.A.

CONGREGATIONAL.

VX117232 Adams, C.A. SX22714 Bal1ard , H.R. Q X 5 3 9 9 3 Blackwell, K. T473 Burrage, H.W. QX58L02 Dalziel , L.H. Dickson, A.H. QX36877 Dickenson, J. SX29258 Doug 1 as, J. SX500724 Farr, A.P. VX90256 Forward , G.G. NX 1662 12 Goodsel1 , N.F W58 Hawke, A.C. NX 200381 Hibbard, C.A. 0266429 Hunt, H.C. I k i n , H. D. W X 3 7 117 Jones, A.W. N X 2 0 6 4 0 5 Marsden , R. NX 143255 Parry, 0.G. NX 145050 Read, H.S. N X 7 6 3 8 6 Sear 1e, F.G. V X 9 7 7 3 4 Sindrey, J.A. N 4 2 9 6 7 9 Taylor, A.G.A 0X45119 Trotman , A. I . 3X8186 Watts, C.C. VX58554 Watts, E.N. Willings, H.J

377 SALVATION ARMY

VX104170 Albiston, A.E. NX 130517 Gates, W.A. QX44094 Geddes, C. H. Q67090 Harris, A. V505967 Laid law, J.J.E. N X 7 6 2 3 8 Mac Carthy, A.6. N393127 Fennel 1 , W.J. NX 149880 Pentecost, E. T X 3 0 3 2 SandelIs, G. VX96541 Saunders, F.F. VX58536 Smith, R.W. Q69006 Ward, W.H.

LUTHERAN.

SX34149 Jaensch, N.E. QX53954 Stolz, M.R. NX 141236 Winkler, M.H.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE.

V510341 Twiqg-Patterson, L.

* Does not include part time duty chaplains.

378 BIBLIOGRAPHY.

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