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FREDERICK the GREAT and the SEVEN YEARS' WAR
;- a 1 h9 Class j) py 1 Rnnk L S ?. Epochs of Modern History EDITED BY EDWARD E. MORRIS, M.A., J. SURTEES PHILLPOTTS, B.C.L. AND C. COLBECK, M.A. FREDERICK THE GREAT and the SEVEN YEARS' WAR F. W. LONGMAN By the same Author. A POCKET DICTIONARY of the GERMAN- ENGLISH and ENGLISH -GERMAN LAN- GUAGES. Third Edition (1880). Square i8mo. Price $s. cloth. " By far the best Dictionary himself familiar with the pre- we have seen for practical use." cise nature of the aid which the Examiner. English reader or Student of German needs, has set himself " The handiest and most con- to supply it on the simplest and sort venient of dictionaries ; the most perfect plan." of book never to be away from Morning Post. the study table of a literary man." Literary Churchman. " We have not seen any Pocket Dictionary, German and Eng- " It is incapable of being sur- lish, that can bear comparison passed. ... It has evidently with this. It is remarkably been compiled by a thorough compendious, and the arrange- German scholar, who, being ment is clear." Athenaeum. r. Epochs of Modern History FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. ' S111 )P BY F. W. LONGMAN BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD Author of a Pocket Dictionary of the German and English Languages. NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 743 and 745 Broadway. C (V\ d -0^ GRANT, FAIRES & RODGERS, Electrotyfiers &" Printers, 5a & 54 North Sixth Street, Philadelphia. ly Transfer PREFACE. Although this little book is mainly intended for school- boys, it may perhaps be read by some who will desire a fuller knowledge of Frederick the Great, and of the time in which he lived, than can be derived from its pages : for the sake of these I propose to mention a few of the best books on the subject. -
Central European Monarchs Clash
3 Central European Monarchs Clash MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES POWER AND AUTHORITY After Prussia built a strong military •Thirty Years’ •Frederick a period of turmoil, absolute tradition in Germany that War the Great monarchs ruled Austria and the contributed in part to world • Maria • Seven Years’ Germanic state of Prussia. wars in the 20th century. Theresa War SETTING THE STAGE For a brief while, the German rulers appeared to have settled their religious differences through the Peace of Augsburg (1555). They had agreed that the faith of each prince would determine the religion of his sub- jects. Churches in Germany could be either Lutheran or Catholic, but not Calvinist. The peace was short-lived—soon to be replaced by a long war. After the Peace of Augsburg, the Catholic and Lutheran princes of Germany watched each other suspiciously. The Thirty Years’ War TAKING NOTES Comparing Use a chart to Both the Lutheran and the Catholic princes tried to gain followers. In addition, compare Maria Theresa both sides felt threatened by Calvinism, which was spreading in Germany and with Frederick the Great. gaining many followers. As tension mounted, the Lutherans joined together in the Compare their years of Protestant Union in 1608. The following year, the Catholic princes formed the reign, foreign policy, and success in war. Catholic League. Now, it would take only a spark to set off a war. Bohemian Protestants Revolt That spark came in 1618. The future Holy Maria Frederick Roman emperor, Ferdinand II, was head of the Hapsburg family. As such, he Theresa the Great ruled the Czech kingdom of Bohemia. -
Acta 116 Kor.Indd
The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Alliance Trea es Acta Poloniae Historica 116, 2017 PL ISSN 0001–6829 Jacek Kordel Institute of History, University of Warsaw THE POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH IN EIGHTEEN-CENTURY ALLIANCE TREATIES OF THE NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES, 1720–72 Abstract When in 1719 Augustus II of Poland made an attempt to emancipate himself from the infl uence of the Russian emperor, the latter entered into alliance with the Prus- sian king, with the intent of preventing emancipation of the monarch and his country. The alliance concluded by Tsar Peter the Great with King Frederick William I of Prussia expressed the substantial interests of both monarchies. It was all about keeping watchful oversight of political and military weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and rendering the country isolated in the inter- national arena. The programme established by Petersburg and Berlin remained valid until the end of the eighteenth century and the fi nal, third, partition of Poland. The monarchs guaranteed that they would do everything possible to prevent the Polish constitutional system from altering (keeping the king’s rights restrained against the liberties maintained – primarily the liberum veto and free election of monarch), and treasury and military reforms from implementing. The preponder- ance over the Commonwealth implied the participation of Russia in what is termed the concert of the European powers. For the country of the Hohenzollerns, the debilitation of the nobility-based republic was, in turn, an opportunity for increas- ing the its territory, which had been policy energetically pursued since the Great Elector Frederick William’s reign (1640–88). -
On Subsidies, East Indian Trade, and the Electorate of Hanover in the Diplomatic Revolution of 1756
Brokers of Conflict: On Subsidies, East Indian Trade, and the Electorate of Hanover in the Diplomatic Revolution of 1756 1 Max Watson Undergraduate Senior Thesis Department of History Columbia University 28 March 2021 Seminar Advisor: Professor Pablo Piccato Second Reader: Professor Christopher Brown 1 Coat of Arms of the Austrian Ostend Company. Table of Contents: Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 4 The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle and the Importance of Subsidies ............................................. 8 The East Indies Trade as a Source of Anglo-Austrian Friction ............................................. 23 Hanover: An Economic Union as well as a Personal Union? ................................................. 39 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 47 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 50 Appendix A: European Alliances Before and After the Diplomatic Revolution .................. 53 Appendix B: Timeline of Important Events ............................................................................. 55 2 Acknowledgements As the culmination of my Columbia experience, this -
Diplomatic Revolution of the Twentieth Century
THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR AND THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY By CHARLES WAYNE HARRIS /I Bachelor of Arts East Central State College Ada, Oklahoma 1969 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 1972 .. J iz.e ,'d 19?.2 f13;~rr__ OKLAHOMA ITATE UNIVERSfll I IB~ARY SEP I 1972 DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Thesis Approved: ~hes~ser 824784 ii PREFACE Diplomatic historians have devoted an almost immeasurable amount of labor and innumerable volumes to the pre-World War I era. This was particularly true during the second quarter of this century, as the publication of the various governmental documents relating to that con flict increased the possibilities for research in the area. In fact, so much has been done that in the past two or three decades most history students have avoided the subject under the assumption that no signifi cant work remained. This thesis attempts to bring a new perspective to this much-studied period, and to the Diplomatic Revolution of the Twentieth Century in particular. An examination of the historiography of the realignment of the powers between 1902 .... 1907 reveals that almost all historians treat the topic as one of a purely European character, in which East Asia was simply one of several areas of interest to Europe rather than an active protagonist itself. I believe, and it is the contention of this work, that this approach does not adequately account for the series of events which, beginning in 1902 and culminating in 1907, so radically.altered the diplomatic relationships of the great European powers. -
Hohenzollern Prussia: Claiming a Legacy of Legitimacy
Portland State University PDXScholar University Honors Theses University Honors College 2015 Hohenzollern Prussia: Claiming a Legacy of Legitimacy Jeremy Brooks Weed Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/honorstheses Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Weed, Jeremy Brooks, "Hohenzollern Prussia: Claiming a Legacy of Legitimacy" (2015). University Honors Theses. Paper 177. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.185 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. P a g e | 1 Hohenzollern Prussia: Claiming a Legacy of Legitimacy By Jeremy Brooks Weed P a g e | 2 Table of Contents I. Introduction to the Hohenzollerns of Prussia II. Historical Perspectives and a Divided Discourse III. Brandenburg to Prussia IV. The Politics Religion and the International Norms of the 17th and 18th Century V. The Holy Roman Empire and the Internal Politics of Dynastic Claims VI. International Norms of the Early Modern Era and the Relationship of Dynastic Claims VII. The House of Hohenzollern and the Foundations of Prussian Dynastic Claims VIII. The Reign and Achievements of Elector Frederick William IX. From Prince to King the Reign of Frederick I X. King Frederick William I takes Stettin and Centralizes the State XI. From Claims to Prussian Territory: How Frederick II Settled the Claims XII. Conclusion XIII. Works Cited XIV. Appendix A: Maps of Prussia P a g e | 3 I. -
Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna: Maintaining the Peace, Political Realism
1 “Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna: Maintaining the Peace, Political Realism, and the Encirclement of France.” by Nathan D. Curtis A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at Liberty University May 2014 2 Table of Contents Introduction: Castlereagh and the Congress of Vienna 3 Chapter One The Historiography of the Congress of Vienna 13 Chapter Two Castlereagh before the Congress 36 Chapter Three The Congress of Vienna 54 Chapter Four Castlereagh, the Holy Alliance, and Congressional Legacy 85 Works Consulted 90 3 Introduction: Castlereagh and the Congress of Vienna In the early morning of September 21, 1809, Robert Stewart Castlereagh and George Canning traveled their separate ways to Lord Yarmouth’s cottage on Putney Heath in England. They scheduled their rendezvous for 6 a.m. that morning; as such, they were up before the dawn and on their way, pistols and shot in tow. While thoroughly macabre, the fact that their shared mentor William Pitt had died within sight of the cottage in January of 1806 made it a fitting location for their duel that morning. Stewart’s cousin Yarmouth went with him, humming snippets from a contemporary piece of music, Madame Angelica Catalani’s latest performance. They met with Canning and his second, Charles Ellis, at the cottage. Stepping aside from their principals, Yarmouth and Ellis made one final attempt at mediation between the two statesmen. Ellis stated that the matter that Canning concealed had been on the command of the King and that Canning himself had disliked the necessary deceit of Stewart; however, this equivocation did not placate Stewarts wounded pride.1 While Castlereagh had fought a duel before in his youth in Ireland, Canning had never fired a shot in his life. -
08 RIS 99-496 Sofka (JV)
Review of International Studies (2001), 27, 147–163 Copyright © British International Studies Association The eighteenth century international system: parity or primacy? JAMES R. SOFKA1 ‘No man profits but by the loss of others’ —Montaigne, Essays,I:21 The conceptual foundations of the eighteenth century international system, long neglected in narrative diplomatic histories, are enjoying increased attention with the recent contributions of Jeremy Black, Paul Schroeder, and Michael Doyle. Neverthe- less, in political science literature the period is routinely treated as an interesting— yet quickly dispatched—‘prequel’ to the post-1815 order which matured in the Bismarckian alignments of the late nineteenth century. Indeed, as a field of study the period has been all but ignored in the discipline of international relations.2 For this reason, interpretive characterizations of the period between the War of The Spanish Succession and the advent of Napoleon have not changed significantly from 1907, when Arthur Hassall concisely titled his study of ancien régime diplomacy The Balance of Power. In the intervening years Ludwig Dehio, Inis Claude, and Edward Gulick echoed the same theme: the eighteenth century system revolved, as a Copernican model, around the idea of a ‘balance of power’ in which no state could escape its gravity. Indeed, Paul Schroeder invokes the late eighteenth century period as an archetypical balance system directed by clearly articulated ‘rules’ in order to establish the pivot point for his declared conceptual ‘transformation’ -
The Road to the Second World War: Rising German Aggression
The Road to the Second World War: Rising German Ag gression The outbreak of World War II in 1939 can be seen as the culmination of two crucial, but antithetic de velopments. While Germany’s foreign politics grew more and more aggressive, international coopera tion to stop this trend grew weaker and weaker. This can be illustrated by taking a look at some of Hitler’s* boldest steps and at the international reactions they evoked. 5 Generally, Hitler’s steps followed his racist ideology which was applied to foreign politics once the Nazi Party* established power within the country. The aim of this ideology was to secure the sur vival of the “Aryan* master race” by gaining living space* in the east. This geographical direction co incided with the Nazis’ view of the Slavic* people as subhuman*. Consequently, taking away their land was not seen as a crime, but was even propagated as an improvement of order and discipline in 10 former Slavic territories. Before gaining this living space, however, Hitler had to first reunite this “master race” since the Germanspeaking people did not form one nation in Europe, but were rather distributed among several countries. Although this had been the case in European history for a long time, the Nazis blamed this situation mainly on the Versailles Peace Treaty*. The Versailles Peace Treaty and the League of Nations According to Hitler, the Treaty of Versailles had forbidden the Germans to form one state and had in 15 stead cut it into pieces. With this line of argumentation, Hitler simply added his voice to a more gener al revisionist movement. -
Quellen Und Studien Bd. 18 2005
Quellen und Studien Bd. 18 2005 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publi- kationsplattform der Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland (DGIA), zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht- kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich ver- folgt werden. JEREMY BLACK HANOVER/ENGLAND, SAXONY/POLAND. POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN STATES IN THE AGE OF PERSONAL UNION: INTERESTS AND AIMS* We have been long in pursuit of wild chimerical schemes [...] and I believe it mortifies us a little to find that all our projecting yields us no more than our labour for our pains [...] we are under a quack sort of management, and have I fear but little taste or knowledge of other methods, (James Scott, British envoy to Saxony-Poland, reporting from Dresden on Augustus IPs government, 1721).l Personal unions were common in eighteenth-century Europe and present at a number of scales. A list, by no means complete, would include those of Sweden and Hesse-Cassel, Russia and Holstein-Gottorp, and Denmark and Oldenburg, and would also extend to the creation of the kingdom of Sardinia, and to the un ion of England and Scotland in 1603-1707. Furthermore, other possible per sonal unions were discussed. Any assessment of the situation in Britain-Han over and Poland-Saxony should be set within this wider context. -
The War of Spanish Succession to the War of Austrian Succession H1039
The War of Spanish Succession to the War of Austrian Succession H1039 Activity Introduction Hey there. Today we’re going to be taking a look at Europe during the Seventeenth…and Eighteenth Centuries. There was a lot going on during this time, with different countries making alliances…and other countries making war. And today we’ll be focusing on two major turning points: The War of Spanish Succession aaaaaaaand The War of Austrian Succession. During this period, you’ll notice there was a lot of switching teams going on. One moment, a country would be on one side, theeeeeeen, years later they’d move over to the other. {beat] Keeping up with who was with whom could get to be tricky at times, buuuuuut we’ll get that all sorted out. Video 1 – Introduction Now, to begin our study of the War of Spanish Succession, let me start by talking to you about something that can cause a looooot of unneeded complications in your life. It’s called “marrying your relatives.” Half-brothers, cousins, uncles, aunts, nieces, nephews…Yeah, it’s happened—And MORE than once! You don’t believe me…well just go ahead and take a look back in time at some of the European leaders from the eighteenth century. Trust me. You’ll find a few. You see, the War of Spanish Succession had a lot to do with the fact that European rulers just looooooved marrying off their kids to relatives. And while forcing your kid to marry a great uncle…ooooor a second cousin, may have been a great way to create an alliance…it also made for some pre-tey confusing times. -
Frederick the Great B
FREDERIck THE GREAT b. January 24, 1712 – d. August 17, 1786 “The greatest and noblest pleasure which men can have in this world is to discover new truths; and the next is to shake off old prejudices.” Frederick II, also known as Frederick the Great, ruled as King of Prussia from 1740-1786. Through innovative military tactics and tolerant domestic policies, King Frederick united previously disconnected territories on opposite ends of the Holy Roman Empire into a cohesive kingdom with Prussia. Frederick’s predecessor, his father, presided over both his kingdom and his family without compassion. In 1730, when Frederick was 18 years old, he planned a getaway to England with Lieutenant Katte. Before the two men could depart, they were arrested and condemned to death for desertion. Frederick I had Katte executed in his son’s presence. Frederick II escaped death and was sentenced to prison. Frederick II received a royal pardon six months into his sentence. He ascended to the throne in 1739. He immediately began expanding Prussia’s territory during the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748). During the first stage of this war, the First Silesian War (1740-1742), Frederick II captured the rich Austrian city of Silesia. Regarded as one of the greatest tactical geniuses of all time, Frederick II used advanced techniques, such as the oblique order, to overwhelm foes that outnumbered Prussian forces. During his reign, Austria, France, Russia, Saxony and Sweden were allied as part of the Diplomatic Revolution. Frederick the Great’s invasion of Saxony in 1756 initiated the Seven Years’ War.