War and Conquest in the East and West
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Translation, Migration and Communication in the Roman Empire: Three Aspects of Movement in History Claudia Moatti
Translation, migration and communication in the Roman Empire: three aspects of movement in History Claudia Moatti, To cite this version: Claudia Moatti,. Translation, migration and communication in the Roman Empire: three aspects of movement in History. Classical Antiquity, University of California Press, 2006, 25 (1), pp.109-140. halshs-00658682 HAL Id: halshs-00658682 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00658682 Submitted on 17 Jan 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CLAUDIA MOATTI Translation, Migration, and Communication in the Roman Empire: Three Aspects of Movement in History This paper isolates movement as a topic for analysis in Roman imperial history. Movement is regarded under three aspects: translation (of texts, practices, ideas), migration (of oYcials, merchants, students, etc.), and communication (i.e. the movement of written documents). Interrelationships among the three aspects of movement are identiWed and discussed, as are the shared impact of translation, migration, and communication on issues of cultural and social identity and political negotiation and control. The article argues that movement changes the role of the state as well as relations between individual and states, augments the use of writing in society, transforms identities, and gives impulse to internal and external regulations. -
A Poor Man's Alexander: Ammianus Marcellinus, Julian, and the Greco-Roman Ethnographic
A Poor Man's Alexander: Ammianus Marcellinus, Julian, and the Greco-Roman Ethnographic Tradition The ethnographic excurses of Ammianus Marcellinus's Res Gestae have long been a source of controversy among scholars of late antiquity. How much these excurses rely upon the accounts of earlier Greek and Roman historians—and how well Ammianus understood those accounts—have attracted the most attention (de Jonge, 1972; Fornara, 1992). Yet the scholarship on the Res Gestae seems so focused on where Ammianus got the material for his excurses that other questions, like why Ammianus includes the information he does when he does, are rarely addressed. Perhaps these larger questions have been neglected because of a stark divide among scholars regarding Ammianus's skill as a historian and the deliberateness of his use of sources. Some view him as a weak author who, lacking the skill and intelligence of his predecessors, is compelled by the conventions of the genre and a somewhat dim recognition of his own inadequacies to include every scrap of information on a given topic to construct a facade of erudition for his readers (Barnes, 1998; Fornara, 1992). Others, myself among them, see a more deliberate modus operandi at work in the Res Gestae, particularly with regard to its structure and the relation between the geographic and ethnographic excurses to Ammianus's main historical narrative (de Jonge, 1972; Matthews, 1989; Sundwall, 1996). Although Ammianus does include many familiar historiographical topoi in his geographic and ethnographic excurses and the sources of these excurses can often be traced to earlier Greco-Roman authors, the ways in which Ammianus's ethno-geographies of the Gauls, Scythians, Thracians, Egyptians, and Persians relate to one another and the rest of his narrative show that he used—and knowingly omitted— ancient source material to craft a very specific image of the Roman empire of his day, which is often in conflict with historical reality. -
The Neonian Baptistery in Ravenna 359
Ritual and ReconstructedMeaning: The Neonian Baptisteryin Ravenna Annabel Jane Wharton The pre-modern work of art, which gained authority through its extension in ritual action, could function as a social integrator. This essay investigates the figural decoration of the Orthodox Baptistery in Ravenna, in an effort to explain certain features of the mosaic program. If the initiation ritual is reenacted and the civic centrality of the rite and its executant, the bishop, is restored, the apparent "icon- ographic mistakes" in the mosaics reveal themselves as signs of the mimetic re- sponsiveness of the icon. By acknowledging their unmediated character, it may be possible to re-empower both pre-modern images and our own interpretative strategy. The Neonian (or "Orthodox") Baptistery in Ravenna is the preciated, despite the sizable secondary literature generated most impressive baptistery to survive from the Early Chris- by the monument. Because the artistic achievement of the tian period (Figs. 1-5).1 It is a construction of the late fourth Neonian Baptistery lies in its eloquent embodiment of a or early fifth century, set to the north of the basilican ca- new participatory functioning of art, a deeper comprehen- thedral of Bishop Ursus (3897-96?) (Fig. 1).2 The whole of sion of the monument is possible only through a more thor- the ecclesiastical complex, including both the five-aisled ba- ough understanding of its liturgical and social context. The silica and the niched, octagonal baptistery, appears to have first section of this essay therefore attempts to reconstruct been modeled after a similar complex built in the late fourth the baptismal liturgy as it may have taken place in the century in Milan.3 Within two or three generations of its Neonian Baptistery. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
A Commentary on Jerome's Contra Vigilantium by Amy
A COMMENTARY ON JEROME’S CONTRA VIGILANTIUM BY AMY HYE OH DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classical Philology with a concentration in Medieval Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2013 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Danuta Shanzer Professor Ralph Mathisen Professor Jon Solomon Professor Stephan Heilan, University of Osnabrück ABSTRACT Innkeepers inspired this dissertation. After working on ‘innkeepers’ as a topic for a research seminar paper, I soon discovered that the term caupo counted as an insult according to several church fathers, including Jerome. In the Contra Vigilantium, Jerome mocked his enemy, Vigilantius, by calling him a caupo who mixed water with wine; I wondered whether the title was true and the insult was deserved. What remained was to figure out who this man was and why he mattered. The dissertation is comprised of four parts: introductory chapters, a text with an en face translation, a philological/historical commentary, and appendices. The first chapter introduces Vigilantius, discusses why a commentary of the Contra Vigilantium is needed, and provides a biography, supported by literary and historical evidence in response to the bolder and more fanciful account of W.S. Gilly.1 The second chapter treats Vigilantius as an exegete. From a sample of his exegesis preserved in Jerome’s Ep. 61, I determine that Jerome dismissed Vigilantius’ exegesis because he wanted to protect his own orthodoxy. The third chapter situates Vigilantius in the debate on relic worship. His position is valuable because he opposed most of his contemporaries, decrying relics instead of supporting their translation and veneration. -
The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus
The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus ‘A thesis submitted to the University of Wales Trinity Saint David in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy’ 2016 Jillian Mitchell For Michael – and in memory of my father Kenneth who started it all Abstract for PhD Thesis in Classics The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus This thesis explores the last decades of legal paganism in the Roman Empire of the second half of the fourth century CE through the eyes of Symmachus, orator, senator and one of the most prominent of the pagans of this period living in Rome. It is a religious biography of Symmachus himself, but it also considers him as a representative of the group of aristocratic pagans who still adhered to the traditional cults of Rome at a time when the influence of Christianity was becoming ever stronger, the court was firmly Christian and the aristocracy was converting in increasingly greater numbers. Symmachus, though long known as a representative of this group, has only very recently been investigated thoroughly. Traditionally he was regarded as a follower of the ancient cults only for show rather than because of genuine religious beliefs. I challenge this view and attempt in the thesis to establish what were his religious feelings. Symmachus has left us a tremendous primary resource of over nine hundred of his personal and official letters, most of which have never been translated into English. These letters are the core material for my work. I have translated into English some of his letters for the first time. -
Ammianus and Constantius: the Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 12-2009 Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae Sean Robert Williams University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Williams, Sean Robert, "Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2009. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/572 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Sean Robert Williams entitled "Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. Michael Kulikowski, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Maura Lafferty, Christine Shepardson Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Sean Robert Williams entitled “Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae .” I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. -
Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism. -
Paideia and Self-Fashioning in Ammianus Marcellinus*
Histos 10 (2016) 34–64 PAIDEIA AND SELF-FASHIONING IN AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS* Abtract: In many passages of the Res Gestae, Ammianus criticizes contemporary individuals and groups that lack a literary culture befitting their rank. These passages were commonly interpreted as a reflection of Ammianus’ class prejudices. In contrast, the main thesis of this paper is that Ammianus’ perspective on paideia can also be seen as part of the self- fashioning strategy deployed in his work. Ammianus establishes almost a direct equiva- lence between the possession of paideia and elite membership. In criticizing the ignorance of emperors, officials, and aristocrats, Ammianus is indirectly asserting his own superiori- ty, not only in the intellectual field but also in the social sphere. Throughout his work, Ammianus does not spare any effort to convince his readers of his erudition and literary culture, constructing for himself the identity of a Greek intellectual. Name-dropping and the digressive style he employs in the Res Gestae constitute the main means to construct this identity, because they allow Ammianus to display his encyclopaedic learning in a way not common in historical works. Keywords: Ammianus Marcellinus, Paideia, Self-fashioning 1. Introduction n recent decades, a number of important studies have clearly shown that paideia still retained in the later Roman Empire its full force as cultural Iideal.1 These works state that the traditional literary, philosophical, and rhetorical education remained a defining feature of the local elites of the em- pire, forming a central factor of cohesion that allowed communication be- tween its members and the emergence of shared identities. -
Classical Perspectives at the End of Antiquity
Classical Perspectives at the End of Antiquity: Author: Jakob Froelich Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107418 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2017 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Classical Perspectives at the End of Antiquity Jakob Froelich Advisor: Mark Thatcher Boston College Department of Classical Studies April 2017 Truly, when [Constantius] came to the forum of Trajan, a unique construction under the heavens, as we deem, likewise deemed a marvel by the gods, he was stopped and was transfixed, as he wrapped his mind around the giant structures, which are not describable nor will they be achieved again by mortals.1 This quote from Ammianus’ long description of Constantius II’s adventus to Rome in 357 CE is the culmination of the emperor’s tour of Rome during a triumphal procession. He passes through the city and sees “[the] glories of the Eternal City,”2 before finally reaching Trajan’s Forum. Constantius is struck with awe when he sees Rome for the first time–in much the same way a tourist might today when walking through Rome. Rome loomed large in the Roman consciousness with the city’s 1000-year history and the monuments, which populated the urban space and, in many ways, physically embodies that history. This status was so ingrained that even in the fourth century when the city had lost much of its significance, “[Constantius] was eager to see Rome.”3 Ammianus deems Constantius’ awe to be appropriate as he describes the forum as a “unique construction;” however, he ends this statement with a pronouncement that men will not attain an accomplishment of that caliber again. -
Defining a Roman Identity in the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus: the Dialogue Between ‘Roman’ and ‘Foreign’
Defining a Roman Identity in the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus: the dialogue between ‘Roman’ and ‘foreign’ A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2018 Guy A. J. Williams School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Defining a Roman Identity Contents List of abbreviations ....................................................................................... 5 List of tables ................................................................................................... 7 Abstract .......................................................................................................... 8 Declaration ..................................................................................................... 9 Copyright statement ...................................................................................... 9 A note on Ammianus’ text ........................................................................... 10 Acknowledgements ...................................................................................... 11 The author .................................................................................................... 12 Introduction ................................................................................................. 13 0.1 Ammianus Marcellinus and Roman identity .......................................... 13 0.2 The ‘foreign’/ ‘outsider’ perspective ................................................. 17 0.3 A new type of Roman ........................................................................ -
On Prefixes and Actionality in Classical and Late Latin
Ø ÄÒÙר ÀÙÒÖ¸ ÎÓк ¼ ´½¾µ¸ ÔÔº ½½¿½¿ ´¾¼¼¿µ ÇÆ ÈÊÁË Æ ÌÁÇÆ ÄÁÌ ÁÆ Ä ËËÁ Ä Æ Ä Ì Ä ÌÁÆ Ö ÚÖÐÒ ×ØÖØ In Early and Classical Latin, we encounter a rich and complex system in which prefixes are used to render verbs telic and to emphasise the beginning or end of a process or of an activity, and in which the opposition between non-dynamicity and dynamicity or between transitivity and intransitivity is expressed by various suffixes. In the perfect there is an opposition between non-dynamic unprefixed verbs and dynamic prefixed ones. In the later centuries this system breaks down, and there is a blurring of the semantic difference between the prefixed and unprefixed verbs and often also of that between the prefixes themselves. New verbs are formed to replace old verbs that have lost their old functions. These changes pervade the whole verbal system in Latin and affect the semantic relationship between the perfect and imperfect tenses. In Romance, the definite and indefinite articles express the functions previously expressed by the various actional forms. ½º ÁÒØÖÓ Ù Ø ÓÒ Verbs and phrases containing a verb express different kinds of actionality. They may, for instance, indicate a non-dynamic State, an atelic Activity, a telic Accomplishment or a momentaneous Achievement.½ In the development from Early to Late Latin there is a gradual change in the way some such ¾ semantic features are expressed. In Early and Classical Latin (ca. 200 – ca. 200 ) there is an opposition between unprefixed verbs indicating an atelic Activity and prefixed verbs used in a telic sense, for instance between Ó ÔÖ×ÙÓ ×Ù ‘try to persuade’ and ‘persuade’ (1a).