Female Initiation Practices: Their Influence on the Social Life and Status of Women Among the Chikunda Community of Zambia

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Female Initiation Practices: Their Influence on the Social Life and Status of Women Among the Chikunda Community of Zambia COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012). Title of the thesis or dissertation (Doctoral Thesis / Master’s Dissertation). Johannesburg: University of Johannesburg. Available from: http://hdl.handle.net/102000/0002 (Accessed: 22 August 2017). FEMALE INITIATION PRACTICES: THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE SOCIAL LIFE AND STATUS OF WOMEN AMONG THE CHIKUNDA COMMUNITY OF ZAMBIA Carina Mweela Talakinu Supervisor: Dr Liela Groenewald Co-supervisor: Prof Kezia Batisai 2018 Female Initiation Practices: Their Influence on the Social Life and Status of Women among the Chikunda Community of Zambia By Carina Mweela Talakinu Student no 201335757 Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree D Litt et Phil in Sociology in the Department of Sociology of the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Johannesburg Supervisor: Dr Liela Groenewald Co-supervisor: Prof Kezia Batisai November 2018 ii Acknowledgements First of all - My Lord, Your grace has always been sufficient. You fight all my battles, and supply all my needs no matter what storm comes my way – I could never have done it without You – Ambuye ndinu achifundo; I am most indebted to the Chikunda community of Chief Mphuka’s area, Luangwa district – this dissertation would not have been possible without your participation and sharing your knowledge and experience of chinamwali. I am particularly grateful to Mrs Anna Dilau for sharing and explaining the chinamwali songs, Mr Matebele for making the necessary accommodation, transport and other logistical arrangements to ensure that my stay in Luangwa was comfortable, and also to Chief Mphuka, Luciano Kalamenti Malunga for allowing me to undertake the research in his chiefdom; I am grateful to Dr Liela Groenewald for planting the seed of pursuing my ARM proposal to a PhD, for her valuable assistance throughout the research, and for stretching my imagination beyond my wildest dreams – your dedication set an unparalleled example – thank you; I am also grateful to Prof Kezia Batisai for your attention to detail, academic experience and your constructive criticism and advice; To my daughter, Lumeta Victoria Ngalande, you are my shining light – you listened to my groaning when you were tired, put up with my impatience when interrupted, and have stood by my side through all battles – you are the best daughter anyone could wish for; To my father, Antonio Meza Talakinu, forever my inspiration – revisiting the home of your birth led me to a better understanding of my Chikunda identity; To my mother, Martha Wanga Talakinu, my biggest cheerleader even when you have your doubts – thank you for reading my drafts and for your support in translating the chinamwali songs, and for standing by me through all my difficult periods – I can never thank you enough; To my sister Dorcas, brothers Ivan, Harvey and Onesmus – my nephews and nieces: Taza Nkhoma; Wanga, Anthony and Kapeta Talakinu - thank you for cheering me on and putting up with my silent world – I love you all so much; To all my colleagues who supported me in one way or another – thank you. iii Abstract Framed within the feminist theory, this study seeks to gain an understanding of how chinamwali, the female initiation rite of the Chikunda community of Zambia, influences the social life and status of the women concerned. The central arguments within the study reflect a preoccupation with feminist central categories of gender and sexuality, which are key to understanding the structural relationships between women, and between men and women. After reviewing the historical eras of feminism, and western originating feminisms namely: Liberal, Radical, and Marxist feminisms, this study adopts an African feminist ideological framework to examine the chinamwali. Specifically, African feminism challenges the public/private dichotomy of the first wave of feminism by scrutinising all areas of human social life previously thought of as private, such as the institution of marriage, motherhood, heterosexual relationships, and sexuality which are critical elements in chinamwali. Furthermore, this theoretical framework, unlike the second wave of feminism which is believed to contain certain different theoretical frameworks such as Liberal, Radical, and Marxist feminisms, argues like the third wave of feminism, that women’s experiences are not universal, but contextual. Hence, I found that the African feminist ideological framework has the capacity to engender certain African traditions, a goal to which the chinamwali is well suited, as it is an institution through which African experiences can be examined. The ways in which the initiation rite shapes the lived experiences and self-conceptions of the Chikunda is examined by incorporating scholarly insights from the global North and global South. Feminist research methods were used in order to generate an in-depth understanding of the women’s experiences (Reid 2004: 9; Neuman 2014: 118), and to enable participants to describe their experiences and thoughts of chinamwali in their own words. The method of data analysis was a qualitative thematic analysis of transcribed data which Braun and Clarke (2006: 79) describe as a method for “identifying, analysing, and reporting themes within the data”. The findings revealed that chinamwali is a traditional means through which education on cultural mores and tradition is passed on to the initiate. However, the rite has the potential to influence the social life and status of the women concerned in such a way that they accept notions of inferiority in relation to men throughout their lives and can lead them to accept a lower position in the community. The findings also contribute to feminist scholarship on gender and sexuality, and the dominant academic discourse on initiation, by pointing to the potential role of the initiation rite in empowering women through practices such as labia elongation, and also its positive potential role to sexuality education. Furthermore, the findings on the coercion effected by maternal presentation of the initiate to the rite suggest some degree of tension and partial distancing on the part of the initiate. In addition, the findings on Chikunda masculinity give impetus to feminist scholarship regarding a new focus on women’s sexuality as a source of legitimising men’s dominant position over women. iv Contents Affidavit ii Acknowledgements iii Abstract iv Glossary viii Chapter One : Introduction 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Problem Statement 2 1.3 Background 4 1.4 Motivation for Undertaking the Study 6 1.5 Research Question and Objectives 7 1.6 Key Concepts of Concern in the Study 9 1.6.1 Coming of Age 9 1.6.2 Initiation 9 1.6.3 Gender Roles 10 1.6.4 Woman’s Status 10 1.7 Methodology Adopted for the Study of Chinamwali 11 1.8 Significance of the Study 11 1.9 Structure of the Thesis 12 1.10 Conclusion 13 Chapter Two : An African Feminist Perspective of Female Initiation Practices 15 2.1 Introduction 15 2.2 The Ideological Debate: Western vs African Feminisms 17 2.3 The Choice of Theoretical Framework: African Feminism 18 2.4 Waves of Feminism 22 2.4.1 The First Wave of Feminism 22 2.4.2 The Second Wave of Feminism 23 2.4.3 The Third Wave of Feminism 24 2.4.4 Commonalities: African Feminism and the Three Waves of Feminism 25 2.5 Theories of Gender Inequality 27 2.5.1 Liberal Feminism 27 2.5.2 Radical Feminism 28 2.5.3 Marxist Feminism 30 2.5.4 Contrasting Feminisms: African Feminism and Western Feminisms 31 2.6 Feminist Politics of Gender and Sexuality 32 2.6.1 The Essentialist – Constructivist Dilemma 33 2.6.2 Intersectionality: An Interlocking Matrix of Women’s Oppression 36 2.7 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three : Social-Cultural Constructs of Coming of Age 40 3.1 Introduction 40 3.2 Perceptions of Male Circumcision 41 3.2.1 Religious Reasons for Male Circumcision 41 3.2.2 An Indication of Socio-Economic Status 42 3.2.3 A Rite of Passage and a Mark of Identity 43 3.2.4 Potential Impact of Male Circumcision on HIV/Aids 44 3.3 Cultural Context of Female Initiation 48 3.3.1 A Case of Identity 49 3.3.2 Group Cohesion 50 3.3.3 Sexual Repression 51 3.4 Female Initiation without Circumcision 52 3.4.1 A Channel of Sexuality Education 53 3.4.2 Female Bodies and Sexuality Control 54 v 3.5 Gendered Dynamics of Initiation 55 3.6 Initiation and Women’s Status 57 3.7 Conclusion 59 Chapter Four : Methodology for the Study of Chinamwali 61 4.1 Introduction 61 4.2 Positivist and Phenomenological Perspectives of Research 61 4.3 Pursuing a Feminist Methodology 65 4.4 Research Site 67 4.5 Study Population and Sampling Strategy 70 4.5.1 The Chikunda: A Brief History 70 4.5.2 Sampling Strategy 73 4.6 Gathering Data 75 4.6.1 The Narrative Approach to Data Collection 75 4.6.2 Using In-Depth Interviews 77 4.6.3 Preparing the Interview Guides 79 4.6.4 Navigating the Field: Approach and Challenges 80 4.6.5 Ensuring the Trustworthiness of Data Collected 85 4.6.7 Ethical Approach to Fieldwork 86 4.7 Analysing the Data 88 4.7.1 Identifying Concepts and Coding the Data 88 4.7.2 Using the Thematic Analysis Approach
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