Providing Effective Interpretive Services to Emerging Indigenous People from Oaxaca Ron Mortenson

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Providing Effective Interpretive Services to Emerging Indigenous People from Oaxaca Ron Mortenson Providing Effective Interpretive Services to Emerging Indigenous People From Oaxaca Ron Mortenson EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction Findings Monterey County was recently faced with providing Cultural competency for the employees dealing with translation services to a group of people from Oax- this new population was seen as being the key to suc- aca, Mexico. The dilemma was that there are several cess. Cultural competency training teaches us to un- languages specific to various regions of Oaxaca and derstand values, respect differences and respond ap- there were limited interpreters available. Further- propriately to the needs and culture of the customer. more, the resources available were extremely costly. Additionally relationships with local organizations Efforts were made to seek advice from the State of proved to be instrumental for communicating effec- California which mandates that interpretation must tively. be provided in a customer’s native tongue, but the state had little information to share. Other counties Conclusions and organizations were consulted to ascertain best Implications and recommendations are as follows: practices for dealing effectively with emerging popu- ■ The Cultural Competency model used by lations that did not speak English. Santa Clara County could be further studied and emulated. ■ Expanding relationships with local organiza- tions is needed. ■ Recruiting Oaxacan speaking employees is vital. Ron Mortenson is a Management Analyst III at the Monterey County Department of Social and Employment Services. 139 140 BASSC EXECUTIVE DEVELOPMENT TRAINING PROGRAM Providing Effective Interpretive Services to Emerging Indigenous People From Oaxaca Ron Mortenson Introduction monolingual Spanish speaking people at its King Monterey County faced a financial projection of City offices, which serve the residents of Greenfield. needing to spend $250,000 for a year of contracted Additionally, it was recently discovered that 12% of interpretation services for the many languages spo- the customers in that service area are monolingual in ken by people from Oaxaca, Mexico. Initial analy- the Oaxacan languages. sis indicated there were no quick solutions and that When these families from Oaxaca were initially other California counties were faced with similar interviewed, our workers attempted to communicate interpretation problems. This study explores how with them by speaking Spanish, which they assumed to provide mandated interpretation when there is a was appropriate for someone from Mexico. Unfortu- limited availability of qualified interpreters. nately, we later realized that people from Oaxaca do not understand Spanish. Prevalent languages include Background Mixtec, Triqui and Zapotec, but there are literally The State of California requires all county welfare thousands of languages spoken by a population that departments to provide free interpretation to social exceeds 3.5 million (Oaxaca Facts, 2006). When we service customers in their native language (Cali- occasionally managed to find someone to provide inter- fornia DSS Div. 21, 2006). Typically, this is accom- pretation, their knowledge proved to be insufficient plished by having certified bilingual interpreters to deal with the scope of the language problem. on staff, or through contracted services. Monterey The Oaxacan culture is one of a proud people County is experiencing a challenge in this area due who smile often and nod their heads in an accept- to an emerging indigenous population of custom- ing and affirmative fashion, even when they do not ers from the Mexican State of Oaxaca. People from understand. This leads to communication issues Oaxaca began migrating to the United States in with much misunderstanding on both sides. Our search of opportunity, higher paying work and bet- social services customers from Oaxaca generally do ter living conditions. Many have relocated to Mon- not read or write, which has also caused confusion. terey County, with a significant number settling in The welfare system is very “forms-intensive,” but in and around the town of Greenfield, because of the a verbal-based community, there is little concept of availability of work opportunities provided in the forms or signatures. This difference led to further agriculture industry (Salinas Californian, 2007). challenges as county employees attempted to do When the harvesting season ended, many fami- their jobs, while having to explain procedures that lies were left with limited amounts of food and shel- were culturally incomprehensible. ter, so they turned to the Monterey County Depart- Unfortunately, the availability of Oaxacan lan- ment of Social and Employment Services (DSES) to guage interpreters is minimal. The only current op- provide these necessities. Monterey County has a so- tions are a few community volunteers, very limited cial services client population of approximately 59% yet expensive interpretation service providers, and 141 142 BASSC EXECUTIVE DEVELOPMENT TRAINING PROGRAM some translation from family members. The goal of Understanding Culture this project is to find out how other counties have As organizations and individuals attempt to become solved this dilemma, and, more importantly, to dis- culturally competent, they must become students cover the best approach for obtaining necessary in- of culture. The Campinha-Baconte Cultural Com- terpretation services for the Oaxacan people. It is petency Model indicates that people must move hoped that by studying other county solutions that through the following phases: Monterey County may be able to absorb and ap- ply information that others have learned, avail the a Cultural Awareness, county of identified resources and develop innova- b Cultural Knowledge, tive and pro-active strategies to serve this unique c Cultural Encounter, population, while reducing costs. d Cultural Skills, and e Cultural Desire. Methodology Culture is defined as the sum of beliefs, prac- Initial discussions with representatives from the tices, habits, likes, dislikes, norms, customs, ritu- State of California indicated that Monterey County als, and so forth that people learn from their fami- was providing the best service levels, when compared lies and years of socialization in their communities with the other counties currently dealing with this (Merriam-Webster, 2007). As employees understand emerging population from Oaxaca. The decision was and respect the culture of their customers, they will made to spend some time working with employees be better prepared to communicate with them. It is of Santa Clara County, as that county is known to not just about interpreting words, it is about under- have dealt with newly emerging population issues in standing the context of the words and the compre- the past. It was hoped that Monterey County could hension of the information by the people receiving use similar templates for success that had been effec- the words. tively utilized by Santa Clara County. Additionally, other counties in Northern California were queried Community Outreach to see how they effectively dealt with Oaxacan cus- An important method for providing interpretation tomers. Finally, discussions with local organizations services to new populations is to reach out to the were held to learn more about the Oaxacan culture. community leaders and have them help provide inter- preters for those who need it. These can be religious Lessons Learned or other cultural leaders who are respected in the community. An effective strategy has been to place Cultural Competency these types of individuals on an approved interpreter Santa Clara County has a very strong commitment to list so that state requirements are more properly met. achieving cultural competency within their agency. Another approach is to obtain the assistance of non- Cultural competency is the ability of an individual profit community organizations and/or agencies. or organization to understand and respect values, at- Also, Santa Clara County has established a strong titudes, beliefs and mores that differ across cultures, association with the Mexican Consulate which has and to consider and respond appropriately to these helped in developing the county’s relationships with differences (Dean, 1996). Many managers believe local community groups. Other agencies have expe- this is the key to providing effective interpretation rienced problems in attempting to hire interpreters for their customers. Enhancing cultural competency who are then discovered to be undocumented im- is recognized as a very effective approach to overcome migrants. This issue will be overcome as succeeding the health & social disparities attributed to race and generations fulfill citizenship requirements, but it is ethnicity (CBDIO, 2006). likely to remain a problem in the near future. PARTICIPANTS’ CASE STUDIES • CLASS OF 2007 143 Current Achievements has initiated the steps that need to be taken in order Monterey County has already been successful in to provide effective interpretation services, and they progressing forward with solutions to the interpre- need to continue to journey down this path. The tation challenge. In 2006, community organizations county needs to increase knowledge of Oaxacan cul- with volunteer interpreters for Zapotec, Mixtec, ture for all Monterey County employees, especially and Triqui languages joined with Monterey County those who have Oaxacan caseloads. The Cultural DSES staff at a meeting for the Oaxacan indigenous Competency model used by Santa Clara County community
Recommended publications
  • The Declining Use of Mixtec Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-At
    UC San Diego Working Papers Title The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of PowerThe Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persis... Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/64p447tc Author Perry, Elizabeth Publication Date 2017-10-18 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ 4.0 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 1 The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies CCIS University of California, San Diego The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of Power Elizabeth Perry University of California, San Diego Working Paper 180 July 2009 Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 2 Abstract Drawing on binational ethnographic research regarding Mixtec “social memory” of language discrimination and Mixtec perspectives on recent efforts to preserve and revitalize indigenous language use, this study suggests that language discrimination, in both its overt and increasingly concealed forms, has significantly curtailed the use of the Mixtec language. For centuries, the Spanish and Spanish-speaking mestizo (mixed blood) elite oppressed the Mixtec People and their linguistic and cultural practices. These oppressive practices were experienced in Mixtec communities and surrounding urban areas, as well as in domestic and international migrant destinations. In the 1980s, a significant transition occurred in Mexico from indigenismo to a neoliberal multicultural framework. In this transition, discriminatory practices have become increasingly “symbolic,” referring to their assertion in everyday social practices rather than through overt force, obscuring both the perpetrator and the illegitimacy of resulting social hierarchies (Bourdieu, 1991).
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Mexico: the Legacy of the Plumed Serpent
    LACMA | Evenings for Educators | April 17, 2012 Ancient Mexico: The Legacy of the Plumed Serpent _____________________________________________________________________________________________________ The greatness of Mexico is that its past is always alive . Mexico exists in the present, its dawn is occurring right now, because it carries with it the wealth 1 of a living past, an unburied memory. —Carlos Fuentes MUCH OF THE HISTORY AND TRADITIONS OF MESOAMERICA, The system of pictographic communication a cultural region encompassing most of Mexico and and its accompanying shared art style was an northern Central America, can be traced through ingenious response to the needs of communities a pictorial language, or writing system, that was whose leaders spoke as many as twelve different introduced around AD 950. By 1300 it had been languages. Beginning in the tenth century, widely adopted throughout Southern Mexico. Southern Mexico was dominated by a confeder- This shared art style and writing system was used acy of city-states (autonomous states consisting to record and preserve the history, genealogy, and of a city and surrounding territories). Largely mythology of the region. It documents systems controlled by the nobility of the Nahua, Mixtec, of trade and migration, royal marriage, wars, and and Zapotec peoples, these city-states claimed records epic stories that continue to be passed on a common heritage. They believed that their through a pictorial and oral tradition today. kingdoms had been founded by the hero Quetzalcoatl, the human incarnation of the This pictorial language was composed of highly Plumed Serpent. They shared a culture, world- conventionalized symbols characterized by an view, and some religious practices but operated almost geometric precision of line.
    [Show full text]
  • Zapotec Empire an Empire Covering 20 000 Sq
    1 Zapotec Empire an empire covering 20 000 sq. km. This empire is thought to have included the Cen- ARTHUR A. JOYCE tral Valleys (i.e., the Valleys of Oaxaca, Ejutla, University of Colorado, USA and Miahuatlán) and surrounding areas such as the Cañada de Cuicatlán as well as regions to the east and south extending to the Pacific Archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence coastal lowlands, particularly the lower Río from Oaxaca, Mexico, suggests that Zapo- Verde Valley. These researchers argue that tec-speaking peoples may have formed small Monte Albán’s rulers pursued a strategy of empires during the pre-Hispanic era (Joyce territorial conquest and imperial control 2010). A possible empire was centered on through the use of a large, well-trained, and the Late Formative period (300 BCE–200 CE) hierarchical military that pursued extended city of Monte Albán in the Oaxaca Valley. campaigns and established hilltop outposts, The existence of this empire, however, has garrisons, and fortifications (Redmond and been the focus of a major debate. Stronger Spencer 2006: 383). Evidence that Monte support is available for a coastal Zapotec Albán conquered and directly administered Empire centered on the Late Postclassic outlying regions, however, is largely limited – (1200 1522 CE) city of Tehuantepec. to iconographic interpretations of a series of Debate concerning Late Formative Zapotec carved stones at Monte Albán known as the imperialism is focused on Monte Albán and “Conquest Slabs” and debatable similarities its interactions with surrounding regions. in ceramic styles among these regions (e.g., Monte Albán was founded in c.500 BCE on Marcus and Flannery 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Recovering After Childbirth in the Mixtec Highlands (Mexico)
    M~DICAMENTSET ALIMENTS :L'APPROCHE ETHNOPHARMACOLOGIQLJE I 99 Recovering after childbirth in the Mixtec highlands (Mexico) KATZ Esther ORSTOM (Institut Français de Recherche Scientifique pourle Développement en Coopération) Département MAA (Milieu et Activités Agricoles) 213, rue Lafayette- 75480 PARIS Cedex 10 - FRANCE Fa: 33-1-40351713 RÉSUMÉ Les Indiens du haut pays mixtèque, tout comme d'autres Indiens du Mexique, prennent particulièrement soin des jeunes accouchées. Un certain nombre de travaux portent sur la grossesse et l'accouchement au Mexique, mais le thème du post- partum a été peu étudié en profondeur, bien que les indigknes insistent sur le danger et l'importance des soins à cette période. Dans ce travail, la conception, la grossesse et l'accouchement sont décrits à titre introductif, tandis que les pratiques du post- partum sont analysées en détail : la période de repos de 20 ou 40 jours, le régime alimentaire particulier, l'abstinence sexuelle, les diverses précautions et prohibitions, les soins corporels, les tisanes, les bains de plantes et surtout, le bain de vapeur, à fonction à la fois thérapeutique et rituelle. L'article posele problème de l'analyse des données touchant aux pratiques corpo- relles féminines, difficilement verbalisées. Il amorce également une comparaison avec les pratiques des pays industrialisés occidentaux et suggère de puiser dans les pratiques et les connaissances des sociétés dites << traditionnelles >> pour remédier aux dépressions post-partum. INTRODUCTION 1973;ALVAREZ JEYLlENREICH, 1976; COMINSKY, 1976 1982; QUEZADA 1977;RITA, 1979;L6PEZAUSTIN, Like most of the indigenous peoples of Mexico, the Mixtec AND 1980; GARCfARUIZANDPETRICH, 1983; IRETON, 1987; Indians view pregnancyas a disease.
    [Show full text]
  • Knowledge of Skull Base Anatomy and Surgical Implications of Human Sacrifice Among Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican Cultures
    See the corresponding retraction, DOI: 10.3171/2018.5.FOCUS12120r, for full details. Neurosurg Focus 33 (2):E1, 2012 Knowledge of skull base anatomy and surgical implications of human sacrifice among pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures RAUL LOPEZ-SERNA, M.D.,1 JUAN LUIS GOMEZ-AMADOR, M.D.,1 JUAN BArgES-COLL, M.D.,1 NICASIO ArrIADA-MENDICOA, M.D.,1 SAMUEL ROMERO-VArgAS, M.D., M.SC.,2 MIGUEL RAMOS-PEEK, M.D.,1 MIGUEL ANGEL CELIS-LOPEZ, M.D.,1 ROGELIO REVUELTA-GUTIErrEZ, M.D.,1 AND LESLY PORTOCArrERO-ORTIZ, M.D., M.SC.3 1Department of Neurosurgery, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez;” 2Department of Spine Surgery, Instituto Nacional de Rehabilitación; and 3Department of Neuroendocrinology, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez,” Mexico City, Mexico Human sacrifice became a common cultural trait during the advanced phases of Mesoamerican civilizations. This phenomenon, influenced by complex religious beliefs, included several practices such as decapitation, cranial deformation, and the use of human cranial bones for skull mask manufacturing. Archaeological evidence suggests that all of these practices required specialized knowledge of skull base and upper cervical anatomy. The authors con- ducted a systematic search for information on skull base anatomical and surgical knowledge among Mesoamerican civilizations. A detailed exposition of these results is presented, along with some interesting information extracted from historical documents and pictorial codices to provide a better understanding of skull base surgical practices among these cultures. Paleoforensic evidence from the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan indicates that Aztec priests used a specialized decapitation technique, based on a deep anatomical knowledge.
    [Show full text]
  • The Health of Migrant Oaxacan Farm Workers in California Ornelas 1
    The Health of Migrant Oaxacan Farm Workers in California Ornelas 1 Introduction The Oaxacan Farm-Working Community in California In the United States, 68 of the 72% foreign born farmworkers originate from Mexico. Of this According to a study conducted by the California percentage, 20% are from the southern states of Farm Labor Force, 38% of the new farmworker Mexico, including Oaxaca.1 labor force in 2005 included indigenous Mexicans, making them the fastest growing farm labor group in When first migrating to the United States, these California5. An estimated 100,000 to 150,000 farmworkers are “astonishingly healthy….despite indigenous Oaxacans live in California6, while a being poorer, less educated, and medically total of 1 million Oaxacans are estimated to live in underserved.”2 However, with increased time in the the United States7. United States, and with generation after generation, their health status as a group decreases.2 The indigenous Oaxacan community is not homogeneous. In Oaxaca, there are 17 distinct Current research shows that Mexican farmworkers, indigenous languages and cultures. In California, the as compared to the general population, have high top three communities are the Mixtec, Trique, and rates of obesity, hypertension, elevated cholesterol, Zapotec people, who speak Mixteco, Triqui, and and have limited access to health care due to lack of Zapoteco respectively. The Zapotec people are health insurance or legal status. Compounded with mostly concentrated in cities such as Los Angeles. their dangerous occupation, Mexican farmworkers The Mixtec people are mostly concentrated in the are at increased risk for cardiovascular diseases, Central Valley, and the Trique people are mostly diabetes, musculoskeletal injuries, upper respiratory concentrated in the Central Valley and Northern diseases, and other life-threatening conditions3.
    [Show full text]
  • Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5
    Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec 33000 1 Alacatlatzala Mixtec 4.5 Mexico Mixtecan 23000 2 Alcozauca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 10000 3 Aloápam Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 2100 4 Amatlán Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 6000 5 Amoltepec Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 6 Ascunción Mixtepec Zapotec 1 Mexico Zapotecan 100 7 Atatláhuca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8300 8 Ayautla Mazatec 5 Mexico Popolocan 3500 9 Ayoquesco Zapotec 3 Mexico Zapotecan < 900 10 Ayutla Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8500 11 Azoyú Tlapanec 1 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec < 680 12 Aztingo Matlatzinca 1 Mexico Otopamean > < 100 13 Matlatzincan Cacaloxtepec Mixtec 2.5 Mexico Mixtecan < 850 14 Cajonos Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 15 Central Hausteca Nahuatl 5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 200000 16 Central Nahuatl 3 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 40000 17 Central Pame 4 Mexico Pamean 4350 18 Central Puebla Nahuatl 4.5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 16000 19 Chaopan Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 24000 20 Chayuco Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 30000 21 Chazumba Mixtec 2 Mexico Mixtecan < 2,500 22 Chiapanec 1 Mexico Chiapanec-Mangue < 20 23 Chicahuaxtla Triqui 5 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 24 Chichicapan Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 4000 25 Chichimeca-Jonaz 3 Mexico Otopamean > < 200 26 Chichimec Chigmecatitlan Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 1600 27 Chiltepec Chinantec 3 Mexico Chinantecan < 1,000 28 Chimalapa Zoque 3.5 Mexico Zoque 4500 29 Chiquihuitlán Mazatec 3.5 Mexico Popolocan 2500 30 Chochotec 3 Mexico Popolocan 770 31 Coatecas Altas Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 32 Coatepec Nahuatl 2.5
    [Show full text]
  • The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-At-Homes: the Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of Power
    Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 1 The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies CCIS University of California, San Diego The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of Power Elizabeth Perry University of California, San Diego Working Paper 180 July 2009 Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 2 Abstract Drawing on binational ethnographic research regarding Mixtec “social memory” of language discrimination and Mixtec perspectives on recent efforts to preserve and revitalize indigenous language use, this study suggests that language discrimination, in both its overt and increasingly concealed forms, has significantly curtailed the use of the Mixtec language. For centuries, the Spanish and Spanish-speaking mestizo (mixed blood) elite oppressed the Mixtec People and their linguistic and cultural practices. These oppressive practices were experienced in Mixtec communities and surrounding urban areas, as well as in domestic and international migrant destinations. In the 1980s, a significant transition occurred in Mexico from indigenismo to a neoliberal multicultural framework. In this transition, discriminatory practices have become increasingly “symbolic,” referring to their assertion in everyday social practices rather than through overt force, obscuring both the perpetrator and the illegitimacy of resulting social hierarchies (Bourdieu, 1991). Through the use of symbolic violence, the dominant class cleans its hands and history of discriminatory practices based on race, ethnic, or cultural “difference,” while at the same time justifying increasing inequality on the outcome of “unbiased” market forces. Continuing to experience and perceive discrimination, many Mixtec language speakers are employing silence as a social strategy, in which Mixtecs forgo using, teaching, and learning the Mixtec language in order to create distance between themselves (or children) and stigmatized practices, such as indigenous language use.
    [Show full text]
  • ZAPOTEC-MIXTEC SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGE 1400-1970 by MARK OTTO GLADE, B.A
    r I f^i n iiiáil ZAPOTEC-MIXTEC SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGE 1400-1970 by MARK OTTO GLADE, B.A. A THESIS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS AoDroved Accepted May, 1980 Ac 193Ú C^C^Á, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Completion of this thesis required input from many indivi- duals. My family, friends, colleagues, and professors have assisted throughout the preparation of this thesis. I am most indebted to Dr. Evelyn Montgomery, the chairman of my thesis committee. She provided the necessary criticism and encour- agement which resulted in significant improvements over the draft copies. Dr. Nancy Hickerson and Dr. James Goss, my other committee members, also gave valuable suggestions and their assistance is gratefully acknowledged. A special thanks is owed to Richard Salzar who, through his enthusiasm for anthropology, influenced my decision to get a degree in the field. I am also indebted to the many different persons who have helped me in my field trips to the Oaxaca Valley and made this thesis what it is. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vi I. INTRODUCTION 1 Oaxaca Valley 4 Acculturation 7 II. PEASANTS 11 Peasants vs. Tribal . ( 14 Peasants vs. The Larger Whole 15 Corporate Peasant Communities in Mexico. .16 Types of Relations Between the Peasant and the Larger Whole 19 The Process of Integration within Peasant Society 21 Examples of Integration within a Peasant Community 23 Summary 25 III. PRE-CONQUEST 25 The Zapotecs 26 Social Structure and Political Organization of the Zapotecs 31 Dominant Themes of Mesoamerican Culture 31 Zapotec Political and Social Organization Just Prior to Conquest 32 i i i The Mixtec 33 Mixtec Social Organizational Structure 33 Mixtec Urban Development 36 Mixtec Religious Life 37 Mixtec Warfare 37 Political Structure of the Mixtec up to the Conquest 38 IV.
    [Show full text]
  • Documenting Vulnerability: Food Insecurity Among Indigenous Mexican Migrants in California's Central Valley
    Documenting Vulnerability: Food Insecurity Among Indigenous Mexican Migrants In California’s Central Valley Copyright David Bacon Katherine Moos Bill Emerson National Hunger Fellow Acknowledgments Thank you and muchísmas gracias to everyone who supported this project: David Bacon, Jessica Bartholow (CAFB), Miranda Carreon (CAFB), Ron Clark (CAFB), Rufino Domínguez Santos (CBDIO), Jonathan Fox (USSC), Bridget Galvan (ACCFB), Terry Garner (CAFB), Christy Getz (UC Berkeley), Rebecca Hester (USSC), Kisha Jackson (CAFB), Daytra Latin (CFB), Oralia Maceda (CBDIO), Nayamín Martínez (CBDIO), Rick Mines, Barbara Mknelly (CDPH), Stephanie Nishio (CDPH), Rosa López (CBDIO), Jeff Ponting (CRLA), Ron Strolic (CIRS), Leoncio Vásquez Santos (CBDIO), Kim McCoy Wade (CAFB), Rachel Winch (CHC), and Cathy Wirth. Special thanks to all of the focus group participants and key informants. Without their willingness to generously and candidly share their time and opinions, this report would not be have been possible. Many thanks to Bill Emerson National Hunger Fellowship Program Staff: Aileen Carr, Shana McDavis-Conway, Joy Wiskin, and the 14th Class of Emerson Hunger Fellows. This material was funded by USDA’s Food Stamp Program through the California Department of Public Health’s Network for a Healthy California. These institutions are equal opportunity providers and employers. The Food Stamp Program provides nutrition assistance to people with low income. It can help buy nutritious foods for a better diet. For information on the Food Stamp Program, call 1-888-328-3483.
    [Show full text]
  • Forging Common Origin in the Making of the Mexican Nation
    genealogy Article Forging Common Origin in the Making of the Mexican Nation Natividad Gutiérrez Chong Department of Agrarian Studies, Institute of Social Research National Autonomous University of Mexico, Mexico City 04510, Mexico; [email protected] Received: 25 May 2020; Accepted: 9 July 2020; Published: 20 July 2020 Abstract: The Mexican nation was built by the state. This construction involved the formulation and dissemination of a national identity to forge a community that shares common culture and social cohesion. The focus of the article is to analyze the myth of the origin of the nation, mestizaje, as this is a long-lasting formula of national integration. After more than a century of mestizaje, real or fictitious, Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples have begun to question the capability of this common origin since it invalidates the origins of many other ethnic communities, especially in the current phase of the nation state, which refers to the recognition of cultural diversity. The myth is propagated by official means and is highly perceived by society, due to its high symbolic content that is well reflected in popular pictorial representations. The final part of the article will refer to the mestizo myth in the imagination of some Indigenous intellectuals and students, who hold their own ethnic myths of foundation or origin. Keywords: nationalism; nation-building; ethnic origin; myth of origin; national identity; Indigenous peoples 1. Introduction Does the Mexican nation have one or many genealogies? What place does genealogy have as an input in building something in common? The modern world is organized into nation states, but none of them can, in the twenty-first century, boast of being homogeneous in language and culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Exclusion and the Negotiation of Afro-Mexican Identity in the Costa Chica of Oaxaca, Mexico
    Social Exclusion and the Negotiation of Afro-Mexican Identity in the Costa Chica of Oaxaca, Mexico. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Br. vorgelegt von Tristano Volpato aus Verona, Italien WS 2013/2014 Erstgutachter: Prof. Hermann Schwengel Zweitgutachterin: Prof. Julia Flores Dávila Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses der Gemeinsamen Kommission der Philologischen, Philosophischen und Wirtschafts- und Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Bernd Kortmann Datum der Fachprüfung im Promotionsfach: 07 Juli 2014 Social Exclusion and the Negotiation of Afro-Mexican Identity in the Costa Chica of Oaxaca, Mexico. Tristano Volpato Nr.3007198 [email protected] II I acknowledge Prof. Schwengel, for the opportunity to make concrete an important proyect for my professional life and individual psychological growing, since he was in constant cooperation with me and the work; Prof. Julia Flores Dávila, who accompanied me during the last six years, with her human and professional presence; my parents, who always trusted me; Gisela Schenk, who was nearby me in every occasion, professonal and daily. Finally I want to specially thank all those people of the Costa Chica who, during the process, allowed me to understand better their identity and offered a great example of Mexicanity and humanity. III IV Contents Prefacio ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]