An Analysis of Media Coverage of the 2000 Local Government Elections
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Career Patterns of Local Politicians
LOCAL GOVERNMENT BULLETIN 10 “WHO WANTS TO BE PRESIDENT WHEN YOU CAN BE MAYOR?” Career patterns of local THE CASE OF politicians METROPOLITAN MAYORS Local government is emerging as a strong third sphere mayors and their profiles, albeit very limited in timespan and scope, reveals some interesting career patterns. of government. Within local government, metropolitan cities are coming out as powerful institutions. The movement of political representatives: Some examples Meanwhile, the discussion on the role of provincial It is important to note that, prior to the 2000 local governments is raging. government elections, local government generally did not wield significant power. Positions in local government were therefore unattractive for politicians with an already established Instead of looking at constitutional or managerial aspects of career in provincial or national politics. local and provincial governments, this article looks at the impact of the emergence of local government on the career From national or provincial to local patterns of politicians. How have political parties reacted to Johannesburg this new sphere of government in terms of their politicians’ The current mayor of Johannesburg, Cllr Amos Masondo, is career management? What does this say about the role, an example of a provincial politician who moved to local function and importance of the three levels of government in government. Before his entry into local government he was a South Africa? An overview of the history of metropolitan member of the Gauteng Provincial Legislature. Amos Masondo, Executive Mayor of Johannesburg Helen Zille, Executive Mayor of Cape Town 11 LOCAL GOVERNMENT BULLETIN Cape Town Cape Town has seen a flurry of shifts and mayoral changes key points in the last six years. -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALAIENSIS Skrifter Utgivna Av Statsvetenskapliga Föreningen I Uppsala, 168
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALAIENSIS Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala, 168 Neighbourhood Politics in Transition Residents’ Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town Sara Monaco Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Brusewitzsalen, Department of Government, Gamla Torget 6, Uppsala, Friday, March 7, 2008 at 13:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Monaco, S. 2008. Neighbourhood Politics in Transition. Residents’ Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala 168. 223 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-554-7084-5. This study focuses on the changing practices of South African residents’ associations and their relationship with political parties and local government from 1990 to 2006, with the aim to examine how associations in Cape Town respond when they are confronted with a new democratic institutional and political context. Two empirical questions guide the analysis: How do residents’ associations perceive that the changing political context has affected them in their attempts to influence agenda-setting and decision-making? And how can we understand the process in which they decide to act, or not act, in response to important changes in their political environment? Drawing on social movement theory, most importantly the notions of political opportunity structures and framing processes, an analysis is made of the most significant changes in Cape Town’s post-apartheid institutional and political context. The empirical findings – based on questionnaires, interviews and an in-depth study of the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay – show that associations in socio-economically distinct areas have different perceptions of their prospects of affecting agenda-setting and decision-making. -
Election Update 2004 03
ELECTION UPDATE 2004 SOUTH AFRICA number 1 · 2 february 2004 Editorial of press reports, observation Commission), foreign and interviews with relevant embassies and missions, South Africa will hold its stakeholders. This first issue Universities, NGOs, religious third multi-party general of the newsletter covers seven bodies, and other related election sometime this year. (7) of the country’s nine (9) agencies. We strongly This general election, in fact, provinces and focuses debate encourage that you contact us coincides with the country’s around such issues as review at [email protected] if you celebration of its ten (10) of the 1994 and 1999 would like to receive the years of democracy. The elections; the institutional and newsletter every fortnight. election, therefore, is crucial legal framework for the 2004 to the nurturing of South elections; voter education; Individual authors take Africa’s democracy since the voter registration; and party responsibility for the views political changes of 1994. Not registration. The newsletter is and opinions expressed in the compiled by EISA staff and publication. only that; the election is also epoch-making in that it sets associates located across the contents the scene for the future of country. With a view to democratic governance in the encourage rich and fruitful Editorial 1 country, at least in the next debate, contributors have been The Context 2 decade. given the liberty to express National Perspectives 8 their own opinions, based on Provincial Roundup 12 The Electoral Institute of factual and verifiable Gauteng 12 Southern Africa (EISA) has a information. Of course, NorthWest Province 16 keen interest in fostering democracy is all about KZN 18 democratic governance in the tolerance of divergence or FreeState 24 in Africa, the SADC region diversity of views without Western Cape 29 and South Africa. -
Journal of African Elections Special Issue South Africa’S 2014 Elections
remember to change running heads VOLUME 14 NO 1 i Journal of African Elections Special Issue South Africa’s 2014 Elections GUEST EDITORS Mcebisi Ndletyana and Mashupye H Maserumule This issue is published by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) in collaboration with the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (MISTRA) and the Tshwane University of Technology ARTICLES BY Susan Booysen Sithembile Mbete Ivor Sarakinsky Ebrahim Fakir Mashupye H Maserumule, Ricky Munyaradzi Mukonza, Nyawo Gumede and Livhuwani L Ndou Shauna Mottiar Cherrel Africa Sarah Chiumbu Antonio Ciaglia Mcebisi Ndletyana Volume 14 Number 1 June 2015 i ii JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 (0) 11 381 6000 Fax: +27 (0) 11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ©EISA 2015 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher Printed by: Corpnet, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za remember to change running heads VOLUME 14 NO 1 iii EDITOR Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg MANAGING AND COPY EDITOR Pat Tucker EDITORIAL BOARD Chair: Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University -
Crime, and Segregation in Cape Town, South Africa
Working Paper Series ISSN 1470-2320 2001 No. 01-20 A NEW APARTHEID? URBAN SPATIALITY, (FEAR OF) CRIME, AND SEGREGATION IN CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA Charlotte Spinks Published: September 2001 Development Studies Institute London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street Tel: +44 (020) 7955-7425 London Fax: +44 (020) 7955-6844 WC2A 2AE UK Email: [email protected] Web site: www.lse.ac.uk/depts/destin The London School of Economics is a School of the University of London. It is a charity and is incorporated in England as a company limited by guarantee under the Companies Act (Reg. No. 70527). Contents Page .I. PREFACE: .i. Justification ………………………………………………………… 3 .ii. Introduction ……………………………………..…………………. 4 .iii. Hypothesis …………………………………………………………. 5 .II. THEORETICAL BASIS: .i. Urban Space & Social Relations ……..………………………...... 6 .ii. Crime and Development ……………………………….…………... 7 .iii. Behavioural Theories ……………………………………………… 8 Anomie Natural surveillance .iv. Fear of Crime …………………………………………………….… 9 .v. Response to Fear: the negotiation of difference ……………….. 10 The walled and exclusive city The mixed and inclusive city .vi. Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design …………… 12 .vii. Consequences of exclusion ……………………………………… 13 Fear of Other Exclusion of Other Public Order and Citizenship .III. SOUTH AFRICA: .i. Introduction …………………………………………………………. 15 .ii. The Apartheid City …………………………………………………. 16 .iii. Demise of the Apartheid City ………………………………….….. 18 .iv. Cape Town …………………………………………………….…… 19 .v. Crime in urban South Africa ……………………………………….. 21 .vi. Fear of Crime in Cape Town ……………………………………… 23 .vii. The Post-Apartheid City …………………………………………... 24 viii. Response to Fear: Citizen residential strategies ………………. 25 Space invaders Fortress City Residential protection .ix. Response to Fear: Government Strategies ……………………. 28 Crime Prevention Urban Development .IV. CONCLUSION: .i. Comparison to the Apartheid City …………………………………. -
Coalition Politics in Southern Africa Cover.Indd
AFRICA DIALOGUE Monograph Series No. 1/2018 COMPLEXITIES OF COALITION POLITICS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA The rise and fall of Lesotho’s coalition governments The Intricacies and Pitfalls of the Politics of Coalition in Mozambique The Politics of Dominance and Survival: Coalition Politics in South Africa 1994–2018 Complexities of Coalition Politics in Southern Africa Monograph Series No. 1/2018 Edited By: Senzo Ngubane ACCORD The Africa Dialogue Monograph Series is published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a civil society institution working throughout Africa to bring creative African solutions to the challenges posted by conflict on the continent. ACCORD’s primary aim is to influence political developments by bringing conflict resolution, dialogue and institutional development to the forefront as an alternative to armed violence and protracted conflict. Disclaimer Views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt has been made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this series contains. Copyright © 2018 ACCORD ISSN 1562–7004 This publication may be downloaded at no charge from the ACCORD website: <http://www.accord.org.za>. All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. -
Negotiated Revolution: the Czech Republic, South Africa And
Negotiated Revolution: The Czech Republic, South Africa and Chile George Lawson Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of International Relations The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London July 2003 UMI Number: U183154 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U183154 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T H t-G<t- *3 F <3183 pouticai 1013 211 Abstract This thesis is an attempt to rescue revolution, both as concept and practice, from the misplaced triumphalism of the contemporary world. Given the relative openness and flux which characterises the post-cold war international system, the extent and range of problems which plague the world, and the enduring human proclivity for change, it would be folly to ignore a process which has had such a constitutive impact on world politics over the past few centuries. To that end, this thesis is a comparison of three contemporary ‘revolutions’: the end of apartheid in South Africa; the collapse of communism in the Czech Republic; and the transition from military dictatorship to market democracy in post-Pinochet Chile. -
Making Sense of the 'Coloured' Vote in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Comparing the 1994 and 1999 Provincial Results in the We
Making Sense of the ‘Coloured’ Vote in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Comparing the 1994 and 1999 Provincial Results in the Western Cape By Sean Jacobs The author is a doctoral student at the University of London, Birkbeck College. He also works as a senior researcher at the Institute for Democracy of South Africa in Cape Town, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]. I would like to thank Jessica Piombo, Lia Nijzink, Brent Simons, Jonathan Faull and Leonard Martin in Denmark for reading and commenting on different drafts. To Elaine Salo-Miller and Irvin Kinnes for their comments during the earlier parts of the research of this paper. Introduction The voting behaviour of coloureds1 in South Africa’s short history of democratic elections has often been treated in an off-hand or simplistic manner. Those most guilty of this abuse have been the popular mass media and political party activists. As a result, existing interpretations of coloured voting patterns in the national and provincial elections of 1994 and 1999 invent ‘tradi- tional’ voting patterns for coloureds or even reify a homogenous coloured voting bloc. Media commentators and political party activists have often dealt with coloured voters as if they are a single, homogenous entity, with little regard for factors of class, region, religion or the impact of self-identification.2 For example, when the majority of coloured voters opted for the National Party (NP) in the first democratic election in 1994, interpretations of that vote — rather than interrogating it — sought to conveniently explain it through supposed ‘traditional voting patterns’ or coloureds’ supposed ‘historical affinity’ for the NP. -
(Tony) Leon PV839
Inventory of the private collection of AJ (Tony) Leon PV839 Contact us Write to: Visit us: Archive for Contemporary Affairs Archive for Contemporary Affairs University of the Free State Stef Coetzee Building P.O. Box 2320 Room 109 Bloemfontein 9300 Academic Avenue South South Africa University of the Free State 205 Nelson Mandela Drive Park West Bloemfontein Telephone: Email: +27(0)51 401 2418/2646/2225 [email protected] PV839 Tony Leon FILE NO SERIES SUB-SERIES DESCRIPTION DATES 1/1/1/1 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive 2002 Files Committee Committee 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/2 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive Feb - April Files Committee Committee 2003 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/3 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive August 2003 Files Committee Committee 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/4 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive November Files Committee Committee 2003 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/5 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive 2004 Files Committee Committee 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/6 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive 2005 Files Committee Committee 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/7 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive Jan - May Files Committee Committee 2006 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/8 1. Subject 1/1 Federal Executive Minutes of the Federal Executive Jun - Sept Files Committee Committee 2006 1/1/1 Minutes 1/1/1/9 1. -
South Africa
The KAS Democracy Report 2007 2.1.4. South Africa I. General conditions South Africa has now held three democratic elections (1994, 1999 and 2004) which were conducted under conditions which have been widely deemed by observers as ‘free and fair’. This indicates that after the racialised oppressions of apartheid, whereby white minority rule was maintained through the legalized exclusion of blacks from political influence and power, democracy is being consolidated. The present constitution is one of the most widely celebrated rights-based documents in the world, political freedoms are legally entrenched, the media is free and political debate is, on the whole, robust. However, while the overall picture is one of optimism, especially when compared to the authoritarian practices of the past, concerns have been raised in some quarters concerning the impact upon the quality of South Africa’s democracy by the extent of the dominance of the political arena by the African National Congress (ANC). Some critics argue that the ANC is using its control over the state to undermine the independence of various constitutional organs establishing to protect and further democracy; to ‘deploy’ its supporters into high quarters of state, society and the economy; and to reduce the capacity of parliament to render the executive accountable. These concerns are underlined by what many interpret as the ANC’s intolerance of criticism, and by the continuing weakness and fragmentation of the parties of opposition (Southall 2001). Nonetheless, while the ANC continues to dominate the electoral and political arena, the foundations of its dominance are arguably being eroded at present by first, declining voter enthusiasm for the party and second, by the alienation of many of the party’s supporters by the ANC’s adoption of economic policies which, while allowing for the upward mobility of an emergent black business community and black middle class, have presided over a widening gap between rich and poor. -
Article the Electoral Temptation of Race in South Africa: Implications for The
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Article The electoral temptation of race in South Africa: implications for the 2004 election1 Gavin Davis2 Race and electoral politics in South Africa There is a growing consensus among serious observers of South African electoral politics that the 'racial census' model (Horowitz 1985:86) of voting behaviour is inadequate to explain voting behaviour. The broad correlation of race and party support has instead been explained - most convincingly by Mattes (1995) - as being owed to the experience of apartheid that structured individual interests (see also: Seekings 1997:297; Eldridge and Seekings 1996; Schlemmer 1994:161; Schrire 2001:141; and Maloka 2001:229-30). While voting behaviour may be more sophisticated than suggested by the crude racial census argument, campaigning continues to be strongly influenced by racial considerations. In their analysis of the 1999 election, Taylor and Hoeane ask whether South Africa is really best seen as being trapped in racial and ethnic politics and assert that the purported salience of race and ethnicity in voting behaviour and campaign politics is misconceived (1999:138). This paper puts forward the case that, as far as campaigning is concerned, parties (at least the successful ones) do strategise in terms of what Taylor and Hoeane call 'racial arithmetic'. While the South African electorate may not consist of unthinking and irrational voters who vote according to the colour of their skin, major political parties do continue to play the race card when electioneering. -
Speech by Former President Fw De Klerk to the Fw De Klerk Foundation’S Annual Conference Civic Centre Cape Town 2 February 2016
SPEECH BY FORMER PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK TO THE FW DE KLERK FOUNDATION’S ANNUAL CONFERENCE CIVIC CENTRE CAPE TOWN 2 FEBRUARY 2016 THE FUTURE OF MULTICULTURALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA The FW de Klerk Foundation decided to dedicate its annual conference this year to the consideration of the future of multiculturalism in South Africa. We did so because of the strains that have been developing in relations between our communities and because of the central importance of reaching agreement on how communities in our complex multicultural society should relate to one another in the future. These are questions that will play a key role in determining the long-term success of our society and the security and happiness of all our peoples. This is also a challenge that increasingly confronts countries throughout the world. The main threat to peace during the 21st century no longer comes from the possibility of conflict between countries but rather from the inability of states to manage relationships between ethnic, cultural and religious communities within their own borders. The age of the single culture, single language state is over. Two thirds of the world’s 200 countries have minorities comprising more than 10% of their populations. Cultural and ethnic minorities now comprise more than one billion people throughout the world - one in seven of the human population. Our own country, South Africa, is one of the most culturally and ethnically diverse societies in the world. Like so many other African countries, South Africa was a creation of European imperialists. At the beginning of the last century the British drew arbitrary lines on the map of southern Africa which created South Africa as we know it today.