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Digitally Networked Feminist Activism in China

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Digitally Networked Feminist Activism in China Digitally Networked kommunikation.medien Open-Access-Journal Feminist Activism in China für den wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchs ISSN 2227-7277 Nr. 12 | 2020 http://eplus.uni-salzburg.at/JKM The Case of Weibo DOI: 10.25598/JKM/2020-12.1 Wentao Lu Abstract Digital networks in China, especially the microblogging site Weibo, have provided a rare space for political participation. China has been strengthening its monopoly of public opin- ions on the internet in recent years. Consequently, increasing grassroots public opinion lead- ers have left popular digital networks. However, activists striving for women’s rights are still popular on Weibo. How do Chinese feminists use digital networks to serve their goal? What does the increasingly strict internet control mean to them? This paper takes the perspectives of individual feminist microbloggers on Weibo, using qualitative interview as the research method, to deepen the understanding of digitally networked feminist activism in an authori- tarian context and feminists’ use of digital networks. It focuses on the following aspects: China’s digital feminists’ relationship with the digital networks that they use, their digital feminist identity and their experiences with the authoritarian system. Keywords digital feminism, digital activism, Weibo, social media, microblogging, China 1. Introduction After the student movement in Tiananmen Square in 1989, China’s National People’s Congress promulgated the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations”, which made any kind of assemblies, processions and demonstrations unlaw- ful without permission from the authorities in advance (Hu 2011). Hu deems that this is not a Lu: Networked Feminist Activism in China Hauptartikel · Nr. 12 | 2020 law protecting the rights of assemblies, processions and demonstrations, but one that prohibits these activities and almost exterminates the protest culture (ibid.). Protest and activism in China are difficult and risky in such a political context. Such conditions also apply to feminist activism. In March 2015, for example, five feminist activists were detained due to their intent to circulate information against sexual harassment in public transportation (Tan 2017). Under such circumstances, offline activism is not the ideal means for Chinese feminist activ- ists. Digital networks function in an environment that is less hindered by either state censor- ship or other gatekeepers compared to the environment in which traditional media function (Chang et al. 2018). China’s leading microblogging site Weibo, for instance, has become a ma- jor digital platform for political participation and online protest (Sullivan 2014; Yang 2014). Users of Weibo are very diverse – from government departments to media organisations, from private companies to regular citizens (DeLisle et al. 2016). They represent various social seg- ments and have different agenda, but all of them are striving for the formation and populari- zation of their narratives, competing for attention and creating various levels of influence (ibid.). Weibo has mobilised numerous online protests, social movements and political discussions in the last decade that are related to a wide spectrum of topics, including food safety (Hu & Yueh 2019), air pollution (Yang et al. 2019), corruption (Feng & Wu 2018) and migrant workers’ welfare (Kidd 2014). However, the Chinese authorities have imposed a strict control of public opinions on the internet, and the situation has worsened in recent years after the new leader- ship took office in 2012 (Yang 2014). In addition, the Chinese authorities have been incorpo- rating state media and government entities on a variety of popular social media platforms for years, as the state wants to reclaim the power of public discourse in the digital age (Zhou 2013). Similar to other types of activists, feminist activists take advantage of Weibo to serve their aims. There is a rich amount of literature concerning feminist groups (Han, X. 2018; Wang & Driscoll 2019) and digital collective actions (Han & Lee 2018; Lin & Yang 2019; Zhang & Kra- marae 2014) on the platform. However, few studies have focused on individual Chinese femi- nist activists and their endeavours and experiences. How do feminist activists use digital net- works to realize their goals in an authoritarian state? In particular, as the Chinese government tightens its grip on public opinions on the internet, how does this affect Chinese digital femi- nists and what are their experiences with the Chinese authorities? This paper – a qualitative research with semi-structured interview as the method and the microblogging site Weibo as the case – explores Chinese feminist activists’ digital identity, and their relationship with dig- ital platforms and with the Chinese authorities. 2 Lu: Networked Feminist Activism in China Hauptartikel · Nr. 12 | 2020 2. Theoretical framework and literature review One must not neglect the cultural context of the country when learning about digital feminist activism in China. This chapter starts with the traditional position of women and feminism in China. The cultural lens helps us to understand where this is all coming from – why do these feminists want to change? The subsequent two sections surround the core theoretical concept, i.e. digital activism. It particularly examines what digital technology means to feminism and feminist activism. The digital space is where digital activists take actions, therefore, a free and secure digital environment is crucial for digital activism. This leads to the last part of the chap- ter that focuses on China’s strict regulation of its cyberspace. 2.1 Women and feminism in China Women in old China were trammelled by the principles known as “The Three Obediences” and the “The Four Virtues”, which were documented in various Confucian classics. “The Three Obe- diences” was first recorded in Yi-li (Etiquette and Ceremonial) and Li-ji (Book of Rites). They required every woman to be obedient to her father before marriage, to her husband after mar- riage and to her son after her husband’s death (Yang 2001). “The Four Virtus”, first docu- mented in Zhou-li (Rites of Zhou), refers to propriety in “(sexual) morality, proper speech, modest manner and diligent work” that women need to obey (Gao 2003: 116; Yang 2001). Un- der such principles, women were taught to be “obedient, unassuming, yielding, timid, respect- ful, reticent and unselfish in character”, written by woman scholar Ban Zhao in her book Nü Jie (Precepts for Women) in the first century AD (Croll 1978: 13). Buddhism and Taoism were two other prominent philosophical and ethical systems in pre- modern China that competed with Confucianism (Zhou 2006). They also had a misogynist na- ture and deeply influenced women’s status (ibid.). These two religions and Confucianism, to- gether with other Chinese folk religions and beliefs, have constantly affected and shaped each other throughout Chinese history, and they contributed together to the misogynist tradition and culture in East Asia (ibid.). The women’s emancipation movement started in China in roughly the late 19th century, during the reign of the last feudal Qing dynasty (Li 2005). After China embraced communism, pro- moting gender equality became one of the basic policies of the state. In communist China, “the integration of feminism with socialism” has required that the women’s movement arouses “an awareness of class interests and responds to all forms of oppression”, apart from improving women’s status (Croll 1978: 3). Critics point out that such a form of state-sponsored feminism 3 Lu: Networked Feminist Activism in China Hauptartikel · Nr. 12 | 2020 overemphasises the class struggle while blurring the structural inequalities that women face in their daily life (Evans 2008; Hershatter & Rofel 1994). During the period of the ten-year Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, China’s state propa- ganda depicted women as “sexless and androgynous” (Tan 2017: 174). After China embraced the global economy following the Opening and Reform policy, the image of women has since changed to be “economically successful, consumerism-friendly, feminine, and sexually attrac- tive” (Evans 2008; Zhang & Sun, cited in Tan 2017: 174). Moreover, the concept of gender dimorphism and traditional gender roles revived after its abatement during Mao’s era (Tan 2017). 2.2 Digital activism Information and communication technologies “promote individual participation in collective action and protest diffusion” and prolong the communication between “physically dispersed communities and organizations” over long periods (Cernison 2019: 32). Melucci (1996) pro- posed that a strong collective identity is vital for successful collective actions. Bennett and Segerberg (2012) identify two logics of digitally networked action: collective action and con- nective action. The former is presented by the “modern social order of hierarchical institutions and membership groups” and emphasises the “organizational dilemma of getting individuals to overcome resistance to joining actions where personal participation costs may outweigh marginal gains” (ibid.: 748). Resource-rich organisations play a central role in mobilising col- lective actions, but organisations cannot expect individuals’ participation just because they share the same goal (ibid.). In comparison, people are more self-motivated to participate in cases of connective action, mainly for self-validation (ibid.). However, individuality and collec-
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