Criminology and the Law of Guilt John S
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N.2 Definition of Conviction April 2019
Immigrant Legal Resource Center, www.ilrc.org § N.2 Definition of Conviction April 2019 § N.2 Definition of Conviction Table of Contents I. Definition of Conviction; Limited Effect of Rehabilitative Relief II. When Rehabilitative Relief Works: DACA and Lujan-Armendariz III. Not a Conviction: Pretrial Diversion under Cal Pen C § 1000 (2018) IV. Former California DEJ and Pen C § 1203.43 V. Not a Conviction: Juvenile Delinquency DisPositions VI. Not a Conviction: California Infractions? VII. Not a Conviction: Direct APPeal of Right? VIII. Not a Conviction: Vacation of Judgment for Cause IX. Convictions: Court Martial; Not Guilty By Reason of Insanity How to Avoid or Eliminate a “Conviction” for Immigration PurPoses Most (although not all) immigration consequences relating to crimes require a conviction, as defined by federal immigration law, not state law. If your noncitizen client does not have a conviction for immigration purposes, their immigration case might be saved. This section discusses which dispositions in California criminal courts amount to a conviction for immigration purposes, and how to avoid or eliminate a conviction. Warning: Immigration Consequences Even Without a Conviction. Some immigration penalties are triggered by evidence of conduct or findings, even absent a conviction. A noncitizen might be found inadmissible if immigration authorities have evidence that the person engaged in prostitution1 or ever participated in drug trafficking or money laundering.2 The person might be inadmissible or deportable if they are or were a drug addict or abuser.3 Even a civil finding that a noncitizen violated a domestic violence stay-away order, in any way, makes the person deportable.4 In those situations, avoiding a conviction is a good step, but will not necessarily protect the person. -
Consequences of Failing to Admit Guilt at Parole Hearings Daniel S
MEDWED_TRANSMITTED.DOC2 2/26/2008 1:51 PM The Innocent Prisoner’s Dilemma: Consequences of Failing to Admit Guilt at Parole Hearings Daniel S. Medwed∗ INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 493 I. THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PAROLE ................................................ 497 A. HISTORICAL ORIGINS AND PURPOSES OF PAROLE ................................ 497 B. PAROLE RELEASE DECISION-MAKING: CONTEMPORARY STANDARDS AND POLICIES .................................................................................... 504 II. THE EFFECT OF PAROLE RELEASE DECISION-MAKING NORMS ON THE INNOCENT ............................................................................................... 513 A. PAROLE: AN INNOCENCE OPTION OF LAST RESORT ............................. 518 B. PRESSURE ON INNOCENT INMATES TO “ADMIT” GUILT ........................ 523 III. ADMISSIONS OF GUILT AND THE PAROLE RELEASE DECISION RECONSIDERED ....................................................................................... 529 A. THE DANGER OF ASSUMING THE LITIGATION PROCESS ACCURATELY FILTERS THE GUILTY FROM THE INNOCENT ......................................... 530 B. POTHOLES ON THE PATH TO REDEMPTION THROUGH THE PAROLE PROCESS ........................................................................................... 532 IV. SUGGESTIONS FOR REFORM .................................................................... 541 A. LIMITATIONS ON THE SUBSEQUENT USE OF STATEMENTS FROM PAROLE HEARINGS ........................................................................... -
Substantive Criminal Law: Principles and Working 1 Vocabulary
55256_CH01_001_016.pdf:55256_CH01_001_016.pdf 12/18/09 1:58 PM Page 1 CHAPTER Substantive Criminal Law: Principles and Working 1 Vocabulary Key Terms Actual cause Ecclesiastical courts Positive law Actus reus Federalism Precedent Administrative law Felony Preponderance of the evidence Attendant circumstances General intent Procedural law Beyond a reasonable doubt Gross misdemeanor Property crime Burden of proof Injunctive relief Proximate cause But-for test Intervening cause Punitive damage Canon law Jurisdiction Recklessness Capital felony Kings courts Republic Case law Law courts Social contract theory Civil law Least restrictive mechanism Specific intent Code of Hammurabi Legal cause Stare decisis Common law Lesser included offense Statutory law Compensatory damage Mala in se Strict liability Constitutional law Mala prohibita Substantial factor test Constructive intent Mens rea Substantive law Corpus delicti Misdemeanor Tort Courts of equity Misprision of felony Tortfeasor Crime Natural law Transferred intent Criminal law Negligence Uniform Crime Reports Culpable Nulla poena sine lege Violation Declaratory relief Ordinance Violent crime Democracy Ordinary misdemeanor Wobblers Deviance Petty misdemeanor Introduction This chapter explores and describes the founda- tions of American criminal law. While progressing From the genesis of time, human beings have sought through its content, readers are informed of the to establish guidelines to govern human behavior. In extent to which serious crime occurs in America. ancient civilizations, rules were derived from morals, Readers will also develop an appreciation for the customs, and norms existing within society. Thus, in Republic form of government used in this nation most societies, modern laws evolved from a loose and how social contract theory guides the construc- set of guidelines into a formal system of written tion of criminal law. -
Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization
U. S. Department of Justice I Bureau of Justice Statistics I Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization by Herbert Koppel people's perception of the meaning of BJS Analyst March 1987 annual rates with respect to their own The Bureau of Justice Statistics lives. If the Earth revolved around the This report provides estimates of the National Crime Survey provides sun in 180 days, all of our annual crime likelihood that a person will become a annual victimization rates based rates would be halved, but we would not victim of crime during his or her life- on counts of the number of crimes be safer. time, or that a household will be vic- reported and not reported to timized during a 20-year period. This police in the United States. These Calculating lifetime victimization rates contrasts with the conventional use of a rates are based on interviews 1-year period in measuring crime and twice a year with about 101,000 For this report, lifetime likelihoods criminal victimization. Most promi- persons in approximately 49,000 of victimization were calculated from nently, the National Crime Survey nationally representative NCS annual victimization rates and life (NCS) surveys a sample of U.S. house- households. Those annual rates, tables published by the National Center holds and publishes annual victimization while of obvious utility to for Health statistics.% The probability rates, and the FBI's Uniform Crime policymakers, researchers, and that a person will be victimized at a Reports (UCR) provide annual rates of statisticians, do not convey to particular age basically depends upon crimes reported to the police. -
Episode Fourteen: Legal Process Hello, and Welcome to the Death
Episode Fourteen: Legal Process Hello, and welcome to the Death Penalty Information Center’s podcast exploring issues related to capital punishment. In this edition, we will discuss the legal process in death penalty trials and appeals. How is a death penalty trial different from other trials? There are several differences between death penalty trials and traditional criminal proceedings. In most criminal cases, there is a single trial in which the jury determines whether the defendant is guilty or not guilty. If the jury returns a verdict of guilty, the judge then determines the sentence. However, death penalty cases are divided into two separate trials. In the first trial, juries weigh the evidence of the crime to determine guilt or innocence. If the jury decides that the defendant is guilty, there is a second trial to determine the sentence. At the sentencing phase of the trial, jurors usually have only two options: life in prison without the possibility of parole, or a death sentence. During this sentencing trial, juries are asked to weigh aggravating factors presented by the prosecution against mitigating factors presented by the defense. How is a jury chosen for a death penalty trial? Like all criminal cases, the jury in a death penalty trial is chosen from a pool of potential jurors through a process called voir dire. The legal counsel for both the prosecution and defense have an opportunity to submit questions to determine any possible bias in the case. However, because the jury determines the sentence in capital trials, those juries must also be “death qualified,” that is, able to impose the death penalty in at least some cases. -
Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders
Introductory Handbook on The Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES Cover photo: © Rafael Olivares, Dirección General de Centros Penales de El Salvador. UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES UNITED NATIONS Vienna, 2018 © United Nations, December 2018. All rights reserved. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Publishing production: English, Publishing and Library Section, United Nations Office at Vienna. Preface The first version of the Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders, published in 2012, was prepared for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) by Vivienne Chin, Associate of the International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, Canada, and Yvon Dandurand, crimi- nologist at the University of the Fraser Valley, Canada. The initial draft of the first version of the Handbook was reviewed and discussed during an expert group meeting held in Vienna on 16 and 17 November 2011.Valuable suggestions and contributions were made by the following experts at that meeting: Charles Robert Allen, Ibrahim Hasan Almarooqi, Sultan Mohamed Alniyadi, Tomris Atabay, Karin Bruckmüller, Elias Carranza, Elinor Wanyama Chemonges, Kimmett Edgar, Aida Escobar, Angela Evans, José Filho, Isabel Hight, Andrea King-Wessels, Rita Susana Maxera, Marina Menezes, Hugo Morales, Omar Nashabe, Michael Platzer, Roberto Santana, Guy Schmit, Victoria Sergeyeva, Zhang Xiaohua and Zhao Linna. -
Corpus Delicti
CORPUS DELICTI Jessica Smith, UNC School of Government (Nov. 2011). Contents I. Generally .........................................................................................................................1 II. Corpus Delicti and Extrajudicial Confessions ...................................................................1 A. Failure to Satisfy the Rule Results in Insufficient Evidence ....................................1 B. Rule Applies to Both Confessions and Admissions ................................................1 III. “Substantial Independent Corroborative Evidence.” .........................................................2 A. Capital Cases ........................................................................................................2 B. Strong Corroboration .............................................................................................2 IV. Illustrative Cases .............................................................................................................2 A. Cases in Which the Evidence Was Insufficient .......................................................2 B. Cases in Which the Evidence Was Sufficient .........................................................3 I. Generally. The term “corpus delicti” (sometimes spelled corpus delecti) means the “body of the crime.” BLACK’S LAW DICTIONARY 395 (9th ed. 2009); State v. Smith, 362 N.C. 583, 589 (2008). It refers to the substance of the crime, which ordinarily includes two elements: the act and the criminal agency of the act. BLACK’S at -
Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization
.,. u.s, Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics Lifetime Likelihood of Victimization by Het'bert Koppel people's perception of the meaning of BJS Analyst Mat'ch 1987 annual ra tes with respect to their own The Bureau of Justice Statistics lives. If the Earth revolved around the This report provides estimates of the National Crime Survey provides sun in 180 days, all of our annual crime likelihood that a person will become a annual victimization rates based rates would be halved, but we would not victim of crime during his or her life on counts of the number of crimes be safer. time, or that a household will be vic reported and not reported to timized during a 20-year pel'iod. This police in the United States. These Calculating lifetime victimization fates contrasts with the conventional use of a rates are based on interviews I-year period in measuring crime and twice a year with about lOl,OOO For this report, lifetime likelihoods criminal victimization. Most promi persons in approximately 49,000 of victimization were calculated from nently, the National Crime Survey na tionally representative NCS annual victimi.zation rates and life (NCS) surveys a sample of U.S. house households. Those annual ra ces, tables published by the National Center 2 holds and publishes annual victimization while of obvious utility to for Health Statistics. The probability rates, and the FBI's Uniform Crime policymakel's, researchers, and that a person will be victimized at a Reports (UCR) provide annual rates of statisticians, do not convey to particular age basically depends upon crimes reported to the police. -
The Myth of the Presumption of Innocence
Texas Law Review See Also Volume 94 Response The Myth of the Presumption of Innocence Brandon L. Garrett* I. Introduction Do we have a presumption of innocence in this country? Of course we do. After all, we instruct criminal juries on it, often during jury selection, and then at the outset of the case and during final instructions before deliberations. Take this example, delivered by a judge at a criminal trial in Illinois: "Under the law, the Defendant is presumed to be innocent of the charges against him. This presumption remains with the Defendant throughout the case and is not overcome until in your deliberations you are convinced beyond a reasonable doubt that the Defendant is guilty."' Perhaps the presumption also reflects something more even, a larger commitment enshrined in a range of due process and other constitutional rulings designed to protect against wrongful convictions. The defense lawyer in the same trial quoted above said in his closings: [A]s [the defendant] sits here right now, he is presumed innocent of these charges. That is the corner stone of our system of justice. The best system in the world. That is a presumption that remains with him unless and until the State can prove him guilty beyond2 a reasonable doubt. That's the lynchpin in the system ofjustice. Our constitutional criminal procedure is animated by that commitment, * Justice Thurgood Marshall Distinguished Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law. 1. Transcript of Record at 13, People v. Gonzalez, No. 94 CF 1365 (Ill.Cir. Ct. June 12, 1995). 2. -
The Truth About Voter Fraud 7 Clerical Or Typographical Errors 7 Bad “Matching” 8 Jumping to Conclusions 9 Voter Mistakes 11 VI
Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A sin- gular institution—part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group—the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S VOTING RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS PROJECT The Voting Rights and Elections Project works to expand the franchise, to make it as simple as possible for every eligible American to vote, and to ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded and counted. The Center’s staff provides top-flight legal and policy assistance on a broad range of election administration issues, including voter registration systems, voting technology, voter identification, statewide voter registration list maintenance, and provisional ballots. © 2007. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The paper may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Center’s permission. -
The “Radical” Notion of the Presumption of Innocence
EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY THE “RADICAL” MAY 2020 Tracey Meares, NOTION OF THE Justice Collaboratory, Yale University Arthur Rizer, PRESUMPTION R Street Institute OF INNOCENCE The Square One Project aims to incubate new thinking on our response to crime, promote more effective strategies, and contribute to a new narrative of justice in America. Learn more about the Square One Project at squareonejustice.org The Executive Session was created with support from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation as part of the Safety and Justice Challenge, which seeks to reduce over-incarceration by changing the way America thinks about and uses jails. 04 08 14 INTRODUCTION THE CURRENT STATE OF WHY DOES THE PRETRIAL DETENTION PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE MATTER? 18 24 29 THE IMPACT OF WHEN IS PRETRIAL WHERE DO WE GO FROM PRETRIAL DETENTION DETENTION HERE? ALTERNATIVES APPROPRIATE? TO AND SAFEGUARDS AROUND PRETRIAL DETENTION 33 35 37 CONCLUSION ENDNOTES REFERENCES 41 41 42 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AUTHOR NOTE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY 04 THE ‘RADICAL’ NOTION OF THE PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE “It was the smell of [] death, it was the death of a person’s hope, it was the death of a person’s ability to live the American dream.” That is how Dr. Nneka Jones Tapia described the Cook County Jail where she served as the institution’s warden (from May 2015 to March 2018). This is where we must begin. EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY 05 THE ‘RADICAL’ NOTION OF THE PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE Any discussion of pretrial detention must Let’s not forget that Kalief Browder spent acknowledge that we subject citizens— three years of his life in Rikers, held on presumed innocent of the crimes with probable cause that he had stolen a backpack which they are charged—to something containing money, a credit card, and an iPod that resembles death. -
2015/16 MIDTERM REPORT Dear Friends
OFFICE OF THE STATE’S ATTORNEY FOR BALTIMORE CITY 2015/16 MIDTERM REPORT Dear Friends, We have reached the halfway point of my first term as State’s Attorney for Baltimore City. Much has changed in Baltimore since the beginning of my administration—we have a new Mayor, a new City Council, a new Police Commissioner, and most importantly, a new approach to fighting crime. When I took office, I promised to repair the broken relationship between the community and law enforcement. I promised to tackle violent crime. And lastly, I promised to reform our criminal justice system using a holistic approach to prosecution. As I look back at all that we’ve accomplished in just two short years, I’m proud to report that we have made significant strides toward fulfilling those three promises: Driving Down Violent Crime • We convicted 433 felony rapists, child molesters and other sexual offenders including 5-time serial rapist Nelson Clifford. • Our Felony Trial Units secured over 5,400 convictions with an average conviction rate of 93 percent. • We secured major convictions in several high profile homicide cases including multiple Public Enemy #1s designated by the Baltimore Police Department (BPD), Bishop Heather Cook who tragically struck and killed Thomas Palermo in 2014, and all of the shooters responsible for the death of one-year-old Carter Scott. • We created a Gun Violence Enforcement Division staffed by prosecutors and BPD detectives co-located at our headquarters that focuses in on gun violence. • We developed the Arrest Alert System, designed by the new Crime Strategies Unit, to alert prosecutors immediately when a targeted individual is arrested for any reason.