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University Microfilms International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

1325458

Tyler, Annette

A PROFESSIONAL BLACK THEATRE IN BALTIMORE

The American University M.A.

University Microfilms International300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

Copyright 1985

by

Tyler, Annette

All Rights Reserved

A PROFESSIONAL BLACK THEATRE

IN BALTIMORE

by

Annette Tyler

submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences

of the American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree

of

Master of Arts

in

Arts Management

Signatures of Committee:

Chairman:

1985 The American University Washington, D.CD.C. 20016

THE M E B I C M UNIVERSITY LIBEARY COPYRIGHT

BY

ANNETTE TYLER

1985

RIGHTS RESERVED A PROFESSIONAL BLACK THEATRE

IN BALTIMORE

BY

Annette Tyler

ABSTRACT

No other attempt has been made to investigate the market for a professional black theatre in Baltimore,

Maryland, so a feasibility study was undertaken to do so.

An analysis was given of the theatre community of

Baltimore. A brief history of black theatre presented an overview and development of black theatre in America from its origin in the 1700s through the resurgence of the 1980s.

The methodology for this study consisted of a survey of thirty members of Baltimore's artistic community, stratified into a 50 percent black and 50 percent white sample.

The data gathered was documented and processed via

Mann-Whitney U Tests and T-tests. It was found that arts experts believe that there is a market for a professional black theatre in Baltimore and no racial differences (with the exception of perceptions of the potential profitability

ii of such a venture) were found between black and white respondents.

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank God, my parents, the late Joseph S.

Tyler, Jr. and Willie D. Tyler, who believed in me and my

efforts to accomplish my goals in life.

I must also thank my thesis advisors, Dr. Jessica

Bailey, Valerie B. Morris and Harmon S. Watson, who helped me at the start and the completion of my research.

Special thanks to the many faculty members at Morgan

State University, The American University, my friends and

co-workers, all of whom encouraged and had patience to

assist me through this endeaver. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT i i

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i V

LIST OF TABLES...... vii

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

II. LITERATURE REVIEW...... 10

Black Theatre Baltimore Theatres The Morris A. Mechanic Theatre Center Stage Arena Players

III. HYPOTHESES AND RESEARCH DESIGN...... 52

IV. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS...... 57

APPENDIX 1. MECHANIC THEATRE PLAYLIST 1976-1984...... 66

APPENDIX 2. CENTER STAGE PLAYLIST 1963-1985...... 69

APPENDIX 3. ARENA PLAYERS PLAYLIST 1953-1983...... 74

APPENDIX 4. SURVEY...... 81

APPENDIX 5. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 1...... 82

APPENDIX 6. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 2...... 83

APPENDIX 7. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 3...... 84

APPENDIX 8. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 6...... 85

V APPENDIX 9. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 7 ...... 86

A P P E N D I X 10. M A N N - W H I T N E Y U TEST R E S U L T S FOR STATEMENT 10 ...... 87

APPENDIX 11. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 9 ...... 88

APPENDIX 12. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 4 ...... 89

APPENDIX 13. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS F O R S T A T E M E N T 1 3 ...... 90

APPENDIX 14. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 8 ...... 91

APPENDIX 15. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS F O R S T A T E M E N T 1 1 ...... 92

APPENDIX 16. MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 12 ...... 93

APPENDIX 17. T-TEST RESULTS FOR QUESTION 1 ...... 94

APPENDIX 18. T-TEST RESULTS FOR QUESTION 2 ...... 96

A P P E N D I X 19. M E A N C A L C U L A T I O N S ...... 98

APPENDIX 20. TABLE OF CRITICAL VALUES OF U IN THE MANN-WHITNEY TEST ...... 99

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 100

vi LIST OP TABLES

T A B L E 1 Population Projection for Baltimore...... 3

T A B L E 2 Mean Responses to Survey Statements...... 58

vii You put me in Macbeth and Carmen Jones

And all kinds of Swing Mikados

And in everything but what's about me—

But someday somebody'll

Stand up and talk about me,

And write about me—

Black and beautiful—

And sing about me,

And put on plays about me!

I reckon it'll be

Me Myself!

Yes, it'll be me.

Taken from the second verse of Langston Hughes' poem "A Note

On Commercial Theatre." CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Baltimore City is currently the tenth largest city in the United States.

Its geographic location is unique. It is a seaport located 120 miles from the Atlantic. It is the eastern city providing the easiest entree to the heartland of the American Midwest. Furthermore, Baltimore has been called 'the northernmost southern city and the southernmost northern city.'1

Baltimore is located approximately 45 miles northeast of

Washington, D.C. Because of its location, Baltimore has served as an industrial and recently a commercial center.

Throughout the city's history, Baltimore has been identified by its cultural diversity, a city composed of many nationalities. "Baltimore's ethnic groups have always gravitated toward neighborhoods in which religious and cultural institutions developed to support the prevailing culture."2

^Lenora Heilig Nast, Laurence N. Krause, and R. C. Monk, Baltimore: A Living Renaissance (Baltimore: Historic Baltimore Society, Inc., 1982), p. 64.

2Ibid.

1 2

Over 50 percent of Baltimore's population, according

to the 1980 Census, is black, with 431,151 blacks compared

to 345,113 whites residing in the city.^ A recent study by

The Evening Sun showed that the black population of the

state of Maryland has risen.

The increase in Maryland's black population not only was the largest of any state but was the largest by far. . . . Maryland moved from its 1970 position of 9th in percentage of black population to 6th— ahead of Virginia, North Carolina and Arkansas. . . . This means that if the trend continues for the next 17 years, Maryland will supplant Mississippi early in the 21st century as the most heavily black state. By contrast, there was no growth in Maryland's white population, in fact, there was a measurable decline.

More specifically, the 1983 statistics for Baltimore City

from the Department of State Planning predict a larger

proportion of non-whites (which is inclusive of blacks) as

compared to whites for the years 1990 and 2000. (See Table

1 on the following page.)

^Regional Planning Council, Census '80: Population and Housing characteristics for Regional Planning Districts (Baltimore: Regional Planning Council, March 1982), p. 1.

4"Growing black," The Evening Sun, 29 August 1983, sec. A., p. 8. 3

TABLE 1

POPULATION PROJECTION FOR BALTIMORE, MARYLAND

Total Population Non-White White Years of Baltimore Population Population

1980 786,775 441,662 345,113

1990 727,999 452,869 275,130

2000 719,000 448,919 270,081

SOURCE: Interview with Jessie Ash, Maryland Department of State Planning, Baltimore, Maryland, November 9, 1983.

Theatre in Baltimore

"Baltimore can trace its theatrical origins to the

1770s, but the decades leading to this century were dominated by European imports."® Today in Baltimore there are several non-professional theatres. The Vagabond Players claim to be "'America's oldest continuous little theatre."'® Most of their performances are adapted from original scripts. Theatre Hopkins, Baltimore's second oldest little theatre (small, amateur and volunteer workers), was established in 1921 on the campus of The Johns

Hopkins University. It presents works of new playwrights

®Nast, Baltimore: A Living Renaissance, p. 159.

6Ibid. 4

along with the classics. The Spotlighters, founded in 1962,

is one of the few theatres in this country that produces a

play a month, often a musical. The Corner Theatre, opened

in 1967, features contemporary and original works of local

playwrights. These theatre groups are targeted toward the

white communities of Baltimore.

In addition to these theatres, The Arena Players,

Inc., "occupies a special place in the history and growth of

the city's amateur groups."^ The Arena Players was founded

in 1953, with its purpose being to provide a place for

blacks to perform and produce plays. The Arena Players is one of the oldest black theatres in the United States and possible one of the most respected institutions in the black

community.® "The Arena Players was the first integrated

theatre in Baltimore.9 This group averages 85-90 percent

attendance at every production and it often plays to

standing room crowds. It performs mostly contemporary works of white and black playwrights. As a black community

theatre, it has helped tremendously to bridge a gap in the

^Laurence N. Krause and Alice C. Cherbonnier, Baltimore: Review 1982 (Baltimore: Schenley Press, Inc., 1983), p. 96.

®Arena Players, Inc., "History of the Arena Players," Baltimore, Maryland, 1974, n.p. (Mimeographed.)

9Nast, Baltimore: A Living Renaissance, p. 160. 5

artistic community of Baltimore. Besides the Arena Players, there is not another black theatre company that produces plays on a regular basis for a predominately black audience in Baltimore.

Baltimore has two professional theatres, Center

Stage and the Morris A. Mechanic Theatre. These theatres operate with paid expert staffs and performers. Center

Stage, which opened its door in 1963, "has become one of the top 10 resident professional theatres in the country.^ jt provides theatregoers with a mixture of new, traditional and classical drama. Of Center Stage's "15,087 subscribers, there are approximately 2,000 black patrons including season subscribers.^ Center Stage, like all theatres, has identified its purpose in terms of its audience. The majority of Center Stage's audience (over 86 percent) is white; therefore, the majority of its productions are geared toward their values and cultural experiences. Center Stage,

Baltimore's first and only resident theatre, has stated that its purpose

. . . shall be to promote and encourage public interest in support of drama and the theatre in general; to produce and exhibit to the general public, promote encourage and to develop dramatic

10Ibid., p. 170.

•^Interview with Regina Green, Center Stage, Baltimore, Maryland, 11 March 1983. 6

and theatrical talent and ability; to establish, furnish and maintain instruction and courses of study in drama and the theatre; and to educate the public in general in all matters related to drama and the theatre. 2

This does not mean that Center Stage's productions can not be enjoyed and appreciated by black audiences, but the majority of its programming is not targeted to them.

In addition to Center Stage, there is the Morris A.

Mechanic Theatre. The Mechanic Theatre opened January 16,

1967 with the production Hello Dolly, starring Betty

Grable. Since that time the theatre closed only once for a period of 18 months. The Mechanic Theatre serves as a touring house which brings in out-of-town shows, mostly from

Broadway. Occasionally, the Mechanic Theatre brings in pre-

Broadway tryouts. During the last five years, with the exception of a few choice productions (*See Appendix 1), subscription series at the Mechanic Theatre, like at Center

Stage, have not been geared toward the black audiences of

Baltimore. According to Hope Quackenbush, the Managing

Director of the theatre, "the Mechanic Theatre does not have by-laws stating its purpose."1-^ She did state however, that

•^Center Stage Associates, Inc., By-Laws, art. II, sec. 1. ■^Interview with Hope Quackenbush, Morris A. Mechanic Theatre, Baltimore, Maryland, 12 October 1983. 7

"we try to present the best theatrical productions to

Baltimore audiences.Earl Arnett, a local theatre critic, has summed up the Mechanic as: "undeniably successful, . . . a bastion of New York sensibility, complete with visiting stars, sequined dancing girls and the other trappings of Euro-American traditional show business.

In order to elaborate more on Earl Arnett's views of the Mechanic Theatre, it should be noted that Broadway theatre is historically known for its musical comedies and its colorful dramas, mostly by Euro-American playwrights.

Occasionally, nowadays, Black artists appear on Broadway in serious productions that offer some thoughtful insights into Black life and history . . . however, the art of Black theatre on Broadway is unlikely to be fundamentally different from the established formulas and standards that apply to the Euro-American theatre and will continue to seem a weak echo of the dominant culture. 6

Moreover, white playwrights' plays pertaining to the black culture are more readily accepted on Broadway. If successful, these plays are taken to theatres throughout the country, like the Mechanic Theatre.

14Ibid.

•^Krause and Cher bonnier, Baltimore Review, 1982, p. 95.

16Errol Hill, The Theatre of Black Americans, 2 vols. (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1984), 1:7. 8

The Mechanic Theatre has about 12,000 season

subscribers residing in Baltimore. Of these 12,000, 5,000

come from the predominately black communities.17 (This

researcher added the total number of subscribers to the

nearest hundred according to the Mechanic Theatre zip code

directory for Baltimore City, then subtracted the total

number of subscribers residing in the predominately black

zip codes to arrive at an approximation of the number of

black versus white subscribers.)

The purpose of theatre has been defined for hundreds of years as to teach and to please or to entertain.1®

Therefore, each cultural group creates its own theatre in

terms of its ideas, moral principles or set of values.

LeRoi Jones, also known as Amiri Baraka, a black dramatist, has set seven criteria for culture: "mythology; history; social organization; political organization; economic organization; creative motif; and ethos."1® Therefore, "if such concepts are in fact defined differently by Black people and White, it follows that theatre as an art form

17Mechanic Theatre, "Subscriber Count By Zip Code, November ISSS" (Baltimore, Maryland: n.p., 1983).

1®Hatlen, Theodore W., Orientation to the Theatre (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972), p. 87.

1®Larry Neal, "The Black Arts Movement," The Drama Review, Summer 1968, p. 33. 9

involved in expressing these concepts will likewise be

different for the two societies.2®

Is there a need and market for a professional black

theatre in Baltimore City? The premise is that a

professional black theatre must contain a combination of the

following elements: scripts targeted for a predominately

black audience; a predominately black supporting audience; a broad base of community involvement; full-time dedicated and working staff; and black performers.

Given the current population of Baltimore and its predicted population, the question arises— is there a need or more specifically a market for a professional black theatre in Baltimore? The following chapters will examine these questions, and in addition, analyze the perceptions and attitudes of black and white arts specialists and their receptiveness toward a professional black theatre.

2®Hill, The Theatre of Black Americans, p. 6. CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

Black Theatre

The history of black theatre in American can be

defined by its events, its people and their motivation. For many years black performers have been misrepresented, excluded or rejected from performing in dramas which employed whites. Only in recent years have blacks been recognized for their contributions to American theatre.

The majority of blacks in America were introduced

into the American culture as slaves as early as 1519.

In the book Black Magic, Langston Hughes and Milton Meltzer document that the 'first stage for the captive Africans was the open deck of a slave ship. There, on the way to the Americas, blacks in chains, when herded up on deck for exercise, were forced to sing and dance in the open air for the amusement of the crew.' After reaching the Southern plantations, the African traditions, rhythms, and dances that had survived the cultural transplantation combined with a developing folk tradition to form the basis for black American entertainment.1

During the next two hundred years while the importation of blacks was still increasing, European theatre

•4larry A. Ploski and James Williams, The Negro Almanac (New York: The Bellwether Company, 1976-83.), p. 805.

10 11

was influencing America's culture. There were two notable playwrights who presented somewhat positive images of blacks, William Shakespeare and Thomas Southerne.

Shakespeare's Othello and Southerne's Oroonoko presented blacks as heroic and praiseworthy human beings. However, this image was not one that most American theatre portrayed. For example, the first black character that appears in an American drama— in a play entitled The

Disappointment; or The Force of Credulity (1767) is named

Raccoon. Raccoon was a comic stereotype. Other examples were depicated in The Padlock (1769), a comedy that had in it a slave named Mungo who was a clown and The Triumph of

Love (1795) which introduced another comic character,

Sambo. Sambo elicited laughter and ridicule because of his shuffling, cackling and ignorance. The name Sambo has grown to be synonymous with the black-faced minstrel. These roles became stereotyped and would lead blacks to be portrayed as creatures of ridicule.

The comic roles that were assigned to blacks in the

1700s stayed with them for many years. By the 18th century white performers' mimicry of black entertainers became what we call the minstrel show. The whites blackened their faces with burnt cork, played instruments of African origin, sang ballads and danced dances imitative of the slaves' styles.

The most famous white minstrel was Thomas Dartmouth Rice, 12

better known as T. D. Rice, who performed all around the

United States as a black impersonator. His character was

named Jim Crow.

Rice performed at the Surrey Theatre, London, and started the enormous vogue of the minstrel show in England. In spite of this, and of the burlesques into which he introduced old Negro songs, he never himself became part of a troupe, preferring to work alone.

His performances captivated white audiences and influenced others to do minstrel shows. In later years, two of the most popular whites using burnt cork were McIntyre and

Heath. Also remembered, A1 Jolson, who became famous when he sang "mammy" songs in blackface.4 For many white entertainers, the minstrel show became a ticket to fame and fortune in the American theatre.

After Rice's great success and the success of other impersonators, blacks began to black-up too. One reason blacks began to use burnt cork on grease paint was so "white folks would think blacks were white."3 According to

2Phyllis Hartnott, The Concise Oxford Companion To The Theatre (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 453.

3Henry T. Sampson, Blacks In Blackface (New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1980), p. 8.

4Ibid. / 3Helen Armstead-Johnson, "Blacks in Black: Genuine Colored Minstrels," Encore American & Worldwide News, May 19, 1975, p. 28. — 13

historian Helen Armstrong Johnson

. . . racial tension was so high that many booking agents were afraid to book colored acts. Those who did demanded blackface for security. Some performers even bought wigs, for example, the team of Cooper and (Bojangles) Robinson. Cooper was very light skinned and went the whole transformation route. . . . Minstrel days were not those of 'Black is Beautiful.' Nobody thought Black was beautiful then.

Ignorant to the possibility that this type of entertainment might stereotype not only the black entertainers, but also future generations of blacks, many minstrels followed in the footsteps of Cooper and Robinson. For example, Bert

Williams and George Walker gained outstanding recognition at

Roster and Bial's in New York.^ Their shows catered to the prejudices of white audiences.

Meanwhile, Ira Frederick Aldridge, a black

.legitimate actor, was captivating audiences internationally. During the early 1800s, Ira Aldridge accompanied Edmund Kean, a famous white actor from London, in numerous performances throughout England and other countries, including Germany, Yugoslavia and Russia. He popularized many Shakespearean roles such as Lear and

Othello, "which produced more artistic and financial

6Ibid.

^Hartnoll, The Concise Oxford Companion To The Theatre, p. 601. 14

successes than any other dramatic establishment in modern

American theatrical history."® Ira Aldridge is perhaps the

first professional black actor who did not gain popularity

through minstrel performances.

In 1821, James Hewlett, along with other free

blacks, organized the first black theatre in New York City,

called the African Company.

With the singing, dancing, and banjo playing which went on for centuries on southern plantations one would naturally expect that the first serious efforts of blacks would be along the musical entertainment line. But, it is not so recorded by historians, for the Negro's first attempt at building a theatre of his own in legitimate drama was in 1821, forty-four years before the slaves were set free by the Emancipation Proclamation in 1865.

The African Company probably existed at least five years.

However, there are no authentic records of how long the

group actually lasted.1®

It was not until after the Civil War that blacks

seriously began to form their own theatrical companies.

Again, it was minstrelsy that sparked blacks' entrance on

the American stage. Blacks formed minstrel companies and

copied their white counterparts. The most recognized

®Henry B. Williams, The American Theatre: A Sum of Its Parts (New Yorks Samuel French, Inc., 1969), p. 393.

®Ibid., p. 400.

10Ibid. 15

companies were Lew Johnson's Plantation Minstrel Company and

Charles Hicks' Georgia Minstrels.11

By 1980, the federal census reported a total of 1,490 Negro 'actors and showmen' in the U.S., none of whom were appearing in legitimate dramatic productions. The 1910 census showed that the total number had risen to 3,088. most of whom were employed in all-Negro musicals.12

Perhaps discouraged with the limited roles that blacks could play in white productions, Robert (Bob) Cole headed-up the first black stock company, called Bob Worth's

Museum All Star Stock Company.11 In addition to serving as director, Bob Cole served as playwright, actor and stage manager. Some historians consider him "the George M. Cohan or Noel Coward of his day."1'* Worth's Museum All Star Stock

Company was also the first black stock company to establish a training school for black performers.

The 1900s marked new beginnings for black theatre.

In 1915, Charles Gilpin founded the Lafayette Players of

Harlem, the first major professional black company in

11Robert C. Toll, Blacking Up (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 211-212.

12Lindsay Patterson, Afro-American Life and History: Anthology of the Afro-American in the Theatre (Pennsylvania: The Publishers Agency, Inc., 1978), p. 5.

11Sampson, Blacks In Blackface, p. 8.

14Williams, The American Theatre: A Sum of Its Parts, p. 402. 16

America.15 The Lafayette Players performed plays that once

appeared on Broadway, but used an all black cast. "They

were thus responsible for helping to raise the standards of

Black entertainment.1,15 During the same year, Scott Joplin

wrote the opera Treemonisha. Despite the fact that he could

not find a professional producer for his opera, his friends

were able to back Treemonisha for a one-night run. It was

not until years after Joplin's death that he received the

recognition he deserved.1^

April 15, 1917, really marks the beginning of a new

era. Three plays of Negro life written by Ridgely Torrence

were produced by Mrs. Emily Hapgood at the Madison Square

Garden in New York. The plays, entitled Three Plays for a

Negro Theatre, received critical acclaim from New York's

I Q press and p u b l i c . 0

By 1920, a rebirth of black talent was underway in

Harlem, New York. This era, known as the "Harlem

Renaissance," proved to be a great producing era for blacks

15Sampson, Blacks In Blackface, p. 122.

16Errol Hill, The Theatre of Black Americans (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1980), 2:24.

•^Ploski and Williams, The Negro Almanac, p. 1082.

18Loften Mitchell, Black Drama: The Story of The American Negro In The Theatre (New York: Hawthorne Books, Inc., 1967), pp. 68-69. 17

in the arts. Blacks began to seriously frown upon minstrelsy and its negative connotations. During this period, there were many achievements for black theatre

artists. Flournoy Miller, Aubrey Lyles, Noble Sissle and

Eubie Blake composed the Broadway musical hit Shuffle Along

in 1921, which went on to success internationally.^ In

1923, the first nonmusical, one-act black play, entitled The

Chip Woman's Fortune, by Willis Richardson, was produced on

Broadway.2® Two years later, a production of Appearances by

Garland Anderson became the first full-length drama by a

Ol black dramatist to play on Broadway. x Great artists of this period included Paul Robeson, who played the leading role in Eugene O'Neill's All God's Chillun Got Wings. Abie

Mitchell, Jules Bledsoe, Frank Wilson and Rose McClendon were in the cast of Paul Green's Pulitzer Prize-winning play

In Abraham's Bosom.22

By the late twenties, economic conditions in America were declining. Consequently, the thirties brought about serious financial difficulty, and among the first to feel

■^Sampson, Blacks In Blackface, p. 113.

2®Hill, The Theatre of Black Americans, 2:154.

21Ploski and Williams, The Negro Almanac, pp. 1082- 1083.

22Ibid. 18

the effects were the blacks, especially those in the theatre industry.22

Seldom, blacks got work on the professional stage, rarely those who opted not to work in blackface. To perform before larger audiences in the radio and film industry was even more difficult. Ironically, "Amos and Andy," a more modernized version of the minstrel show, was "one of the most popular shows on early radio at a time when black comedians were barred from the entertainment medium.2^

Originally, Amos and Andy were white men who portrayed many stereotyped features. For example, they spoke in heavy dialect, often appeared as shiftless and uneducated. They were able to succeed in the entertainment industry, because the stereotyped roles were still funny and pleasing to the majority of the audience.

In the summer of 1935, the United States government instituted the Federal Theatre Project, under the auspices of the Works Progress Administration (W.P.A.). The Federal

Theatre Project was designed to employ out-of-work theatre professionals. Its purpose was to encourage theatre practitioners to create new and experimental works. This

23ibid.

24Sampson, Blacks In Blackface, p. 328. 19

challenge sparked the interest of blacks and encouraged them

to produce. The Negro Unit of the Federal Theatre Project

was created, which produced successful playwrights such as

Theodore Ward, the author of Big White Fog; Theodore Brown;

John Silvera; H. F. Edward; Owen Dodson, Abraham Hill;

Frederick O'Neal; and Langston Hughes, whose play Mulatto

established a record run on Broadway for a straight play by

a Black writer.2^ Unfortunately, on June 30, 1936, the

United States government forced the closing of the Federal

Theatre Project because of dissension that arose due to the

development of plays and other works that spoke out against

social, political and economic injustices (un-American

activities).2®

Basically, the situation of Afro-American theatre did not change much as a result of the FTP. Although less a tributary of Broadway, it was overshadowed by the other institution. The militant repertory of the FTP forced black characters and actors into new stereotypes and made them too vulnerable to communist influences and to the charge of engaging in 'un-American activities.' The closing of the FTP centers forced the artists to return to the commercial stage.27

2^Hill, The Theatre of Black Americans, 2:155.

2^Mitchell, Black Drama: The Story of the American Negro in the Theatre, p. 92.

27Genevieve Fabre, Drumbeats, Masks and Metaphor (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1983), p. 10. 20

At the closing of the FTP, many black artists formed

their own groups to carry out their goals. Among them in

1937 were the Rose McClendon Players, The Harlem Suitcase

Theatre, founded by Langston Hughes and Hilary Phillips, and

the Negro People's Theatre.^®

In the 1940s, unable to find employment in the

commercial theatre, blacks went back to their own community

theatre settings.

In 1940 Abraham Hill and Frederick O'Neal, the militant union leader who defended the rights of blacks before Actors Equity, founded the American Negro Theatre (ANT). In the same year dramatists like Theodore Ward, Powell Lindsay, George Norford, Theodore Brown, and Owen Dodson began the Negro Playwrights Company (NPC). Their primary goal was to continue the work of the Federal Theatre. 9

Soon the enthusiasm of developing new and positive

images of blacks in the theatre began to fade away. Many blacks went back to work under white directors and playwrights to play the principal stereotyped roles: Uncle

Tom; The Mammy; The Blackfaced Comedian or Clown; The Tragic

Mulatto; The Oversexed Female or Vampire; The Sweet Man; The

Shiftless Negro Servant; The Witch Doctor or Conjurer; The

Superstitious Male or Female; The Bad Nigger and the

^®Hill, The Theatre of Black America, 2:155.

^9Fabre, Drumbeats, Masks and Metaphor, p. 11. 21

Contented Slave.^0 Those who refused to play these roles were often banned from performing in the theatre. Perhaps the best remembered black actor forced into exile was Paul

Robeson, who in 1924 played the leading role in O'Neill's

All God's Chillun Got Wings ("It was the first time in

American history that a Negro had taken a principal role opposite a white woman."^^) and whose 1943 performance of

Othello on Broadway was a notable success.

By 1950, black theatrical activity was still limited on Broadway; however, there were many small theatre groups throughout the United States that gave blacks the opportunity to perform. Between 1951 and 1959, many noteworthy productions were staged. In 1951, The Committee for the Negro in the Arts produced the controversial play, _A

Medal for Willie,a b o u t a prejudiced Southern town which gives a dead, black soldier's mother a medal for her son's bravery.

But on the big day Willie's mother, when she steps forward to accept the medal, tells the southland in direct terms that Willie should have 'come down here with his machine gun and shot up some white

•^williams, The American Theatre: A Sum of Its Parts, pp. 397-399.

O 1 John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), p. 498.

■^Patterson, Afro-American Life and History: Anthology to the Afro-American in the Theatre, p. 183. 22

folks.1 She flings the medal in the townspeople's faces and walks off the stage. ^

The Greenwich Mews in Manhattan was helpful in getting

racially integrated works produced. "The Mews insisted that

its policy was to cast without regard for color unless the

play specifically called for Negro and white characters.^

In Splendid Error by William Branch opened in 1954 and Land

Beyond the River by Loften Mitchell opened in 1957.

Three black plays reached the Broadway stage in the

fifties. The first, Louis Peterson's Take a Giant Step, opened in 1953. Despite its favorable review, the production was not a financial success.^ The other plays were A Raisin in the Sun by Lorraine Hansberry in 1958 and A^

Wreath for Udomo by Peter Abrhams in 1959. A Raisin in the

Sun, Hansberry's first play, earned her the Critics Circle

Award.

The sixties brought changes for blacks in the theatre. "The period between 1960 and 1969 represents the time when the theatre began to portray with frequency the

^Mitchell, Black Drama: The Story of the American Negro in the Theatre, p. 158.

34ibid.

*3 e; -’-'Ploski and Williams, The Negro Almanac, p. 12. 23

black experience as realized by blacks in America.

Some of the historical highlights of the sixties are

the following: In 1962, Actors Equity Association, the

professional actors union, wrote into its contract this

clause:

The actor shall not be required to perform in any theatre or other place of performance where discrimination is practiced because of race, color, or creed against any actor or any patron as to admission or seating in such theatre or other place of performance. 7

In 1964 Leroi Jones (now Imamu Amiri Baraka) produced the

Obie winning play, The Dutchman. This play, like Baraka's

other plays, established his cultural and political

ideals. He called for an exclusive theatre that spoke

truthfully about blacks, for blacks, with blacks

performing. Many whites denounced this theory as "reverse

racism." However, Baraka attempted to confront racism while

re-evaluating a need to develop a "black aesthetic." His

concept, which had its roots in the Black Arts Movement (out

of the Black Power Movement), has been called the

Revolutionary Theatre.Other successful playwrights

^Frederick Douglas Hall, Jr., The Black Theatre in New York From 1960-1969 (New York: Columbia University, 1973), P. 5*q7 Patterson, Afro-American Life and History: Anthology of The Afro-American in the Theatre, p. 9.

^®Fabre, Drumbeats, Masks and Methaphor, pp. 21,23. 24

during the sixties were Langston Hughes, Lonnie Elder,

Lofton Mitchell, Charles Gordone, Adrienne Kennedy, James

Baldwin, Ed Bullins, Ted Shine, Tom Dent, Val Ferdinard, and

Douglas Turner Ward. 39

Three theatre companies opened off-Broadway that featured plays by black playwrights and the black experience: The Negro Ensemble Company, Inc., The New

Lafayette Theatre and the National Black Theatre. The Negro

Ensemble was established in 1967 under the artistic direction of Douglas Turner Ward. The New Lafayette Theatre was also founded in that same year. Its purpose was to show

"blacks who they are, where they are, and what conditions they are in."^® The New Lafayette Theatre survived until

1972. The National Black Theatre was formed in 1968, in New

York, under the direction of Barbara Ann Teer. The National

Black Theatre's "main goal was not entertainment, but to re­ educate, to restore spirituality and a cultural tradition.

Other landmarks for blacks in the sixties included in 1963 the founding of The Free Southern Theatre by Gilbert

• ^ P l o s k i and Williams, The Negro Almanac, p. 12.

^Frederick Douglass Hall, Jr., The Black Theatre In New York From 1960-1969, p. 87.

^Jessica Harris, "The National Black Theatre, " The Drama Review, December 1972, p. 40. 25

Moses; in 1966 Douglas Turner Ward won two Obies for his one-act plays, Day of Absence and Happy Ending; in 1968 Ed

Bullins published the first black theatre periodical, Black

Theatre Magazine; also in 1968 James Earl Jones was awarded the Antoinette Perry ("Tony") Award for his performance in

The Great White Hope.

Compared to the awakening of black theatre of the sixties, black theatre of the seventies lacked innovation,^ but there were achievements. In 1970, on Broadway, two productions opened, Ceremonies in Dark Old Men by Lonnie

Elder and No Place To Be Somebody by Charles Gordone, which won the Pulitzer Prize in 1970 for the best American play.

These dramas came out of the Negro Ensemble Company (N.E.C.)

Douglas Turner Ward, artistic director of the N.E.C., spoke of those productions and told how— from his point of view— they found their way to Broadway. That was at a time when business was slow, so that we were able to get a theatre, since most of them were dark anyway, for a bargain price. But once things picked up, we were locked out again. 3

The seventies brought about a proliferation of black

Broadway musicals: Purlie Victorious, Bubbling Brown Sugar,

The Wiz ("the most successful show ever mounted by a black

^Ploski and Williams, The Negro Almanac, p. 815.

^Clifford Mason, "A New Black Theatre," New York Times Magazine, 22 July 1979, p. 33. 26

producer."44)f pon't Bother Me I Can't Cope, Your Arms Too

Short to Box With God, Timbuktu!, Eubie, and Ain't

Misbehavin'. Outside of these musicals, only six nonmusicals played Broadway; The First Breeze of Summer, The

River Niger, Paul Robeson, No Place to Be Somebody, and the successful yet controversial play For Colored Girls Who Have

Considered Suicide/When The Rainbow is Enuf. In addition, two more black theatres opened in New York, The New Federal

Theatre, founded in 1970 by one of the leading black producers on and off-Broadway, Woodie King Jr., and in 1973, the Frank Silvera Writer's Workshop, formed under the direction of Garland Lee Thompson. This organization geared its efforts toward the nurturing of black dramatists.

Most black theatre productions in the eighties are still centered around New York. And, again it is the black musical that appears more often on Broadway. Since 1958, when A Raisin in the Sun opened on Broadway, there have been only a handful of black nonmusicals on Broadway, including

The Negro Ensemble Company's 1979 production of Home by

Samm-Art Williams.

Home, which played at the Cort Theatre for 249 performances in 1980 and 1981, only had three characters and still didn't break even. Although the NEC was not the Broadway producer of Home— it

44Robert McNatt, "Risky Business on Broadway," Black Enterprise, December 1983, p. 74. 27

essentially leased the comedy out to white producers and received a cut of the box office— the difficulties for even a small production with a black theme are symptomatic of the problems blacks on Broadway have when they neither sing nor dance. ^

By 1982 only two more dramas opened, the revival of

Shakespeare's Othello and "Master Harold...And the Boys (by

Athol Fugard, a white South African playwright).

The black musicals that appeared on Broadway during

the early eighties were Reggae by Michael Butler, which had

a short run from March 27 to April 18, 1980; Lena Horne:

The Lady and Her Music; Sophisticated Ladies; It's So Nice

To Be Civilized which ran from June 3 to June 8, 1980; the

return engagement of Your Arms Too Short To Box With God;

the revival of the opera Porgy and Bess; and the award winning Dreamgirls. ^

Outside of Broadway, other black dramas, comedies

and musicals have been produced. Vinnette Carroll, the

author of Your Arms Too Short To Box With God and the

Broadway-bound musical, When Hell Freezes Over I'll Skate notes that she

remains pessimistic about the future of black productions on the Great White Way: 'I think there's nothing for black people to see on Broadway.' Moreover, as ticket prices rise, the number of black theatregoers who can afford them

45Ibid., p. 72. 28

dwindles. This, in turn, deters producers from doing Broadway shows that may depend on predominately black audiences for their survival. 6

Blacks must work ceaselessly to develop their talents in their communities. The apparent alternative for blacks is to develop theatre when and wherever they can.

A small sampling of black theatres outside of New

York City that have survived includes the Arena Players,

Inc., of Baltimore, Maryland; Crossroads Theatre Company of

New Brunswick, New Jersey; Dashiki Project Theatre of New

Orleans, Louisana; Inner City Culture Center of Los Angles,

California; Karamu House of Cleveland, Ohio; and New Freedom

Theatre of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.47

46Ibid., p. 70.

47Ibid., p. 76. 29

Baltimore Theatres

Any individual perspective of theatre in Baltimore must include three organizations— the Mechanic Theatre,

Center Stage and the Arena Players. These theatres provide

the majority of the theatrical productions to the majority of theatregoers in Baltimore. In order to hypothesize that

there is a possible market for a professional black theatre

in Baltimore, one must investigate individually those theatres that appeal to the current theatre market.

The Morris A. Mechanic Theatre

In February 1964, the Ford's Theatre, Baltimore's first and oldest touring house, closed because city officials classified it as a fire hazard. Morris A.

Mechanic, the owner of the Ford's Theatre since April 1942, did not want Baltimore to lose its association with the

Broadway stage. For three years Baltimore theatregoers had to travel to Washington, D.C. for Broadway-style shows.

Morris A. Mechanic, in 1962, proposed to build in the

Charles Center a new theatre to appeal to Baltimore's appetite for Broadway-style shows. Mayor Harold Grady and the Baltimore City Council approved a 75-year lease at a rental of $30,000 annually. Designers and contractors were then sought to build the new theatre. Since Morris Mechanic was the sole realtor who fostered the project, the theatre was named in his honor. On November 17, 1964, the ground 30

breaking for the Morris A. Mechanic Theatre took place.

The Joseph Nederlander Amusement Company, well known

for its ownership of the Palace Theatre in Manhattan, as

well as of other theatres in Chicago and Detroit, was hired

as the general operator of the theatre. Thomas Pox, former

executive secretary and business manager for the National

Theatre in Washington, D.C. became the managing director.

The Mechanic Theatre's opening night January 16,

1967, was a gala affair, with ticket prices ranging from $25

to $100. The money raised that evening was donated to the

John F. Kennedy Institute for the Mentally and the

Physically Handicapped Child.

The first production was a smash hit. Hello Dolly

with Betty Grable grossed $81,388.51 its first week,

$92,497.69 the second week and $94,779 the third and final

week.^® Other productions that year included Man From La

Mancha, Odd Couple, The Owl and the Pussycat, Luv,

A Q Philadelphia Here I Come, and Wait Until Dark. J

The following year was successful too. Fiddler On

The Roof grossed $350,928.54 during a four-week engagement;

^"Mechanic1s Big Success Stills Early Criticism," News American, 4 September 1968, sec. A, p. 1.

^"Mechanic Theatre Grosses More Than $1,200,000," Evening Sun, July 1967. 31

Cabaret, then a rather risque show by Baltimore standards, grossed $263,346.78 in three weeks and Mame grossed $265,000 during a three-week engagement.5^

Ticket sales remained profitable for a few seasons but then lessened. Once this happened the Nederlanders announced that they would like to break their lease. If that could not be arranged, they intended to convert the

Mechanic into a movie house. A movie house in their complex did not appeal to the other merchants in the Charles

Center. Therefore, alternatives were sought. Three

Baltimoreans, Howard Owen, Jack Fruchtman and Frank Roberts, organized Baltimore Theatre, Inc. to save the Mechanic

Theatre as a legitimate stage.51 From approximately 1971 to

1974 the Mechanic Theatre was unprofitable to investors, many season subscriptions were not renewed, and sales at nearby businesses dropped. The theatre then closed for eighteen months. It was at this point that the city sought to rescue the theatre and to settle its debts. In 1976, the city announced that it would run the theatre. The Mechanic

Theatre became the first city-sponsored theatre of its

50"Mechanic's Big Success Stills Early Criticism," News American, 4 September 1968, sec. A., p. 1.

51Nast, Baltimore: A Living Renaissance, p. 167. 32

kind.52

Once the city took over the operations, renovations

were made to improve the physical plant. For a while, the

theatre was called the New Mechanic Theatre. Alexander

Cohen became the producer. Under his direction, the

Mechanic Theatre began to gain popularity again. Cohen's

fees were deemed too high, however, and the city sought

another producer. In 1978, the Mechanic Theatre hired

Philip Langner, the president of the Theatre Guild.

Since the theatre's opening, it has basically had a

committed subscription audience. The Nederlander Amusement

Company sold over 20, 000 subscriptions for the first

season's series. Since then, subscription sales have

fluctuated. The 1976-77 subscription audience was just over

16,000. By the end of 1978, there were over 17,000

subscribers. But, during the 1979-80 season, the

subscriptions fell to 15,400. Since the 1980-81 season,

there has been a steady increase in season ticket holders.

CO Currently there are over 21,000 subscribers.

52Mechanic Theatre Fact Book 1980 (Baltimore, Maryland: n.p., 1980).

52Ken Stein, "Business Behind the Footlights," Maryland Business and Living, November 1984, p. 44. 33

The Mechanic Theatre has not always presented a

positive image to Baltimore's black community. For example,

during the month of June 1981, Baltimore hosted the nation's

first international theatre festival with the Mechanic

Theatre serving as the main facility. Several circumstances

triggered black opposition, but the major dispute was over

the invitation to the Baxter Theatre of South Africa as the

only company from Africa or from black constituents.

Massive protests were staged throughout the city against

South Africa's apartheid system. Not only did the

invitation offend Baltimore's black community, but the exclusion of the Arena Players and other black theatre practitioners in the planning stages of the festival was criticized. Perhaps the feelings could best be summed-up by a comment from one member of the Baltimore Marketing

Association (BMA).

'It boggles the mind . . . it is difficult to follow the logic of . . . planners, working in a city whose population is 56 percent black, (to) have excluded the black community. . . . No organization has the right to plan a major cultural activity, using taxpayers facilities and thumb its nose at the black community. 4

The Baxter Theatre performances were subsequently cancelled. In spite of the Baxter Theatre controversy, the

54"Black theatre boosters are not about to wait for 'Godot,'" News American, 27 April 1981, sec. A, p. 7. 34

Mechanic Theatre has received positive publicity for its productions, holding world premiers for such award-winning shows as Foxfire and A Day in Hollywood/A Night in the

Ukrane.

Over the years, however, the Mechanic Theatre has not been actively involved in community affairs. It has no community outreach programs for volunteers or interns. The

Mechanic Theatre has only four board members, who are appointed by the Mayor, which gives him a final say in the decision-making process. Surprisingly, the Mechanic Theatre has no formalized long-range plan common to most businesses. The Mechanic Theatre has indeed brought commercial theatre to Baltimore, but it has done little to promote the talents of Baltimore's own theatrical community.

Center Stage

Now in its twenty-second year, Center Stage has developed into one of America's top theatres. In 1962

Edward Golden, Drama Director of the Jewish Community Center in Baltimore, decided that what Baltimore needed was a professional theatre. Along with Vivienne Shub, Donald

Rothman, Jeanne Feinberg and Frances Mahr they drew up a plan to sell shares in a for-profit corporation. Out of this venture, Centure Stage was created.

During Center Stage's first season, it operated on a 35

$45,000 budget.55 Eight plays were performed from January

through June 1963.At the end of the next season,

however, Center Stage and its thirty investors were in

financial debt. "'It became very apparent that regional

theatre could not survive on box office,1 stated Mr. Donald

Rothman."5^ Therefore, Center Stage converted from a

private profit-making organization to a public non-profit

institution.

During Center Stage's first years, productions ran

for a limited two week engagement. There was a small staff of four professional actors, mostly from New York; a director, a stagemanager, a business manager and a public

relations director. If a script called for more actors,

local performers were cast in supporting roles.

Performances were held in a tiny playing area which was converted from a gymnasium which seated about 200.

In 1964, Center Stage received local and state government support. In addition, its subscription audience

55Center Stage, "History of Center Stage," Baltimore, Maryland, 1980, p.l. (Mimeographed.)

56Ibid.

5^"Center Stage: 20 Years of Trial by Fire." Sun, 6 June 1982, sec. D, p. 11. 36

grew from 500 in 1963 to 3,500 in 1965.59 Consequently, by

1965, Center Stage needed more space to mount its productions. In the fall of that year, Center Stage leased a cafeteria known to Baltimoreans as the Oriole Cafeteria.

This new location provided seating for 269 patrons per performance.

Throughout the next five years, Center Stage was barely meeting its financial obligations. Between 1969 and

1970, Center Stage's deficit climbed to $2 0 0 , 0 0 0 . Through the help of a Ford Foundation grant, however, Center Stage was able to pay off some of its debts.

Misfortune struck Center Stage on January 9, 1974.

The Oriole Cafeteria was completely destroyed by fire less than a day after the opening of Who's Afraid of Virginia

Woolf. The next performance was held at the Baltimore

Museum of Art. The following week, Center Stage moved to

Notre Dame and there ended off its 1973-74 mainstage season. Due to the destruction caused by the fire, there was no 1974-75 season. Efforts were concentrated in getting a new performance space and new equipment.

^Center Stage, Grant Proposal Letter to the Chessie System, 16 November 1977, p. 1. (Typewritten.)

59"Center Stage: 20 Years of Trial by Fire," Sun, 6 June 1982, sec. D, p. 11. 37

In January of 1974, the Jesuits of Maryland Province

sold the downtown Loyola College complex for $200,000 to

Baltimore City. The building was over 100 years old. The

Jesuits donated the $200,000 from the sale to Center

Stage. The city then sold the building and its property to

Center Stage for a nominal fee of only $5.00.60

Reconstruction was a major concern. With the help of the National Endowment for the Arts, the Ford Foundation, local government and the private sector, a 1.8 million dollar renovation was completed, making it possible for

Center Stage to horse its current 541 seat theatre with a semi-thrust stage, a restaurant, a cafe bar, two lobbies, a rehearsal hall, shop for costume, prop and set construction and storage, and administrative offices.in June 1980,

Center Stage received a national award from the American

Institute of Architects (A.I.A.) for its outstanding adaptive re-use of an old building. In addition, the A.I.A. selected Center Stage as "one of the ten leading architectural achievements in Maryland.®2 Since 1975,

®°Center Stage, "History of Center Stage," Baltimore, Maryland, p. 2. (Mimeographed.)

61Ibid., p.3.

62Ibid., p.2. 38

Center Stage has operated from its new home, on Calvert and

Monument Streets.

When the 1975-76 season opened, Center Stage had

gained more subscribers than ever before. The new count was

12,000 people.®^ The first production in 1975 was Moliere's

Tartuffe. Stan Wojewodski, Jr., who played The Kings

Messenger in the production, was appointed Center Stage's

Artistic Director and has served in that capacity since.

The picture in 1976 became grim again. Season

subscriptions dropped about $3,000.®4 According to Stan

Wojewodski "'the season consisted of new and serious works,

which in sum do not go over well.'"®^ During that same

year, the Morris A. Mechanic Theatre re-opened with George

C. Scott in The Sly Fox. The remaining productions for the

Mechanic Theatre consisted mainly of musical comedies.

Perhaps that was the reason for the decline in Center

Stage's subscription sales.

Also, in 1976 "Center Stage collaborated with The

Maryland Center for Public Broadcasting to produce Diane ■

Johnson's An Apple An Orange, an adaptation of Herman

^"Center Stage: Show Has Gone On For 21 Eventful Years," News American, 3 June 1984, sec. E, p. 3.

64Ibid.

65Ibid. 39

Melville's Bartelby The Scrivener, "®® which was named the

best locally produced dramatic program by the National

Corporation for Public Broadcasting in 1978.®^

Center Stage continued to build up its base of

support and respect. In 1979, Center Stage was named the

State Theatre of Maryland. Subscriptions that year rose to

over 16,500.®® The spotlight was again on Center Stage in

1979 when Michael Jeter was awarded the New York Theatre

Award for his role in David Berry's G. R. Point, which originated at Center Stage. Once again, Center Stage

received recognition in 1981 when Beth Henley won a Pulitzer

Prize for her play, Crimes of the Heart, which Center Stage had produced in 1980.

Since 1980, Center Stage has expanded its programming. In 1980, Center Stage ventured out into

Baltimore's artistic community with its First Stage

Series. First Stage presents developing scripts, mostly contemporary,

. . . as staged readings and workshop productions designed to aid playwrights in the evolution of

®®Center Stage, "History of Center Stage," p. 3.

®^center Stage, Grant Proposal Letter to the National Endowment for the Arts for September 1984 to June 1987, p . 2. (Typewritten.)

®8"Center Stage: Show Has Gone For 21 Eventful Years," News American, 3 June 1984, sec. E., p. 3. 40

their works; lend an ear to new translations and adaptations; explore fresh conceptual approaches to established texts; establish a laboratory environment for exploration of new performance styles. Each reading is followed by an open discussion between the audience, actors, director and (usually) the playwright.69

Several of Center Stage's First Stage productions have

become a part of Center Stage's Mainstage subscription

series and some have even gone on to New York and been

produced on Broadway (Agnes of God by John Pielmeir and The

Octette Bridge Club by P. J. Barry).

Still another program of Center Stage, instituted in

1965, is the Young People's Theatre (YPT). The YPT was

designed to reach grade school and secondary school-aged

children. The YPT consists of a relatively small group of

performers, a stage manager, and a company manager who

entertain and teach, usually in the form of a story telling

hour. This group has been responsible for, in many

instances, introducing the art of theatre to children who might not otherwise have had the opportunity to take part in

it.

Center Stage, in conjunction with the Maryland

Alliance for the Arts in Education, has developed an intern

69Center Stage, "History of Center Stage," p. 1.

^"Center Stage: Show Has Gone on For 21 Eventful Year," News American, 3 June 1984, sec. E, p. 3. 41

program. This program has been specifically designed to

provide on-the-job training to students of high school age

and above in all aspects of performance and production.

Another approach to this idea was initiated in 1982— the

Associate Artists Program. This program has been designed

to enable the more mature actor, directors, designers and

playwrights to regularly assist the artistic staff in

productions.^

Moreover, Center Stage has augmented its productions

with several educational programs designed to enrich the

total theatre experience. Center Stage issues a seasonal

newsletter containing a behind-the scene look at each

production, plus Commentar an historical essay by Center

Stage's dramaturg which is printed in each playbill. A

Noontime Lecture Series takes place on Wednesday afternoons

before opening nights and includes a discussion of the

play's creative process up to the actual production. The

Humanities Discussion Series features guest speakers who,

along with the audience, participate in a discussion

following two of the Sunday matinee performances.

In 1984, Center Stage announced Playwrights 85,

subsequently to be called Playwrights 86, 87, etc. This

^Center Stage's Grant Proposal Letter to the National Endowment for the Arts for September 1984 to June 1987, p. 3. (Typewritten.) 42

subscription series consists of three productions which run for six performances each. These plays are presented to bring life back into earlier plays by established playwrights. Not only does the Playwrights series give new life to scripts, but it allows Center Stage to be daring in producing less traditional and experimental works.

Center Stage has also helped to enhance the economic climate in Baltimore, drawing into Baltimore City's business district 120,000 people who in turn have stimulated business growth.Similarly, over 90 percent of the materials used by Center Stage are purchased from local businesses.74

Culturally, Center Stage's growth has come about partly as a result of the Mayor's Advisory Committee on Art and Culture. It subsidizes several services such as The

Young People's Theatre; discount coupons; student rush tickets; senior citizens discount tickets; free tickets to students from Baltimore City Public Schools; and a behind- the-scene building tour to community groups.

In spite of some setbacks, Center Stage has received increased national attention and recognition. Peter Culman,

^Center Stage, "Backstage," Newsletter, Fall 1984, n.p.

^Center Stage, "History of Center Stage," p. 2.

74Ibid. 43

the Managing Director since 1966, has served on a variety of

boards of directors, for example, on the National Endowment

for the Arts' Theatre Overview and Companies Panels, The

American Arts Alliance and the Theatre Communications Group, just to name a few. He served more than once as the president of the League of Resident Theatres (LORT).

Nationally, Center Stage has received grants from the Ford

Foundation, Metropolitan Life Foundation, Columbia Pictures and Twentieth Century-Fox Productions.75

Center Stage currently operates on a budget of over

2 million dollars. Of this money 65 percent of this income is "earned" (subscriptions, single ticket sales, etc.); 19 percent comes from government grants; 13 percent from contributions; and 3 percent from interest earned by a permanent endowment which was established in 1982. Center

Stage's financial resources come from over 3,000 sources.7®

Over the past twenty-two years Center Stage has flourished. It has presented Baltimore theatregoers with an unparalleled range of works which would not be economically feasible for commercial theatre. It has helped to foster

75Ibid.

75Center Stage, "Great Theatre for a Great City," Brochure, 1984, n.p. 44

the growth of Euro-American dramatic literature; it has

provided employment for artists and craftspeople; and it has

added quantity and quality to the cultural life in Baltimore

City.

Arena Players

Over three decades ago, a young black Baltimorean,

Samuel H. Wilson, Jr., envisioned a theatre where he and his

friends could perform. Following his discharge from the

Army after World War II, he studied theatre at Boston

University and formulated dreams about what could be done in

his home town. When he graduated, he returned home.

Wanting desperately to perform non-stereotypical roles,

Wilson recalls he "didn't meet with any success in the

established white companies in Baltimore. He could play a

butler but no one was willing to experiment.^ He

encouraged a few people to join him and together they

formulated the Arena Players in 1953.

Over the years, the Arena Players has had many

homes. Its first home was in the loft of a building on the campus of Coppin State College. The Arena Players' first production was Hello Out There by William Saroyan. This was

^"Black Theatre In Baltimore; A Revolution of The Mind," The Evening Sun, April 1969. 45

followed by The Happy Journey and The Bronze Lady.T h e

settings for all productions were very plain. George

Barrick, a current board member, recalls "'We'd go in Friday night, set up our scenery and props, hold plays Friday,

Saturday and Sunday nights. We'd stay until 4 o'clock

Monday because we had to clean up so classes could resume.'"79 other homes included the YMCA on Druid Hill

Avenue, The Great Hall of St. Mary's Church, and Murphy

Of) Auditorium at Morgan State College. *

In 1962, the Arena Players moved to their current home on Orchard and McCulloh Streets. At the time that they moved into the building, it seemed to be an ideal location,

in the heart of the black community in West Baltimore. The building itself was in bad condition; however, it served its main purpose as a place for blacks to perform. The building, which once served as a casket warehouse, was rented to the group.

^8Arena Players, Inc., "Thirty Years," Arena Players, Inc. Thirtieth Anniversary Yearbook 1953-1983 (Baltimore, 1983), p. 28.

79"Theatre 'Family' Celebrates 30th Season," The Sun, 31 October 1982, sec. D, p. 1.

®°Arena Players, Inc., "History of Arena Players," Baltimore, Maryland 1974, n.p. (Mimeographed.) *Morgan State College became Morgan State University in 1975. 46

By 1963, the Arena Players drew up their articles of

incorporation, which were not signed until November 81 1965. Under the articles of incorporation, the Arena

Players, Inc. is a "not-for-profit, permanent dramatic

organization for the interpretation and presentation of

plays . . . a promoter of social, civic, athletic,

charitable enterprises . . . and a non-stock corporation."®^

In 1967, after the group bought the building, the

city began complaining about violations of fire and building

codes. It seemed more practical to renovate instead of

repair. Thus, the Arena Players began to campaign to make

their house a better home.

Arena had to raise $150,000 to avoid the wirecker's ball. Funds were needed to install fire doors, move the 2 0 0 -seat theatre from the second to the first floor, enlarge the backstage area, and improve the lighting. Until that time Arena had never solicited for any outside support for grants, endowments or subsidies. It never had to, for it was both self-supporting and debt free. 8 3

In the beginning, the Arena Players wanted to

"expose the black middle class audience to the same types of plays that white middle class audiences had seen year after

81Arena Players, Inc., Articles of Incorporation of Arena Players Inc., State Department of Assessments and Taxation (Baltimore, Maryland, 5 November 1965), p. 151. 8 Ibid., pp. 148-150.

83Kenneth Stein, "Federal Greenbacks to Prevent An Arena Blackout," Baltimore Magazine (September 1975), p. 33. 47

year on Broadway. Until 1969, the only plays black playwrights dared to consider were safe."8^ For example,

they did plays like A Raisin in the Sun by Lorraine

Hansberry and Tambourines to Glory by Langston Hughes.

Today, the Arena Players still perform warmed-over Broadway plays and still the basic diet has remained standards by white playwrights. 8 6

Once, the group ventured out to do some innovative work. They produced three act plays from the black revolutionary theatre

all of which dealt frankly, often in gutter language, with frustrations of the black urban poor. 'These plays really shook up our black bourgeoise audience,1 said Irvin Turner, one of Arena's founding actor-directors. 'I hope the plays also forced them to think a bit more seriously about the way they've been brainwashed by this society. Some of them are as ignorant of the ghetto black man's problems as most white people.' If they get upset about harsh language that tells the truth, then the short comings are theirs. They're just as black as I am and they'd better start facing up to some of the problems.'86

Barbara Mealy, an Arena Player who was in the production Clara's Ole Man by Ed Bullins, felt apprehensive delivering her lines. "I'd say a line and then I wanted to

8^"Arena Players Reflect Changes In Black Theatre," The Sun Magazine, 2 November 1969, p. 16.

85ibid., p. 18.

86,1 Arena Players Reflects Changes In Black Theatre," The Sun Magazine, 2 November 1969, p. 16. 48

turn to the audience and say, 'I'm sorry . . . but the

language of these plays, that's where it's happening. "'®^

Yet in spite of the staging of the "ethnic plays" the majority of the productions still remains traditional.

The continuous growth of the Arena Players is a result of the combined efforts of the actors, who go out to sell tickets to their own shows. On one occasion, the

"actors took their salaries to pay for the rented chairs the audience was sitting in."®® Wardrobe and furniture for the plays are still supplied by the actors, their friends and families.®®

Over the years, the Arena Players have stimulated the community and the community has reciprocated. Since

1965, the Arena Players have each year (with the exception of 1980) sponsored an awards banquet to honor members and community friends. This banquet is a fund-raising activity designed to promote and encourage playwrights, artists and other community activists who have contributed to

Baltimore's growth. A few noteworthy honorees have been:

®^"Black Theatre In Baltimore: A Revolution of the Mind," The Evening Sun, April 1969.

®®"Arena Players have unusual past and big plans for future," The Sun, 16 June 1975, sec. B, p. 1.

®®"Arena Players Reflects Changes In Black Theatre," The Sun Magazine, 2 November 1969, p. 18. 49

1) Langston Hughes, 2) Cab Calloway, 3) Mrs. Morris A.

Mechanic (of the Mechanic Theatre), 4) Edward J. Golden

(founder of Center Stage), 5) Trazana Beverly (Tony Award winner for her performance in For Colored Girls Who Have

Considered Suicide/When the Rainbow Is Enuf, 6 ) Louis

Gossett, Jr. (of Roots and An Officer and A Gentleman and 7)

Howard E. Rollins (Oscar nominee for his performance in Qfl Ragtime and star of A Soldier's Story.)JU

Another program is the Youtheatre, a summer-fall youth theatre training workshop for students ages fourteen to twenty. This two-year internship serves as a development program in drama, music, dance and technical theatre. Each year a graduating high school student is awarded the

Lorraine Hansberry Scholarship Award of $1,000 to encourage further study in the theatrical arts. 91- Another important branch of the Arena Players is the Women's Committee. This group of dedicated women organizes the Awards Banquet. They also act as fundraisers, artistic advisors and even serve as house managers when needed. Still another noteworthy program is the Rat Squad.

90Arena Players, Inc., "Arena Players Award: Past Recipients," Arena Players, Inc., Thirtieth Anniversary Yearbook 1953-1983, p. 19.

91Arena Players, Inc., "History of Arena Players," n.p. 50

In September of 1982, Mayer Shaefer's Baltimore City Foundation/Blue Chip-In Program announced plans to allocate the sum of $50,000 for the establishment of a touring company which would teach the city children the. importance of rodent eradication methods. The Arena Players was awarded the contract to produce the touring show. 9 2

The play, entitled Zap the R at, was performed 180 times. 9 3

The Arena Players tries to include as many people as possible from the community in its productions. There are open auditions held throughout the year in order to accomodate those who would like the opportunity to perform. Ticket prices have always remained low ($12.00 for musicals and $8.00 for non-musicals). To those who can not pay to see the productions, free performances are offered.

Over 200 people, both black and white, have become active recruiting and contributing members of the Arena Players.

In the past few years, the group has received subsidies from several sources, including small businesses and organizations, the Grace Foundation, Baltimore City, the

94 State of Maryland and the National Endowment for the Arts. ’

92Arena Players, Inc., "Zap the Rat: City Utilizes Arena Players," Arena Playrs, Inc., Thirtieth Anniversary Yearbook 1953-1983, p. 26.

9 3 Ibid.

^Interview with Samuel Wilson, the Arena Playhouse, Baltimore, Maryland, 12 October 1983. 51

The Arena Players has survived many challenges. As a community theatre, it has provided a wholesome environment; it has maintained low prices so that a wide segment of the community has not been excluded, and it has provided a place for black artists to practice their craft. The Arena Players is a vital part of Baltimore

City's theatre community. CHAPTER III

HYPOTHESES AND RESEARCH DESIGN

The review of the literature on black theatre in

America and Baltimore's theatre environment clearly indicated that no professional black theatre presently exists in the city. Because of this void, a feasibility study was proposed which would poll the opinions of

Baltimoreans who are actively involved in the arts in order to assess the need and market for a professional black theatre in the city of Baltimore. It was hypothesized that such a need and market do exist in the city.

A questionnaire survey was chosen specifically because it allowed for the gathering of primary data. It was felt that the most accurate judgmental assessments could be gathered from those who know the arts' market and public tastes of Baltimore. This group of experts, composed of arts specialists, are among the well-informed opinion leaders in Baltimore City.

The chosen participants came from community theatres

(professional and non-professional), area colleges and universities, arts organizations, local media and government. A total of thirty people were selected to participate. The sample was stratified along racial lines

52 53

to a composition of 50 percent black respondents and 50 percent white. The reason for this racial stratification was based on the hypothesis of this researcher that racial differences in the perceptions about the need for a professional black theatre correlate with racial differences.

Participants were contacted by this researcher via a variety of methods. All were individuals affiliated with the arts, generally recognized as important to Baltimore's arts community and who agreed to complete a Likert-type scale of their perceptions of the need for a professional black theatre in Baltimore. (See Appendix 4)

The survey data consisted of two parts. The first segment was composed of twelve statements pertaining to

Baltimore's existing theatre market and its potential for black theatre. The second part consisted of three demographic questions designed to. gather some descriptive information on the respondents.

The survey was designed to measure reactions of arts experts to statements concerning Baltimore and the prospect for a professional black theatre in Baltimore. Overall, it was not known if the arts experts would indicate positive or negative perceptions concerning the feasibility of a professional black theatre in Baltimore; however, it was felt that the majority of respondents, regardless of race, 54

would react positively to the concept of a professional black theatre.

H^: Arts experts feel that Baltimore needs and wants a professional black theatre.

It was further hypothesized that white arts experts would show more agreement with some statements than would blacks, based on the economic, socio-cultural, and perceptual differences which are known to be indicative of the different races.

H 2 : Whites would agree more than blacks with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre.

H 2 A: Whites would agree more than blacks with the statement Baltimore is a theatre town.

It was felt that whites would agree with this statement more than blacks since Baltimore's present theatre offerings are more oriented toward white audiences.

H 2 B: Whites would agree more than blacks that the quality of theatre in Baltimore is competitve with other large U.S. cities.

It was felt whites would agree with this statement more since theatrical offerings in other U.S. cities are similar in style.

H 2 C: Whites would agree more than blacks that blacks, on the whole, do not support theatre in Baltimore.

This hypothesis was made because the majority of theatrical offerings in Baltimore are not targeted toward black audiences; therefore, representation from the black community is minimal. 55

H 2 D: Whites would agree more than blacks that Baltimore is a theatre oriented metropolitan area.

This hypothesis was based on the present theatrical

offerings in Baltimore which appeal more to white

audiences. (This statement was used as a confirmation to

the responses from H 2 A.)

H 2 E: Whites would agree more than blacks that Baltimore is not capable of sustaining a professional black theatre.

It was felt that because of the small ratio of black

supporters of the professional theatres in Baltimore, in

comparison to whites, whites would be inclined to agree more.

H 2 F: Whites would agree more than blacks that there are not enough high-quality black plays to be produced by a professional theatre.

This hypothesis was based on the small number of black plays produced in comparison to white plays.

H 3 : Blacks would agree more than whites with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre.

H 3 A: Blacks would agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be a cultural asset.

It was believed that because of the limited theatrical offerings targeted to black audiences in

Baltimore, blacks would agree more to this statement.

H 3 B: Blacks would agree more than whites that Baltimore's black communities need cultural enhancement. 56

This hypothesis was based on the limited number of

cultural events specifically designed to appeal to

Baltimore's black communities.

H 3 C: Blacks would agree more than whites that Baltimore needs a professional black theatre.

It was felt that blacks are aware of the lack of

professional offerings targeted to the black theatre

audiences in Baltimore.

H 3 D: Blacks would agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be profitable in Baltimore.

It was hypothesized blacks would agree more than

whites based on the lack of cultural programs for black

communities; hence, blacks would be strong supporters of an

institution with their interests at heart.

H 3 E: Blacks would be more supportive of a professional black theatre than whites.

This hypothesis is based on the notion that blacks

are more likely to support an institution geared toward

their life-styles and experiences.

H 3 F: Blacks are more likely to attend a performance produced by a professional black theatre.

It was believed that blacks would be more receptive

to productions targeted to them based on similar experiences among blacks. CHAPTER IV

FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

The questionnaires were hand distributed and

collected during the spring and summer of 1984. Responses

were analyzed using a Mann-Whitney U Test since the data was

ordinal (rank-ordered with no absolute zero ranking) and the

study involved two independent groups drawn from the same

population. The Mann-Whitney U Test is one of the most

powerful nonparametric tests and is an alternative to the

T-test when the data is not interval (distances between any

two numbers on the scale are known and the scale has a zero

point).

Overall, based on the survey findings, it was

discovered that Baltimore's cultural leaders, regardless of

race, agree that there is a need and a market for a professional black theatre in Baltimore. Therefore, the

first hypothesis was accepted that there is a need and a market for a professional black theatre in Baltimore.

: Arts experts feel that Baltimore needs and wants a professional black theatre.

This hypothesis was accepted because the following

results were gathered for the statements on the scale.

57 58

TABLE 2

MEAN RESPONSES TO SURVEY STATEMENTS

Statements Mean

1. Baltimore is a theatre town. 2.13

2. The quality of theatre in Baltimore is competitive with other U.S. cities. 2.37

3. A professional black theatre would be a cultural asset. 1. 4

4. Baltimore's black communities need cultural enhancement. 1.56

5. Baltimore is a theatre oriented metro­ politan area. 2. 73

6 . Baltimore needs a professional black theatre. 1.86

7. I would support a professional black theatre. 1.7

8 . I would attend a performance produced by a professional black theatre. 1.46

9. A professional black theatre would be profitable in Baltimore. 2.8

10. Baltimore is not capable of sustaining a professional black theatre. 3. 06

11. Blacks in Baltimore, on the whole, do not support theatre. 3.13

12. There are not enough high-quality black plays to be produced by a professional theatre. 3.46

H2: Whites would agree more than blacks with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre. 59

The second hypothesis, whites would agree more than blacks with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre was rejected for:

H 2 A: Whites would agree more than blacks with the statement Baltimore is a theatre town.

H 2 B: Whites would agree more than blacks that the quality of theatre in Baltimore is competitive with other large U.S. cities.

H 2 C: Whites would agree more than blacks that blacks, on the whole, do not support theatre in Baltimore.

H 2 D: Whites would agree more than blacks that Baltimore is a theatre oriented metropolitan area.

H 2 E: Whites would agree more than blacks that Baltimore is not capable of sustaining a professional black theatre.

H 2 F: Whites would agree more than blacks that there are not enough high-quality black plays to be produced by a professional theatre.

These hypotheses were rejected based on the results of the Mann-Whitney U Tests. (See Appendices 5-10). No statistically significant results were found between black and white responses for these statements.

H 3 : Blacks would agree more than whites with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre.

The third hypothesis, blacks would agree more than whites with some statements concerning Baltimore and its prospects for a professional black theatre, was rejected for: 60

H3A: Blacks would agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be a cultural asset.

H 3B: Blacks would agree more than whites that Baltimore's black communities need cultural' enhancement.

H3C: Blacks would agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be profitable in Baltimore.

H3E: Blacks would be more supportive of a professional black theatre than whites.

H3F: Blacks are more likely to attend a performance produced by a professional black theatre.

The third hypothesis was accepted for:

H3D: Blacks would agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be profitable in Baltimore.

The Mann-Whitney U Test indicated that blacks did agree more than whites with the statement, blacks agree more than whites that a professional black theatre would be profitable in Baltimore. (See Appendix 11) The reason may be because whites have lived and worked in other cities and perhaps they know more about costs for profitability. On the other hand, it is possible that black arts experts know more about the financial capabilities of Baltimore's black communities.

Significant differences were found in the demographic data of the two racial groups. The results of

T-tests indicate that blacks have lived in Baltimore an average 37.47 years compared to whites who have lived in 61

Baltimore an average of 19.47 years. In addition, the

average age of blacks was 52.73 as compared to whites, whose

average age was 42.87 years. Fourteen out of fifteen

whites' area of arts speciality was theatre, the other was

music, compared to twelve blacks in theatre, two in music

and one in dance. These differences, however, did not

appear to have an effect on these arts experts' perceptions of the need and market for a professional black theatre.

Conclusion

Based upon Baltimore's theatrical past and present;

the projected growth of the black population; the development of black theatre; and the views of Baltimore's arts experts, there is a need and a market for a professional black theatre. It has become clear that the

Mechanic Theatre will continue to produce Broadway-style shows, Center Stage will continue to produce Euro-American dramas and the Arena Players will continue to base their season around a conglomeration of the two, with a few

"ethnic" plays every now and then, but not with a permanent black professional focus. These theatres have already found a place in Baltimore's theatre marketplace by appealing to certain audiences.

The experts agree that there is an abundance of black plays that could be produced by a professional theatre; there is a supporting audience; and a need for 62

cultural enhancement within the black community. A

professional black theatre could very well focus on these

needs and certainly create a niche in Baltimore's theatre

marketplace. Based on all these findings there should be

serious consideration given to the creation of a

professional black theatre in Baltimore.

It is strongly recommended that a professional black

theatre be initiated in Baltimore. A professional black

theatre would present another alternative for serious

theatregoers in Baltimore. It is suggested that the theatre

be patterned after some of the established theatres like the

Negro Ensemble Company or the Karamu House. For example,

the Negro Ensemble Company operates under AEA LORT contract

(Actors Equity Association League of Resident Theatres), utilizing a resident company of actors, directors and designers with a full-time^staff. The Negro Ensemble

Company receives its funding from corporate sponsorship, as well as grants from foundations, individual donations and ticket sales. A large portion of their income comes from touring which is an important part of the Negro Ensemble

Company's operational concept. For example, the production of A Soldier's Play was paid for and promoted by AT&T. In addition, the movie, A Soldier's Story, was backed by

Columbia Pictures, a subsidiary of the Coca Cola Company.

Note, the Negro Ensemble Company's programming consists of 63

almost exclusively new works. Needless to say, a very large

portion of their scripts are the body of contemporary black

dramatic literature.

The Karamu House, in Cleveland, Ohio, another

professional black theatre which can serve as a model for

Baltimore, serves as a training institution offering

extensive programming in all phases of theatre. The Karamu

House also receives its funding from a variety of sources

(corporations, foundations, individuals). In 1979 Karamu

House was named one of six recipients of a Kennedy Center

grant to commission a playwright to produce an original

work. The Karamu House is committed to the community by

providing entertainment that is educational and socially

relevent.

Since there is reservation among white arts experts

in the area of financial stability, a professional black

theatre would need to investigate or search for financial

support from untapped and undertapped resources. The ideal

financial support system would consist of government

sponsorship (local, state and federal), corporate donations, public and private foundation funding, as well as individual gifts. In the best interest of a professional black

theatre, it is recommended that the theatre become a non­ profit, tax-exempt institution with a board of directors

serving as policy makers, creating an environment conducive 64

for artistic development and sound management.

It is hoped and recommended that a professional black theatre creates within the black community a close knit relationship among amateur and professional playwrights, performers, designers, technicians and managers. This would compel a professional black theatre to find an alternative to audience development without affecting the patronage of the Arena Players, which presently caters to a predominately Black audience.

As a result of this feasibility study, suggested areas for further investigation include marketing, fund­ raising and programming for a professional black theatre.

Through marketing, a detailed exploration can be made to match the artists1 creations with the appropriate audience. This exploration process should consist of in- depth analysis of the present environment (external and internal) ; planning or forecasting opportunities and problems (identify gaps); implementing objectives (a detailed action plan); and a monitoring system (retrieval of data).

Organized fundraising will be essential for a non­ profit, professional black theatre's survival. Prior to preparing an appeal for financial support, a professional black theatre must prepare a statement of purpose of a clearly thought-out objective for each campaign. This 65

objective should state the importance of the organization

and justify why it needs or deserves financial support.

Other necessary considerations and steps are identification

of possible resources; find committed and dedicated

advocates; create and sustain a mood of relevance, urgency

and confidence for donors; and use gifts wisely and

imaginatively so monies are not wasted.

Last, but not least, a professional black theatre must maintain the highest possible standards for

programming. There must be an on-going search for scripts

that will best represent a professional black theatre,

protect and perpetuate its artistic heritage and serve

Baltimore's theatrical community. APPENDIX 1

MECHANIC THEATRE'S PLAY LIST 1976-1984

1976-1977

Sly Fox Hellzapoppin Bed Before Yesterday Equus Raisin A Chorus Line Anna Christie Grease Same Time, Next Year Matter of Gravity A Party with Comden & Green Bubbling Brown Sugar

1977-1978:

Golda Yatran A Touch of the Poet California Suite The Nutcracker Paul Robeson Chicago For Colored Girls Diversions and Delights Shenandoah Pippin Dracula Gracious Living Magic Show Bubbling Brown Sugar Me Nobody Knows

1978-1979

The Music Man The Kingfisher The Wiz Hello, Dolly! The Last of Mrs. Cheyney The Eliot Feld Ballet Eubie

66 67

1978-1979 (continued)

Faither Healer Equus Grease Chapter Two A Choris Line Timbuktu

1979-1980

Ain't Misbehavin1 Da Deathtrap The Elephant Man I Love My Wife Filumena Annie Vincent Equus: The Ballet Day in Hollywood/Night in Ukraine Fiddler On The Roof Feld Ballet

1980-1981

The American Clock Makin' Whoopee St. Mark's Gospel The Nutcracker The Best Little Whorehouse In Texas Whose Life Is It Anyway? I Ought To Be In Pictures Dancin' On Golden Pond Children Of A Lesser God Baltimore International Theatre Festival

1981-1982

Othello They're Playing Our Song Penny By Penny To Grandmother's House We Go One Mo' Time Annie Emlyn Williams as Charles Dickens Sugar Babies Morning's At Seven One Mo' Time 68

1981-1982 (continued)

Dancin' Sweeny Todd Best Little Whorehouse In Texas

1982-1983

Foxfire Twice Around the Park Show Boat (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE) Mass Appeal A Chorus Line Evita (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE) Amadeus Room Service Your Arms Too Short to Box With God (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE) Sophisticated Ladies (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE)

1983-1984

I Dol I Do! Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat The Glass Menagerie Master Harold and the Boys Bethoven's Tenth Agnes of God The King and I (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE) Marcel Marceau (one performance) A Soldier's Play Lena Horne: The Lady and Her Music The Wiz (LYRIC OPERA HOUSE) Little Shop of Horrors Kismet APPENDIX 2

CENTER STAGE PLAYLIST 1963-1985

1963

La Ronde You Touched Me! The Maids and The Zoo Story Arms and the Man Beyond the Horizon Amphitryon 38 The Mousetrap The Chairs and The Lesson

1963-1964

Light Up the Sky Summer of the Seventeenth Doll The Importance of Being Earnest Silent Night, Lonely Night Portrait of a Madonna and The Respectful Prostitute The Room and Five Sketches A Shot In the Dark Anna Christie Bedtime Story and The Shadow of a Gunman Twelfth Night

1964-1965

The Hostage The Country Wife Galileo The Doctor's Dilemma A Touch of the Poet The Physicists Six Characters In Search of an Author The Lady's Not for Burning

1965-1966

Ceasar and Cleopatra The Tavern Ardele The Birthday Party The Days Between The Chinese Wall As You Like It

69 70

1966-1967

The Miser The Death of Bessie Smith and Benito Cereno Lady Audley's Secret The Balcony Titus Andronicus Noah A Penny For a Song

1967-1968

Waiting For Godot The Member of the Wedding Hamlet The Devil's Disciple An Enemy of the People The Royal Family Et Cetera '68

1968-1969

Boy Meets Girl The Journey of the Fifth Horse The Homecoming The Merchant of Venice Bonus March A Doll's House

1969-1970

Slow Dance On the Killing Ground The Knack Long Day's Journey Into Night The Tempest Park The Indian Wants the Bronx Who's Got His Own The Glass Menageria

1970-1971

A Cry of Players Marat/Sade Twelfth Night The Lover and The Collection Ceremonies in Dark Old Men Fire in the Mindhouse 71

1971-1972

The Trial of the Catonsville Nine The Seagull The Beaux Strategem Andorra Mimes and Pantomimes Staircase Death of a Salesman

1972-1973

One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest Dandy Dick Two Saints Julius Ceasar The Petrified Forest The Me Nobody Knows

1973-1974

The Hot L Baltimore Uncle Vanya Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf Hay Fever A View From the Bridge Happy Birthday, Wanda June

1975-1976

Tartuffe Busy Bee Good Food All Night Delicious and Borders Dream On Monkey Mountain Old Times The Cherry Orchard The Real Inspector Hound and Black Comedy

1976-1977

She Stoops to Conquer When You Cornin' Back, Red Ryder? Misalliance Toys In The Attic The First Breeze of Summer Knock, Knock A Sorrow Beyond Dreams

1977-1978

The Goodbye People 72

1977-1978 (continued)

The Rivals The Runner Stumbles Night of the Iguana Ashes Blith Spirit

1978-1979

The Shadow Box Born Yesterday A Christmas Carol: Scrooge and Marley G. R. Point Measure for Measure You Can't Take It With You Bon jour, La Bonjour

1979-1980

Mother Courage and Her Children: A Chronicle of the Thirty Years War Pvt. Wars and Lone Star A Christmas Carol: Scrooge and Marley Watch on the Rhine A Day in the Death of Joe Egg Crimes of the Heart Cyrano De Bergerac

1980-1981

The Front Page Agnes of God The Duenna A Man For All Seasons Sally's Gone, She Left Her Name Inherit the Wind

1981-1982

A Lesson From Aloes Much Ado About Nothing The Amen Corner The Workroom (L'Atelier) Terra Nova Savages

1982-1983

Last Looks 73

1982-1983 (continued)

The Miser Division Street Wings The Woman Love's Labor's Lost

1983-1984

Crossing the Bar Our Town The Sleep of Reason You Never Can Tell Another Part of the Forest Ohio Tip-Off

1984-1985

Danton's Death Henry IV, Part I On the Verge or the Geography of Yearning Painting Churches A Flea in Her Ear

Playwrights 85

Execution of Justice Native Speech Who They Are and How It Is With Them APPENDIX 3

ARENA PLAYERS PLAY LIST 1953-1983

1953

Hello Out There The Happy Journey The Bronze Lady Twenty-Seven Wagons This Property is Condemned

1954

The Madwoman of Chaillot The Cradle Song All My Sons Pygmalion The Long Goodbye Portrait of a Madonna

1955

Picnic My Three Angels Our Town Angel in the Pawnshop Summer and Smoke

1956

Arsenic and Old Lace Tea and Sympathy Buy Me Blue Ribbons Ladies in Retirement Death of a Salesman

1957

Champagne Complex The Prisoner The Little Hut The Glass Menagerie A Hatful of Rain

74 75

1958

Dark of the Moon Fallen Angels The Immoralist The Waltz of the Toreadors The Rainmaker

1959

Cues, Characters, Coffee Blith Spirit Look Back in Anger The Heiress Come Back Little Sheba

1960

Affairs of State Aria De Capo Hello Out There Fumed Oak The Showoff Night Must Fall On Borrowed Time

1961

Road Show Here We Are The Traveler Glory in the Flower Silent Night Lonely Night Hands Across the Sea Still Life The Flattering Word The Night is My Enemy The Still Alarm The Ugly Duckling The Sandbox The Zoo Story

1962

Candida Raisin in the Sun Soul Gone Home Pilgrims Pride Celestial Cymbals Simply Heavenly 76

1962 (continued)

Take A Giant Step

1963

The Beautiful People Fools Paradise Separate Tables A Murder Has Been Arranged The Boyfried

1964

Anna Lucasta The Moon is Blue Twelve Angry Men

1965

A Story for a Sunday Evening Mary, Mary Purlie Victorious The Heiress Tambourines to Glory Dial M for Murder

1966

Bus Stop Ready When You Are C.B. Tambourines to Glory The Glass Menagerie Happy Ending & Day of Absence

1967

Take Care of Business Clara's Old Man How Do You Do A Thousand Clowns The Best Man Tambourines to Glory The Amen Corner

1968

In the Wine Time The Fantastics Wait Until Dark 77

1968 (continued)

The Amen Corner

1969

Death of a Salesman Ceremonies in Dark Old Men Little Ham The Connection The Owl and the Pussy Cat

1970

The Children's Hour The Mouse Trap In New England Winter Tambourines to Glory The Reckoning The Gentleman Caller Black Mass

1971

Simply Heavenly The Deadly Game To Be Young Gifted and Black Sty of the Blind Pig Five on the Black Hand Side

1972

Simply Heavenly The Deadly Game To Be Young Gifted and Black Sty of the Blind Pig Five on the Black Hand Side

1973

The Curious Savage Tambourines t o Glory Surgarmouth Sam Don't Dance No More Dark of the Moon Day of Absence Thunder in the Index To Be Young Gifted and Black 78

1973 (continued)

The Minstrel Boy Nightwatch The Clinic The Everlasting Arm

1974

Purlie Freeman Butterflies Are Free Amahl and the Night Visitors Living Room Veronica's Room Contr ibution

1975

Wedding Band And Miss Reardon Drinks a Little Purlie Butterflies Are Free When You Cornin' Back, Red Ryder?

1976

Little Ham Bad Seed None to Call Him Father It's Showdown Time Soul Gone Home Shoes Mother and Child On Being Hit The First Breeze of Summer

1977

The Madwoman of Chaillot Ladies in Retirement Picnic Contr ibutions The Boyfriend Fount of the Nation Aria De Capo The Sandbox The Everlasting Arm 79

1978

The Boyfriend Child's Play It's Simply Love Gingerbread Lady Detective Story The Philosopher Limer Cleaning the Temple

1979

Don't Bother Me I Can't Cope Eden Tom Sawyer 227 Dr. Cook's Garden The Amorous Flea

1980

Tambourines to Glory The Night is My Enemy Babes in Toyland The Mighty Gents Wine in the Wilderness Happy Ending Fair Play for Eve A Wind Between the Houses

1981

It's So Nice to be Civilized Porch Patiio Who Afraid of Virginia Woolf 227 Eubie See How They Run The Magical Pied Piper

1982

Purlie Hands Across the Sea Fumed Oak Poor Aubrey Treemonisha Anna Lucasta It's Showdown Time Vanities 80

1982 (continued)

Billy No Name

1983

Second Time Around Old Phantoms You're A Good Man, Charlie Brown Murder Without Crime Sojourner Truth A Breeze From the Gulf Ballroom APPENDIX 4

QUESTIONNAIRE

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MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 1

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if U is if 72.

1 1 4 B 1 5 4 1 2 4 1 6 4 1 2 1 3 4 16 1 7 4 1 4 4 2 16 15 2 8 15 2 17 15 2 9 15 2 18 15 2 1 0 15 2 19 15 105 2 1 1 15 1 2 0 2 2 0 15 2 1 2 15 2 2 1 15 2 13 15 2 2 2 15 2 14 15 3 25 25 2 15 15 3 26 25 75 3 23 25 50 3 27 25 3 24 25 4 29 29 58 4 28 29 29 4 30 29

R-L = 215 R 2 = 250

U = n ^ n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - Rj^ U = n 1 n 2 + nl (nl + 1) - r 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 215 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 250 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 215 U = 225 + 120 - 250

U = 130 U = 95

check 130 + 95 = 225 No difference in response to Ql since 95 is not •< 72.

82 APPENDIX 6

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 2

Critical value p(.05) = 6 6 . There is a difference if D is < 6 6 .

1 1 3.5 1 5 3.5 1 2 3.5 1 6 3.5 7 1 3 3.5 14 2 13 13 1 4 3.5 2 15 13 2 7 13 2 16 13 91 2 9 13 78 2 17 13 2 1 0 13 2 18 13 2 1 1 13 2 19 13 2 1 2 13 3 2 0 21.5 3 2 1 21.5 4 25 26 3 2 2 21.5 4 26 26 104 3 23 21.5 64.5 4 27 26 4 24 26 4 28 26 5 29 29 29

Rx = 182.5 R 2 = 252.5

U = n^n2 + nl(nl + 1) - R^ U = n1 n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - R 2 2 2

U = (14) (15) + 14(15) - 182.5 U = (14) (15) + 14(15) - 252.5 2 2

U = 210 + 105 - 182.5 U = 210 + 105 - 252.5

U = 132.5 U = 77.5

check 132.5 + 77.5 = 210 N o difference in response to Q 2 since 77.5 is not 66.

83 APPENDIX 7

MANN-WHITNE Y U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 3

Critical value p(.05) = 6 6 . There is a difference if U is < 6 6 .

2 1 5 2 5 5 2 2 5 2 6 5 2 3 5 2 0 2 7 5 25 2 4 5 2 8 5 3 1 0 13.5 2 9 5 3 1 1 13.5 40.5 3 14 13.5 3 1 2 13. 5 3 14 13. 5 4 18 23 3 15 13.5 67.5 4 19 23 3 16 13. 5 4 2 0 23 3 17 13. 5 4 2 1 23 61 4 25 23 4 2 2 23 4 26 23 4 23 23 4 27 23 92 4 23 23 4 28 23 4 24 23 5 29 29 29

RjL = 221.5 R 2 = 213.5

U = n-jn? + nl(nl + 1) - R-j U = H t Ii , + nl(nl + 1) - R? 2 2

U = (14) (15) + 14(16) - 221.5 U = (14) (15) + 14(15) = 213.5 2 2

U = 210 + 105 - 221.5 U = 210 + 120 - 213.5

U = 93.5 U = 116.5

check 93.5 + 116.5 = 210 No difference in response to Q3 since 93.5 is not 66.

84 APPENDIX 8

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 6

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if u is ; 72.

1 1 2 B 1 2 2 2 4 1 0 1 3 2 4 2 5 1 0 2 1 2 1 0 2 6 1 0 2 13 1 0 50 2 6 1 0 2 14 1 0 2 9 1 0 80 2 15 1 0 2 1 0 1 0 2 16 1 0

2 1 1 1 0 3 18 18.5 3 17 18. 5 3 19 18.5 55. 5 4 2 1 25 3 2 0 18.5 4 2 2 25 4 26 18.5 4 23 25 125 4 27 25 4 24 25 4 28 25 1 0 0 4 25 25 4 29 25

R x = 225.5 R 2 = 239.5

U = n j n ? + nl(nl + 1) - Ri U = n-jn? + nl(nl + 1) - r 2 2 2

U = (15)(15) + 15(16) - 225.5 U = (15)(15) + 15(16) - 239.5 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 225.5 U = 225 + 120 - 239.5

U = 119.5 U = 105.5

check 119.5 + 105.5 = 225 No difference in response to Q6 since 105.5 is not 72

85 APPENDIX 9

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS Fr ATEMENT 7

Critical value p(.05) There is a difference if U it/ ^ 72.

1 1 1 2 3 3 2 2 3 4 2 4 3 6 3 5 9.5 16 3 1 0 9.5 3 6 9. 5 3 1 1 9. 5 3 7 9.5 47.5 3 1 2 9.5 47.5 3 8 9. 5 3 13 9.5 3 9 9.5 3 14 9. 5 4 15 2 1 4 2 2 2 1 4 16 2 1 4 23 2 1 4 17 2 1 147 4 24 2 1 126 4 18 2 1 4 25 2 1 4 19 2 1 4 26 2 1 4 2 0 2 1 4 27 2 1 4 2 1 2 1 5 29 29 58 5 28 29 5 30 29

R x = 227.5 R 2 = 237.5

U = n ^ n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - R^= U n^n 2 + nl(nl + 1 ) - R 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 227.5 U = (15) (15) + 15 (16) - 237.5 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 227.5 U = 225 + 120 - 237.5

U = 117.5 U = 107.5

check 117.5 + 107.5 = 225 No difference in response to Q7 since 95 is not 72.

86 APPENDIX 10

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 10

Critical value p(.Q5) = 72. There is a difference if U is < 72.

2 4 6 B 1 1 2 2 5 6 18 1 2 2 2 6 6 1 3 2 3 9 1 0 1 0 2 7 6 4 1 2 18 2 8 6 4 13 18 3 1 0 1 0 4 14 18 3 1 1 1 0 4 15 18 126 4 19 18 4 16 18 4 2 0 18 4 17 18 4 2 1 18 4 18 18 4 2 2 18 5 25 27 4 23 18 5 26 27 4 24 18 5 27 27 108 5 29 18 5 28 27 5 30 30

R x = 262 R 2 = 203

U = n-inox z + nl(nl ^ + 1) - Ri U = n-ino + nl(nl + 1) - r 2 2

U = (15)(15) + 15(16) - 262 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 203 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 262 U = 225 + 120 = 203

U = 83 U = 142

check 83 + 142 = 225 No difference in response to Q10 since 83 is not < 72.

87 APPENDIX 11

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 9

Critical value p(.05) = 72.

There is a difference if U is f • ito

1 1 3 B 1 2 3 2 6 7.5 15 1 3 3 2 7 7.5 1 4 3 3 1 0 17 1 5 3 3 1 1 17 2 8 7.5 3 1 2 17 2 9 7.5 3 13 17 3 17 17 3 14 17 119 3 18 17 3 15 17 3 19 17 3 16 17 3 2 0 17 4 25 26.5 3 2 1 17 4 26 26.5 79. 5 3 2 2 17 4 27 26.5 3 23 17 5 29 29.5 59 3 24 17 5 30 29.5 4 28 26.5

Rx = 275.5 R 2 = 189.5

2 2 U = nin + nl(nl + 1) - U = n^n + nl(nl + 1) - * 2 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 275.5 U = (15)(15) + 15(16) - 189.5 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 275.5 U = 225 + 120 - 189.5

U = 69.5 U = 155.5

check 69.5 + 155.5 = 225 No difference in response to Q9 since 69.5 is not «= 72.

88 APPENDIX 12

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 4

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if D is f 72.

Q4

W 1 10. 5 B 1 10.5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 1 10. 5 94.5 1 10. 5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 1 10. 5 1 10. 5 115. 5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 1 10. 5 1 10.5 2 24. 5 1 10.5 2 24. 5 1 10.5 2 24. 5 147.0 2 24.5 49 3 24. 5 2 24.5 3 24. 5 3 29.5 59 4 24. 5 3 29.5

R-L = 241.5 R 2 = 223.5

U = n-Ln2 + nl(nl + 1) - U = n 1 n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - R2 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 241.5 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 223.5 2 2

U « 225 + 120 - 241.5 U = 225 + 120 = 223.5

U = 103.5 U = 121.5

check 103.5 + 121. 5 = 225 No difference in response to Q4 since 103.5 is not 72

89 APPENDIX 13

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 5

There is a difference if U is < 72.

Q5

W 1 9 B 1 8 9 2 9 1 9 9 3 9 1 1 0 9 4 9 1 1 1 9 5 9 63 1 1 2 9 6 95 1 13 9 7 9 1 14 9 90 2 18 2 2 1 15 9 2 19 22 1 16 9 2 2 0 2 2 1 1 0 1 17 9 2 2 1 2 2 2 23 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 24 2 2 8 8 3 27 28.5 2 25 2 2 3 28 28.5 85.5 2 26 2 2 3 29 28.5 3 30 28.5 28.5

258.5 r 2 = 206. 5

U = • nl(nl + 1 ) U = n ^ + nl (nl + 1 ) - ■ " R 1 r2 2 2

U = 5) + 15(16) - 258.5 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 206.5 2 2

U = 225 - 120 - 258.5 U = 225 + 1 2 0 - 206.5

U = 86.5 U = 138.5

check 86. 5 + 138.5 = 225 No difference in response to Q5 since 86.5 is not 72,

90 APPENDIX 14

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST- RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 8

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if U is ^ 72.

1 1 6 6 6 1 2 6 7 6 1 3 6 30 8 6 36 1 4 6 9 6 1 5 6 1 0 6 2 1 2 16.5 1 1 6 2 13 16. 5 2 18 16. 5 2 14 16. 5 99 2 19 16. 5 6 6 2 15 16. 5 2 2 0 16. 5 2 16 16. 5 2 2 1 16. 5 2 17 16. 5 3 25 25. 5 3 2 2 25. 5 3 26 25. 5 3 23 25. 5 76.5 3 27 25. 5 127. 5 3 24 25. 5 3 28 25. 5 4 30 30 3 29 25. 5

R x = 235.5 R 2 = 229.5

U = n i n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - Ri U = n-.n2 + nl(nl + 1) - R 2 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 235.5 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 229.5 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 235.5 U = 225 + 120 - 229.5

U = 1 0 9 . 5 U = 11 5 . 5

check 109.5 + 115.5 = 225 No difference in response to Q8 since 109.5 is not «= 72.

91 APPENDIX 15

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 11

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if U is - 72.

1 6 B 1 6 6 2 6 1 7 6 3 6 30 1 8 6 4 6 1 9 6 5 6 1 1 0 6

2 1 2 2 0 1 1 1 6 2 13 2 0 2 2 1 2 0 2 14 2 0 2 2 2 2 0 2 15 2 0 2 23 2 0 2 16 2 0 180 2 24 2 0 2 17 2 0 2 25 2 0 2 18 2 0 2 26 2 0 2 19 2 0 2 27 2 0 2 2 0 2 0 2 28 2 0 3 29 29.5 3 30 29. 5

Rl = 2 3 9 . 5 R 2 = 225. 5

U = n-j^ + n l (nl + !) “ R i U = n 1 n 2 + nl(nl + 1)- r 2 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 239.5 U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 225.5 2 2

U = 225 + 1 2 0 - 239.5 U = 225 + 120 - 225.5

U = 105.5 U = 119.5

check 105.5 + 119.5 = 225 No difference in response to Qll since 105.5 is not < '

92 APPENDIX 16

MANN-WHITNEY U TEST RESULTS FOR STATEMENT 12

Critical value p(.05) = 72. There is a difference if U is < 72.

1 1 9 B 1 1 0 9 1 2 9 1 1 1 9 1 3 9 1 1 2 9 1 4 9 1 13 9 1 5 9 1 14 9 1 6 9 81 1 15 9 1 7 9 1 16 9 1 8 9 1 17 9 1 9 9 2 24 23.5 2 18 23.5 2 25 23.5 2 19 23.5 2 26 23.5 2 2 0 23.5 141 2 27 23.5 2 2 1 23.5 2 28 23.5 2 2 2 23.5 2 29 23.5 2 23 23.5 3 30 30

Rx = 222 R 2 = 243

U = n^n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - R^ U = n 1 n 2 + nl(nl + 1) - r 2 2

U = (15) (15) + 15(16) - 222 U = (15)(15) + 15(16) - 243 2 2

U = 225 + 120 - 222 U = 225 + 120 - 243

U = 123 U = 102

check 123 + 102 = 225 No difference in response to Q12 since 102 is not -c 72.

93 APPENDIX 17

T-TEST RESULTS FOR QUESTION 1

W B 15 71 10 70 8 10 15 12 35 12 17 48 18 70 59 40 27 26 9 15 12 51 18 30 23 35 16 22 10 50

292 562 15 = 19.47 15 = 37.47

W Standard Deviation

15 - 19.47 -4. 47 19.98 10 - 19.47 -9. 47 89. 6 8 8 - 19.47 -11.47 131. 56 15 - 9.47 -4. 47 19.98 35 - 19.47 15.53 241.18 17 - 19.47 -2. 47 6.10 18 - 19.47 -1. 47 2. 16 59 - 19.47 39.53 1562.62 27 - 19.47 7.53 56.7 9 - 19.47 -10. 47 109.62 12 - 19.47 -7.47 55.8 18 - 19.47 -1.47 2.16 23 - 19.47 3. 53 12. 46 16 - 19.47 -3.47 12.04 10 - 19.47 -9.47 89.68

2411.72 14 = 172.27

94 95

B Standard Deviation

71 - 37.47 33.53 1124.26 70 - 37.47 32.53 1058.20 10 - 37.47 27.47 754.60 12 - 37.47 25.47 648.72 12 - 37.47 25.47 648.72 48 - 37.47 10.53 110.88 70 - 37.47 32.53 1058.20 40 - 37.47 2.53 6.40 26 - 37.47 -11.47 131.56 15 - 37.47 -22.47 504.90 51 - 37.47 13.53 183.06 30 - 37.47 -7.47 55.80 35 - 37.47 -2.47 6.10 22 - 37.47 -15.47 239.32 50 - 37.47 12.53 157.00

6687.72 14 = 477.69

Cal. T-Test

19.47 - 37.47

14(172.27) + 14(477.69) 1+1 28 15 15

•18

2411.78 + 6687.66 1+1 28 15 15

9099.44 _ 2 28 15

324.98 x 2 649.96 = 15

43.33

There is significance at the .05 level APPENDIX 18

T-TEST RESULTS FOR QUESTION 2

70 50 71 24 51 54 54 45 52 35 48 35 70 27 40 59 53 43 46 45 51 35 50 43 35 45 50 60 50 43

X1 = 52.73 X 2 = 42.87

Standard Deviation

70 52. 73 17.27 298.25 71 - 52.73 18.27 333.79 51 - 52.73 -1.75 3.06 54 - 52.73 1.27 1.61 52 - 52.73 -.73 .53 48 - 52.73 -4.73 22.37 70 - 52. 73 17.27 298.25 40 - 52.73 -12.73 162.05 53 - 52.73 .027 .07 46 - 52.73 -6.73 45.29 51 - 52.73 -1.75 3.06 50 - 52. 73 -2.73 7.45 35 - 52. 73 -17.73 314.35 50 - 52.73 -2.73 7.45 50 - 52.73 -2.73 7.45

S 2 1503.03 14 + 107.36

S x = 10.36

96 Standard Deviation W 50 - 42.87 7.13 50.84 24 - 42.87 -18.87 356.08 54 - 42.87 11.13 123.88 45 - 42.87 2.13 4.54 35 - 42.87 -7.87 61.94 35 - 42.87 -7.87 61.94 27 - 42.87 -15.87 251.86 59 - 42.87 16.13 260.18 43 - 42.87 .13 .02 45 - 42.87 2.13 4.54 35 - 42.87 -7.87 61.94 43 - 42.87 .13 .02 45 - 42.87 2.13 4.54 60 - 42.87 17.13 293.44 43 - 42.87 . 13 .02 1535.78 14 = 109.7 nx = 15 n 2 58 15

:n^ + r\2 - 2 = fc28 9.86

52.73 - 42. 87 /(15-1) 107.36 + (15-1)109.7 1+.1 28 15 15

(14) (107.36) + (14) (109.7)

1503.04 + 1535.78

3038. 82 28

108.53 2 = 14.47 15 There is significance at the .05 level. 324.98 x 2 649.96 = 15

43.33 There is significance at the .05 level

97 APPENDIX 19

MEAN CALCULATIONS

Statements 1 2 3 4 5 M e a n

1 . 7 15 5 3 0 7 + 30 + 15 + 12 = 64 64 t 30 = 2.13 2 . 6 13 4 5 1 6 + 26 + 12 + 20 + 5 = 69 69 f 29 = 2.37 3. 0 9 8 11 1 18 + 24 + 44 + 5 = 91 91 t 29 = 3.13 4. 20 8 2 0 0 20 + 16 + 6 = 42 42 t 30 = 1.4 5. 17 9 4 0 0 17 + 18 + 12 = 47 47 t 30 = 1.56 6 . 3 13 4 9 1 3 + 26 + 12 + 36 + 5 = 82 82 t 30 = 2.73 7. 1 3 10 13 3 1 + 6+30+52+3= 92 92 * 30 = 3.06 8. 11 10 8 1 0 11 + 20 + 24 + 4 = 59 59 t 30 = 1.96 9. 5 4 15 4 2 5 + 8 + 45 + 16 + 10 = 84 84 t 30 = 2.8 10. 3 5 3 13 6 3 + 10 + 9 + 52 + 30 = 1 04 104 -r 30 = 3.46 11. 11 17 2 0 0 11 + 34 + 6 = 51 51 t 30 = 1 .7 12. 17 12 1 0 0 17 + 24 + 3 = 44 44 t 30 = 1.46

98 APPENDIX 20

TABLE OF CRITICAL VALUES OF U IN THE MANN-WHITNEY TEST Critical Values of U for a One-tailed Test at = .05 or for a Two-tailed Test at = .10 -- rri— 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 n2

1 0 0 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 4 3 3 4 5 5 6 7 7 8 9 9 10 11 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 14 15 16 17 18 5 9 11 12 13 15 16 18 19 20 22 23 25 6 12 14 16 17 19 21 23 25 26 28 30 32 7 15 17 19 21 24 26 28 30 33 35 37 39 8 18 20 23 26 28 31 33 36 39 41 44 47 9 21 24 27 30 33 36 39 42 45 48 51 54 10 24 27 31 34 37 41 44 48 51 55 58 62 11 27 31 34 38 42 46 50 54 57 61 65 69 12 30 34 38 42 47 51 55 60 64 68 72 77 13 33 37 42 47 51 56 61 65 70 75 80 84 14 36 41 46 51 56 61 66 71 77 82 87 92 15 39 44 50 55 61 66 72 77 83 88 94 100 16 42 48 54 60 65 71 77 83 89 95 101 107 17 45 51 57 64 70 77 83 89 96 102 109 115 18 48 55 61 68 75 82 88 95 102 109 116 123 19 51 58 65 72 80 87 94 101 109 116 123 130 20 54 62 69 77 84 92 100 107 115 123 130 138

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