The Rise of the Territorial State and the Treaty of Westphalia
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J. Van Der Kroef on the Sovereignty of Indonesian States: a Rejoinder
J. van der Kroef On the sovereignty of Indonesian states: a rejoinder. (Zie nr. 1562) In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 117 (1961), no: 2, Leiden, 238-266 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 01:24:14AM via free access ON THE SOVEREIGNTY OF INDONESIAN STATES: A REJOINDER s always I have read Professor Resink's recent essay on the Indonesian states 1 with great interest. Unfortunately, per- hapAs even more in this latest essay than in most of his other publi- cations, the narrowly focussed jurist, painstakingly gathering precedent, gets in the way of the more widely oriented historian, alert to the total pattern of historie forces and careful to consider the context of each utterance and action. The essay under discussion also contains (pp. 331—332, note 56) a reply to an earlier criticism,2 which I had already occasion to make of Resink's work, and so I may perhaps be permitted to cast this rejoinder in terms of a more comprehensive objection to the purport of Resink's latest paper. There are three points in Professor Resink's essay which, I think, require consideration and to which this rejoinder is addressed. First there is an interpretation of certain statements made by Margadant, Colijn, Verbeek, and others, which leads to the assertion (p. 332, note 56) that these statements question the principle of Dutch sover- eignty in the Indonesian archipelago, specifically in relation to the Indonesian states. Secondly, there is the analysis of how (what Resink calls) the "myth" of a three centuries long présence Nêerlandaise in Indonesia came into being, a process reflected in the work of Stapel and — implicit in Resink's view — further aided and abetted by that historian and others who in the 1930's, under the threat of international developments and of "communistic and nationalistic movements" (p. -
A Global Comparison of Non-Sovereign Island Territories: the Search for ‘True Equality’
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 43-66 A global comparison of non-sovereign island territories: the search for ‘true equality’ Malcom Ferdinand CNRS, Paris, France [email protected] Gert Oostindie KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] (corresponding author) Wouter Veenendaal KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] Abstract: For a great majority of former colonies, the outcome of decolonization was independence. Yet scattered across the globe, remnants of former colonial empires are still non-sovereign as part of larger metropolitan states. There is little drive for independence in these territories, virtually all of which are small island nations, also known as sub-national island jurisdictions (SNIJs). Why do so many former colonial territories choose to remain non-sovereign? In this paper we attempt to answer this question by conducting a global comparative study of non-sovereign jurisdictions. We start off by analyzing their present economic, social and political conditions, after which we assess local levels of (dis)content with the contemporary political status, and their articulation in postcolonial politics. We find that levels of discontent and frustration covary with the particular demographic, socio- economic and historical-cultural conditions of individual territories. While significant independence movements can be observed in only two or three jurisdictions, in virtually all cases there is profound dissatisfaction and frustration with the contemporary non-sovereign arrangement and its outcomes. Instead of achieving independence, the territories’ real struggle nowadays is for obtaining ‘true equality’ with the metropolis, as well as recognition of their distinct cultural identities. -
Splitting Sovereignty: the Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States
Splitting Sovereignty: The Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States JAMES T. KNIGHT II* ABSTRACT From the moment the Constitutional Convention of 1787 ended and the Framers presented their plan to ªform a more perfect Union,º people have debated what form of government that union established. Had the thirteen sepa- rate states surrendered their independence to form a new state stretching from New England to Georgia, or was their individual sovereignty preserved as in the Articles of Confederation? If the states remained sovereign in some respect, what did that mean for the new national government? I propose that the original Constitution would have been viewed as establish- ing a federation of independent, sovereign states. The new federation possessed certain limited powers delegated to it by the states, but it lacked a broad power to legislate for the general welfare and the protection of individual rights. This power, termed ªthe legislative powerº by Enlightenment thinkers, was viewed as the essential, identifying power of a sovereign state under the theoretical framework of eighteenth-century political philosophy. The state constitutions adopted prior to the national Constitutional Convention universally gave their governments this broad legislative power rather than enumerate speci®c areas where the government could legislate. Of the constitutional documents adopted prior to the federal Constitution, only the Articles of Confederation provides such an enumeration. In this note, I argue that, against the background of political theory and con- stitutional precedent, a government lacking the full legislative power would not have been viewed as sovereign in its own right. -
The Classification of States and the Creation of Status Within the International Community
The Classification of States and the Creation of Status within the International Community PetraMinnerop I. The Classification of "rogue states" by the United States II. Exclusion, Inclusion and the Emergence of Community 1. Society and Community: Different Conceptions of World Order 2. The International Society as a Legal Community 3. The Sovereign Equality of States as a Community Principle a. Intervention via Stigmatization? aa. A Right to Dignity? bb. Political Independence aaa. Defamation of States bbb . Exception to Immunity b. The Meaning of Sovereign Equality aa. The Equality of States as an Ideal bb. Safeguarding the Legal Capacities of States c. Discussion III. Hegemonic Law in the International Community? 1. Concepts of Hegemony a. The Historical Perspective aa. Differentiating between Leadership and Predominance bb. Legitimized Hegemony? b. The Current Debate aa. The Legitimacy of the Benign Hegemon bb. Effective Stability cc. Hegemonic International Law 2. Law Creation through Leadership and the Role of Reaction 3. The Stigmatization of States as a Concept of Leadership a. Defining the Community Interests b. Stigmatization as a Legal Argument c. The International Response to the Classification of "rogue states" IV. The Creation of Second-Rate Legal Status in International Law? 1. Pre-emptive Self-Defence against "rogue states" A. von Bogdandy and R. Wolfrum (eds.)., Max Planck Yearbook ofUnited Nations Law, Volume 7, 2003, 79-182. © 2003 Koninklijke Brill N. V. Printed in the Netherlands. 80 Max Planck UNYB 7 (2003) a. The New National Security Strategy b. The War against Iraq 2. Sanctions Regime against "state sponsors of terrorism" V. Conclusion I. The Classification of "rogue states" by the United States" Throughout the second half of the twentieth century the United States of America (henceforward: the United States) developed a number of multifarious terms for states to which it ascribed a high threat potential as regards the United States and international security. -
Working Paper 3 2016
Neo-FEDERALISM Working Paper Series 03/2016 Political Philosophy of Federalism Robert Schütze* Abstract Federalism has come to refer to the legal arrangements between territorially distinct political communities: modern states. Yet it is not one but three traditions of territorial federalism emerge in the modern era. In a first stage, the dogma of state sovereignty relegates the federal principle to purely international relations between sovereign states. (Con)federal unions are conceived as international organizations. By the end of the eighteenth century, this international format of the federal principle would be overshadowed by the (pre-civil-war) American tradition. In this second tradition, federalism comes to represent the middle ground between international and national organizational principles. This mixed format would, in turn, be qualified in the course of the nineteenth century, when a third tradition insisted on a purely national meaning of the federal principle. Federation here came to mean federal state. The meaning of the federal principle thereby differs in each theory; and depending which political philosophy one chooses, certain constitutional questions will arise. Keywords: federalism, America, constitutional law, pluralism http://www.federalism.eu/resources/working-paper-series/wp_3_16 © 2016 by the author Robert Schütze is Professor at Durham Law School; Co-Director – Global Policy Institute, Durham University, United Kingdom email [email protected] * Grateful acknowledgement is made to the European Research Council, which supported this entry (EU Framework Programme 2007-13: ERC Grant Agreement No.312304). 2 Table of Contents A. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 3 B. The ‘International’ Philosophy of Federalism ...................................................................... 4 1. Union of States in Early Modern International Law ....................................................... -
Inventing Westphalia
Inventing Westphalia Nicholas Pingitore Senior Thesis Spring, 2020 Advisors: Ethan Shagan and Raphael Murillo Pingitore 1 Introduction The Westphalian Moment, if there ever was one, may quite well have occurred more than 100 years after the signing of the now famous Peace, and in Geneva no less. Writing around 1756, Jean-Jacques Rousseau declared in his treatise, A Lasting Peace Through the Federation of Europe that “the Treaty of Westphalia will perhaps forever remain the foundation of our international system.”1 Prevailing social science lore would find no fault with Rousseau’s logic. Examples abound from the last 70 years of various political theories, international histories, university conferences, even modern military alliances, referencing Westphalia.2 Invariably, there are some differences in how these thinkers frame the importance of Westphalia, but the general mold is familiar enough to any sophomore undergraduate enrolled in a course on international relations.3 It goes as follows: The Thirty Years’ War lasted from 1618-1648. This three-decade-long catastrophe was perhaps Europe’s first modern continental war. While the majority of the conflict took place in central Europe, it drew upon every “great power” resulting in an estimated five to eight million deaths. Modern estimates would suggest that such a toll resulted in a 15–20 percent decline in Europe’s population.4 By 1 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Translated by C.E. Vaughan, A Lasting Peace Through The Federation of Europe and The State of War, London: Constable and Company Limited, 1917, p. 55. 2 Javier, Solana. “Securing Peace in Europe.” Speech presented at the Symposium on the Political Relevance of the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, Münster, Germany, November 12, 1998. -
Rethinking Monetary Sovereignty: the Global Credit Money System And
Rethinking Monetary Sovereignty: The Global Credit Money System and the State Steffen Murau, Boston University ([email protected]) Jens van ’t Klooster, KU Leuven/University of Amsterdam, ([email protected]) Abstract: This article proposes a conception of monetary sovereignty that recognizes the reality of today’s global credit money system. Monetary sovereignty is typically used in a Westphalian sense to denote the ability of states to issue and regulate their own currency. This article rejects the Westphalian conception. Instead, it proposes a conception of effective monetary sovereignty that focuses attention on what states are actually able to do in the era of financial globalization. The conception fits the hybridity of the modern credit money system by acknowledging the crucial role not only of central bank money but also of money issued by regulated banks and unregulated shadow banks. These institutions often operate ‘offshore’, outside of a state’s legal jurisdiction, which makes monetary governance more difficult. Monetary sovereignty consists in the ability of states to effectively govern these different segments of the monetary system and thereby achieve their economic policy objectives. Keywords: Financial ethics; political theory; international finance; money; offshore; shadow banking 1 1. Introduction1 Even though monetary sovereignty has repeatedly been declared dead, the concept remains an important reference point in both academic discourse and international politics.2 Its rumoured demise, we contend, is due to a poor understanding of what it means to be sovereign in relation to money. Monetary sovereignty is typically used in a Westphalian sense to denote the mere ability of states to issue and regulate their own currency. -
Topic A: Infringement Upon Countries' Sovereignty and the Role of NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Chair: Abhey Sur Novice Committee Topic A: Infringement upon Countries’ Sovereignty and the Role of NATO in the World Introduction The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is primarily a military alliance that unites the governments of various countries to form a collective defense. Founded on April 4th, 1949, NATO is comprised of 28 countries whose essential purpose is to safeguard the freedom and security of its members through political and military means. Each country involved mutually acts as a defense for every other member state (country). Initially NATO was founded to provide a sense of security for the member states’ people as well has to have a large military force upon command due to the rising Soviet Union. Over the years, NATO has maintained militaristic stability and prevented oncoming threats, most witnessed during the Cold War. On the other hand, NATO has shifted its approach to crisis by developing and promoting the ideas of Peacekeeping and Peacemaking. Peacekeeping is the ongoing maintenance of peace between nations. Peacemaking is resolving disputes in order to create peace between nations. Although NATO is a “military alliance,” it is focused on the peaceful resolution of conflict. NATO is closely interconnected with and works collectively alongside the World Health Organization, the countries of the European Union, as various economic organizations. Although NATO is currently involved in an extensive list of operations, they are prioritizing on discussing infringement upon countries’ sovereignty and their stance on air and missile defense. What is sovereignty and what is NATO’s role in countries’ sovereignty? The official definition for sovereignty is “the authority of a state to govern itself or another state.” In other words the state of governing force has full authority to govern itself without involvement or interference of outside sources. -
Condominum Arrangements in International Practice: Reviving an Abandoned Concept of Boundary Dispute Resolution
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 29 Issue 4 2008 Condominum Arrangements in International Practice: Reviving an Abandoned Concept of Boundary Dispute Resolution Joel H. Samuels University of South Carolina School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Dispute Resolution and Arbitration Commons, International Law Commons, and the Property Law and Real Estate Commons Recommended Citation Joel H. Samuels, Condominum Arrangements in International Practice: Reviving an Abandoned Concept of Boundary Dispute Resolution, 29 MICH. J. INT'L L. 727 (2008). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol29/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONDOMINIUM ARRANGEMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL PRACTICE: REVIVING AN ABANDONED CONCEPT OF BOUNDARY DISPUTE RESOLUTION Joel H. Samuels* I. THE CONDOMINIUM IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ................... 732 A. The Experience of Condominium over Land ..................... 737 B . Water Condom inia............................................................. 753 II. CONDOMINIUM DISTINGUISHED ............................................... 758 A . Coim p erium ...................................................................... -
Active Sovereignty Timothy Zick William & Mary Law School, [email protected]
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 2007 Active Sovereignty Timothy Zick William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Zick, Timothy, "Active Sovereignty" (2007). Faculty Publications. 95. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/95 Copyright c 2007 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ACTIVE SOVEREIGNTY TIMOTHY ZICK* INTRODUCTION If there was something "revolutionary" about the recent federalism era, it was the manner in which the Court spoke of the states.! When they entered the Union, the states were sometimes referred to as mere corporate forms. 2 In recent federalism precedents, by contrast, the Rehnquist Court routinely referred to the states as "sovereign."3 The Court bathed the states in sovereign glory, inveighing against various federal insults to the states' "dignity," "esteem," and "respect." 4 The states are treated now more like nations or persons; they have * Associate Professor of Law, St. John's University School of Law. I would like to thank John Barrett, Chris Borgen, Brian Tamanaha, and Nelson Tebbe for their helpful comments. I would also like to thank the participants at the "Federalism Past, Federalism Future" symposium, and the editors and staff of St. John's Journal of Legal Commentary. 1 See Stephen G. Gey, The Myth of State Sovereignty, 63 OHIO ST. L.J. 1601, 1601 (2002) (asserting that we are "in the midst of a constitutional revolution"). For reasons stated later, I believe "revolution" overstates matters; this Essay will refer to the "revival" of federalism. -
University Microfilms, a XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
71-7579 THIRY, Jr., Alexander George, 1930- REGENCY OF ARCHDUKE FERDINAND, 1521-1531; FIRST HABSBURG ATTEMPT AT CENTRALIZED CONTROL OF GERMANY, The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED REGENCY OF ARCHDUKE FERDINAND, 1521-1531: FIRST HABSBURG ATTEMPT AT CENTRALIZED CONTROL OF GERMANY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Alexander G. Thiry, B. A., M. A. ****** The Ohio State University 1970 Approved by Iviser Department of History PREFACE For those with professional interest in the Reforma tion era, Ferdinand of the House of Habsburg requires no special introduction here. As the younger and sole brother of Charles V, who was the Holy Roman Emperor of the German Nation in the first-half of the sixteenth century, Ferdi nand's place among the list of secular, notables of the pe riod is assured. Singled out in 1521 by his imperial brother to be the Archduke of Austria and to become his personal representative in Germany, attaining the kingships of Bohe mia and Hungary in 1526 and 1527 respectively, and designated, following his brother's abdication and retirement from pub lic life in 1556, to succeed him as emperor of Germany, Fer dinand could not help leaving behind him from such political heights indelible footprints upon the course of history. Yet, probably because of the fragmentation of Ferdi nand's energy into these many various channels of responsi bility and the presence of his illustrious brother, Charles V, and his fanatical nephew, Philip II of Spain, who both eclipsed his own place on the stage of history, Ferdinand's historical significance has been largely overlooked by IX posterity. -
The Changing Paradigm of State Sovereignty in The
THE CHANGING PARADIGM OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM A THESIS IN Political Science Presented to the Faculty of the University of Missouri-Kansas City in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS by FASSUE KELLEH B.A., Kean University, Union NJ, 2010 Kansas City-Missouri 2012 © 2012 FASSUE KELLEH ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE CHANGING PARADIGM OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM Fassue Kelleh, Candidate for the Master of Arts Degree Political Science University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2012 ABSTRACT The system of state relations in the international system was established at the end of the Forty Years War, which culminated in the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. The treaty was based on sovereignty, which is rooted in the principle of non-intervention by other states in the internal affairs of members. This sovereignty, supposedly outlined in the Treaty of Westphalia, was originally defined as the absolute power of the king and later the state to reign over a population. However, in the three and a half centuries since the Treaty of Westphalia, the concept of sovereignty has undergone profound changes. Beginning with the French Revolution when the people overthrew their king and made themselves the repository of sovereignty, the definition of sovereignty has profoundly changed, giving rise to constitutional government. Since then, sovereignty has increasingly been defined in alignment with the people. The concept of sovereignty has also felt the weight of the various multi-national treaties enacted after World War II, with the United Nations (UN) taking center stage by prescribing the actions of their signatories.