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Democracy in the United States
Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S. -
The Rise of the Territorial State and the Treaty of Westphalia
The Rise of the Territorial State and The Treaty Of Westphalia Dr Daud Hassan* I. INTRODUCTION Territory is one of the most important ingredients of Statehood. It is a tangible attribute of Statehood, defining and declaring the physical area within which a state can enjoy and exercise its sovereignty. I According to Oppenheim: State territory is that defined portion of the surface of the globe which is subject to the sovereignty of the state. A State without a territory is not possible, although the necessary territory may be very smalJ.2 Indispensably States are territorial bodies. In the second Annual message to Congress, December 1. 1862, in defining a Nation, Abraham Lincoln identified the main ingredients of a State: its territory. its people and its law. * Dr Hassan is a lecturer at the Faculty of Law. University of Technology, Sydney. He has special interests in international law. international and comparative environmental law and the law of the sea. The term sovereignty is a complex and poorly defined concept. as it has a long troubled history. and a variety of meanings. See Crawford J, The Creation of States in International Law ( 1979) 26. For example, Hossain identifies three meanings of sovereignty: I. State sovereignty as a distinctive characteristic of states as constituent units of the international legal system: 2. Sovereignty as freedom of action in respect of all matters with regard to which a state is not under any legal obligation: and 3. Sovereignty as the minimum amount of autonomy II hich a state must possess before it can he accorded the status of a sovereign state. -
The Relevance of Federal Norms for State Separation of Powers Michael C
Roger Williams University Law Review Volume 4 | Issue 1 Article 3 Fall 1998 The Relevance of Federal Norms for State Separation of Powers Michael C. Dorf Columbia University Follow this and additional works at: http://docs.rwu.edu/rwu_LR Recommended Citation Dorf, Michael C. (1998) "The Relevance of Federal Norms for State Separation of Powers," Roger Williams University Law Review: Vol. 4: Iss. 1, Article 3. Available at: http://docs.rwu.edu/rwu_LR/vol4/iss1/3 This Symposia is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at DOCS@RWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Roger Williams University Law Review by an authorized administrator of DOCS@RWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Relevance of Federal Norms for State Separation of Powers Michael C. Dorf* INTRODUCTION Of the American Constitution's three most distinctive fea- tures-federalism, judicial protection of individual rights and sep- aration of powers'-only the last has been held inapplicable to the states. First, federalism is, by its terms, a doctrine of power-shar- ing between the national and state governments. The distribution of authority between nation and states was the chief point of con- tention during the period of the Constitution's framing and ratifi- cation, and in recent years, the United States Supreme Court has vigorously enforced federalism norms. 2 Second, although the origi- nal Constitution contained relatively few individual rights provi- sions applicable to the states,3 during the last half-century, the Supreme Court has interpreted the Due Process and Equal Protec- tion Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendments as providing exten- sive protection for individual rights against state interference. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
The Democracy Principle in State Constitutions
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2021 The Democracy Principle in State Constitutions Jessica Bulman-Pozen Columbia Law School, [email protected] Miriam Seifter University of Wisconsin Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Election Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation Jessica Bulman-Pozen & Miriam Seifter, The Democracy Principle in State Constitutions, 119 MICH. L. REV. 859 (2021). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/2654 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DEMOCRACY PRINCIPLE IN STATE CONSTITUTIONS Jessica Bulman-Pozen*& Miriam Seifter** In recent years, antidemocratic behavior has rippled across the nation. Lame- duck state legislatures have stripped popularly elected governors of their pow- ers; extreme partisan gerrymanders have warped representative institutions; state officials have nullified popularly adopted initiatives. The federal Consti- tution offers few resources to address these problems, and ballot-box solutions cannot work when antidemocratic actions undermine elections themselves. Commentators increasingly decry the rule of the many by the few. This Article argues that a vital response has been neglected. State constitu- tions embody a deep commitment to democracy. Unlike the federal Constitu- tion, they were drafted—and have been repeatedly rewritten and amended— to empower popular majorities. -
Inventing Westphalia
Inventing Westphalia Nicholas Pingitore Senior Thesis Spring, 2020 Advisors: Ethan Shagan and Raphael Murillo Pingitore 1 Introduction The Westphalian Moment, if there ever was one, may quite well have occurred more than 100 years after the signing of the now famous Peace, and in Geneva no less. Writing around 1756, Jean-Jacques Rousseau declared in his treatise, A Lasting Peace Through the Federation of Europe that “the Treaty of Westphalia will perhaps forever remain the foundation of our international system.”1 Prevailing social science lore would find no fault with Rousseau’s logic. Examples abound from the last 70 years of various political theories, international histories, university conferences, even modern military alliances, referencing Westphalia.2 Invariably, there are some differences in how these thinkers frame the importance of Westphalia, but the general mold is familiar enough to any sophomore undergraduate enrolled in a course on international relations.3 It goes as follows: The Thirty Years’ War lasted from 1618-1648. This three-decade-long catastrophe was perhaps Europe’s first modern continental war. While the majority of the conflict took place in central Europe, it drew upon every “great power” resulting in an estimated five to eight million deaths. Modern estimates would suggest that such a toll resulted in a 15–20 percent decline in Europe’s population.4 By 1 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Translated by C.E. Vaughan, A Lasting Peace Through The Federation of Europe and The State of War, London: Constable and Company Limited, 1917, p. 55. 2 Javier, Solana. “Securing Peace in Europe.” Speech presented at the Symposium on the Political Relevance of the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, Münster, Germany, November 12, 1998. -
Rethinking Monetary Sovereignty: the Global Credit Money System And
Rethinking Monetary Sovereignty: The Global Credit Money System and the State Steffen Murau, Boston University ([email protected]) Jens van ’t Klooster, KU Leuven/University of Amsterdam, ([email protected]) Abstract: This article proposes a conception of monetary sovereignty that recognizes the reality of today’s global credit money system. Monetary sovereignty is typically used in a Westphalian sense to denote the ability of states to issue and regulate their own currency. This article rejects the Westphalian conception. Instead, it proposes a conception of effective monetary sovereignty that focuses attention on what states are actually able to do in the era of financial globalization. The conception fits the hybridity of the modern credit money system by acknowledging the crucial role not only of central bank money but also of money issued by regulated banks and unregulated shadow banks. These institutions often operate ‘offshore’, outside of a state’s legal jurisdiction, which makes monetary governance more difficult. Monetary sovereignty consists in the ability of states to effectively govern these different segments of the monetary system and thereby achieve their economic policy objectives. Keywords: Financial ethics; political theory; international finance; money; offshore; shadow banking 1 1. Introduction1 Even though monetary sovereignty has repeatedly been declared dead, the concept remains an important reference point in both academic discourse and international politics.2 Its rumoured demise, we contend, is due to a poor understanding of what it means to be sovereign in relation to money. Monetary sovereignty is typically used in a Westphalian sense to denote the mere ability of states to issue and regulate their own currency. -
Topic A: Infringement Upon Countries' Sovereignty and the Role of NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Chair: Abhey Sur Novice Committee Topic A: Infringement upon Countries’ Sovereignty and the Role of NATO in the World Introduction The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is primarily a military alliance that unites the governments of various countries to form a collective defense. Founded on April 4th, 1949, NATO is comprised of 28 countries whose essential purpose is to safeguard the freedom and security of its members through political and military means. Each country involved mutually acts as a defense for every other member state (country). Initially NATO was founded to provide a sense of security for the member states’ people as well has to have a large military force upon command due to the rising Soviet Union. Over the years, NATO has maintained militaristic stability and prevented oncoming threats, most witnessed during the Cold War. On the other hand, NATO has shifted its approach to crisis by developing and promoting the ideas of Peacekeeping and Peacemaking. Peacekeeping is the ongoing maintenance of peace between nations. Peacemaking is resolving disputes in order to create peace between nations. Although NATO is a “military alliance,” it is focused on the peaceful resolution of conflict. NATO is closely interconnected with and works collectively alongside the World Health Organization, the countries of the European Union, as various economic organizations. Although NATO is currently involved in an extensive list of operations, they are prioritizing on discussing infringement upon countries’ sovereignty and their stance on air and missile defense. What is sovereignty and what is NATO’s role in countries’ sovereignty? The official definition for sovereignty is “the authority of a state to govern itself or another state.” In other words the state of governing force has full authority to govern itself without involvement or interference of outside sources. -
Rethinking Anarchy and the State in IR Theory: the Contributions of Classical Anarchism*
Rethinking Anarchy and the State in IR Theory: The Contributions of Classical Anarchism* Alex Prichard University of Bristol © Alex Prichard School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol Working Paper No. 03-10 Dr Alex Prichard gained his PhD from Loughborough University in 2008. His research brings to light the international political theory of the anarchist Pierre- Joseph Proudhon, and will be published by Routledge in 2011 in the 'New International Relations' series as The International Political Theory of Pierre- Joseph Proudhon: A World Without Sovereigns. He is founder and convenor of the PSA Anarchist Studies Network and is co-editor of 'Contemporary Anarchist Studies', a new book series to be published by Continuum from 2010. Dr Prichard was a teaching fellow and research officer at the University of Bath (2008-2009) and is currently an ESRC Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Bristol. He will be a teaching fellow in International Political Theory at the LSE from September 2010. *Please do not cite without the author’s permission. Comments welcome to [email protected] Rethinking Anarchy and the State in IR Theory: The Contributions of Classical Anarchism Abstract: In this paper I intervene in an ongoing debate between Colin Wight and Alex Wendt regarding the nature of the state. The current debate revolves around whether the state is an agent or a structure and seems to have become stuck as regards to the ontological status of groups. For Wendt the state is a person; for Wight the state is a structure that constrains and enables individuals. -
Philosophical Anarchism: the View That There Is No Duty to Obey the State, and That the State Is Not Morally Legitimate
Philosophical anarchism: The view that there is no duty to obey the state, and that the State is not morally legitimate We should be careful, first and foremost, to distinguish this view from other views that might be called “anarchist”. The philosophical anarchist position does not endorse overthrowing the state, nor does it say anything about any particular response that we ought to have to the existence of certain states. Contemporary philosophical anarchist John Simmons claims that “Philosophical anarchists hold that there are good reasons not to oppose or disrupt at least some kinds of illegitimate states, reasons that outweigh any right or obligation of opposition. The practical stance with respect to the state, the philosophical anarchist maintains, should be one of careful consideration and thoughtful weighing of all the reasons that bear on action in a particular set of circumstances.” Cited in Wetman, Cristopher Heath. Is There a Duty to Obey the Law? Cambridge University Press. 2005. pp. 24-25. We’ll be looking at some arguments for the main PA position a little later on, but for now it will be of interest to say what advocates of PA might have to say about the State of Nature. Why exactly is the state of nature to be avoided, according to the views we’ve seen so far? -War of all against all (Hobbes) -Disagreements about how to exercise the “Executive Power” that we all have to punish the wrongdoings of others will lead to unrest between people. (Locke) -Our drive for self-improvement will eventually lead us to a situation in which we are not well-suited to survive without political arrangements (Rousseau) But is the state of nature really that bad? Anarchist suggestion: The problems that we encounter in civilized society are generally caused by the existence of government, and not solved by it Let’s take this claim at face value. -
Separation of Powers Between County Executive and County Fiscal Body
Separation of Powers Between County Executive and County Fiscal Body Karen Arland Ice Miller LLP September 27, 2017 Ice on Fire Separation of Powers Division of governmental authority into three branches – legislative, executive and judicial, each with specified duties on which neither of the other branches can encroach A constitutional doctrine of checks and balances designed to protect the people against tyranny 1 Ice on Fire Historical Background The phrase “separation of powers” is traditionally ascribed to French Enlightenment political philosopher Montesquieu, in The Spirit of the Laws, in 1748. Also known as “Montesquieu’s tri-partite system,” the theory was the division of political power between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary as the best method to promote liberty. 2 Ice on Fire Constitution of the United States Article I – Legislative Section 1 – All legislative Powers granted herein shall be vested in a Congress of the United States. Article II – Executive Section 1 – The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. Article III – Judicial The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. 3 Ice on Fire Indiana Constitution of 1816 Article II - The powers of the Government of Indiana shall be divided into three distinct departments, and each of them be confided to a separate body of Magistracy, to wit: those which are Legislative to one, those which are Executive to another, and those which are Judiciary to another: And no person or collection of persons, being of one of those departments, shall exercise any power properly attached to either of the others, except in the instances herein expressly permitted. -
A Theory of Democracy for the Administrative State
DRAFT: Please do not cite without author’s permission A THEORY OF DEMOCRACY FOR THE ADMINISTRATIVE STATE Edward L. Rubin I. Defining Democracy A discussion of democracy should begin with a definition of the term so that the scope of the discussion is clear. Because democracy, whatever else it may be, is certainly a type of state, or government, it would seem that it will be necessary to move backward and define “state” before proceeding. This does not move back quite for enough, however. Before defining either state or democracy, it is necessary to define “define.” The point may seem abstruse, but it bears directly on any discussion of the subject. One of the many ways in which we no longer inhabit Aristotle’s world is that we do not engage in his discussion about whether the rule of the one, the few or the many is the best form of governance. Instead, virtually everyone agrees that the rule of the many is the best, or indeed the only proper form of government, and that we will refer to that form as a democracy. While there is a great deal of insightful scholarship dealing with autocracy and aristocracy these days, normative debate about government is generally limited to determining the preferable type of democracy. In other words, the debate proceeds within the boundaries of this single term, and we therefore need to understand the process by which the meaning of this horizon-setting term is established. Wittgenstein argues convincingly that language is neither logical nor precise, but rather “part of an activity, or a form of life.”1 His well-known example is the word “game.” What is the definition of a game, he asks, the characteristic that everything we call a game must possess.