Freedom in the World - Somalia (2010)
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Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars
Security Studies,25:353–384,2016 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0963-6412 print / 1556-1852 online DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2016.1171971 Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars AISHA AHMAD The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with conflict between rival Islamist factions. Within this inter- Islamist competition, some factions prove to be more robust and durable than others. This research proposes that the adoption of a global identity allows an Islamist group to better recruit and expand their domestic political power across ethnic and tribal divisions without being constrained by local politics. Islamists that rely on an ethnic or tribal identity are more prone to group fragmentation, whereas global Islamists are better able to retain group cohesion by purging their ranks of dissenters. To examine these two processes, I present original field research and primary source analysis to ex- amine Islamist in-fighting in Somalia from 2006–2014 and then expand my analysis to Iraq and Syria, Pakistan, and Mali. GOING GLOBAL: ISLAMIST COMPETITION IN CONTEMPORARY CIVIL WARS The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with internal competition.1 In Pakistan, factions within the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) movement have repeatedly clashed over the past decade, splintering into Downloaded by [University of Toronto Libraries] at 07:31 05 July 2016 multiple powerful jihadist groups. In northern Mali, the ethnic Tuareg re- bellion has also fractured, leading some Islamist factions to build strong ties to al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).2 More recently, the Aisha Ahmad is an Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto. -
WRAP-Understanding-Al-Shabaab
Manuscript version: Author’s Accepted Manuscript The version presented in WRAP is the author’s accepted manuscript and may differ from the published version or Version of Record. Persistent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/132279 How to cite: Please refer to published version for the most recent bibliographic citation information. If a published version is known of, the repository item page linked to above, will contain details on accessing it. Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work by researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. Copyright © and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher’s statement: Please refer to the repository item page, publisher’s statement section, for further information. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected]. warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Journal of Eastern African Studies peer review 5 December 2014, Special Issue ‘Pirates & Preachers’ UNDERSTANDING AL-SHABAAB: CLANS, ISLAM, AND INSURGENCY IN KENYA David M. Anderson* & Jacob McKnight** * Professor in African History, History Department, Humanities Building, University Way, University of Warwick, Coventry CV2 7AL. -
Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°99 Nairobi/Brussels, 26 June 2014 Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War I. Overview Despite the recent military surge against Somalia’s armed Islamist extremist and self- declared al-Qaeda affiliate, Al-Shabaab, its conclusive “defeat” remains elusive. The most likely scenario – already in evidence – is that its armed units will retreat to small- er, remote and rural enclaves, exploiting entrenched and ever-changing clan-based competition; at the same time, other groups of radicalised and well-trained individ- uals will continue to carry out assassinations and terrorist attacks in urban areas, in- cluding increasingly in neighbouring countries, especially Kenya. The long connec- tion between Al-Shabaab’s current leadership and al-Qaeda is likely to strengthen. A critical breakthrough in the fight against the group cannot, therefore, be achieved by force of arms, even less so when it is foreign militaries, not the Somali National Army (SNA), that are in the lead. A more politically-focused approach is required. Even as its territory is squeezed in the medium term, Al-Shabaab will continue to control both money and minds. It has the advantage of at least three decades of Salafi-Wahhabi proselytisation (daawa) in Somalia; social conservatism is already strongly entrenched – including in Somaliland and among Somali minorities in neigh- bouring states – giving it deep reservoirs of fiscal and ideological support, even with- out the intimidation it routinely employs. An additional factor is the group’s proven ability to adapt, militarily and politically – flexibility that is assisted by its leadership’s freedom from direct accountability to any single constituency. -
Somalia S 2010 577.Pdf
United Nations S/2010/577 Security Council Distr.: General 9 November 2010 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in Somalia Summary The present report has been prepared in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolutions 1612 (2005) and 1882 (2009). It is the third report on the situation of children and armed conflict in Somalia submitted to the Council and its Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict, covering the nearly two-year period from 31 May 2008 to 31 March 2010. Some significant recent developments that occurred from May to July 2010 have also been reflected. The report documents a period of complex changes in Somalia and follows my second report (S/2008/352) and the subsequent conclusions and recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict (S/AC.51/2008/14). The report stresses that the level and scale of grave violations against children in Somalia have been increasing over the past two years, particularly with regard to the recruitment and use of children in armed conflict; the killing and maiming of children; and the denial of humanitarian access to children. In Mogadishu, tens of thousands of children are suffering under the direct impact of one of the most intense and indiscriminate conflicts in the world, while the broader implications of displacement, livelihood collapse and lack of statutory protection services have affected children across the entire country and further increased their vulnerability to all forms of violence, exploitation and abuse. The report cites a number of parties to the conflict responsible for recruiting and using children and committing other grave violations against children, such as the administration of the Transitional Federal Government, the government-allied Alhu Sunnah Wal Jama’a, the Hizbul Islam group and Al-Shabaab group. -
Somalia Terror Threat
THECHRISTOPHER TERROR February 12, THREAT FROM THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF AL SHABAAB CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH APPENDICES AND MAPS BY KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN FEBRUARY 12, 2010 A REPORT BY THE CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT OF THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 IMPORTANT GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN SOMALIA 3 NOTABLE INDIVIDUALS 4 INTRODUCTION 8 ORIGINS OF AL SHABAAB 10 GAINING CONTROL, GOVERNING, AND MAINTAINING CONTROL 14 AL SHABAAB’S RELATIONSHIP WITH AL QAEDA, THE GLOBAL JIHAD MOVEMENT, AND ITS GLOBAL IDEOLOGY 19 INTERNATIONAL RECRUITING AND ITS IMPACT 29 AL SHABAAB’S INTERNATIONAL THREATS 33 THREAT ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION 35 APPENDIX A: TIMELINE OF MAJOR SECURITY EVENTS IN SOMALIA 37 APPENDIX B: MAJOR SUICIDE ATTACKS AND ASSASSINATIONS CLAIMED BY OR ATTRIBUTED TO AL SHABAAB 47 NOTES 51 Maps MAP OF THE HORN OF AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST 5 POLITICAL MAP OF SOMALIA 6 MAP OF ISLAMIST-CONTROLLED AND INFLUENCED AREAS IN SOMALIA 7 www.criticalthreats.org THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Executive Summary hree hundred people nearly died in the skies of and assassinations. Al Shabaab’s primary objectives at TMichigan on Christmas Day, 2009 when a Niger- the time of the Ethiopian invasion appeared to be ian terrorist attempted to blow up a plane destined geographically limited to Somalia, and perhaps the for Detroit. The terrorist was an operative of an al Horn of Africa. The group’s rhetoric and behavior, Qaeda franchise based in Yemen called al Qaeda in however, have shifted over the past two years reflect- the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). -
Somalia Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Somalia Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.22 # 128 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 1.27 # 128 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 1.18 # 128 of 128 Management Index 1-10 1.51 # 127 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Somalia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Somalia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 9.3 HDI - GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.3 HDI rank of 187 - Gini Index - Life expectancy years 51 UN Education Index - Poverty3 % - Urban population % 37.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 72.4 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Over the last two years, Somalia experienced ongoing violence and a continuous reconfiguration of political and military forces. During a United Nations brokered peace process in Djibouti, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) reconciled with one of its opponents, the moderate Djibouti wing of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS-D). -
HAB Represents a Variety of Sources and Does Not Necessarily Express the Views of the LPI
ei January-February 2017 Volume 29 Issue 1 2017 elections: Making Somalia great again? Contents 1. Editor's Note 2. Somali elections online: View from Mogadishu 3. Somalia under Farmaajo: Fresh start or another false dawn? 4. Somalia’s recent election gives Somali women a glimmer of hope 5. ‘Regional’ representation and resistance: Is there a relationship between 2017 elections in Somalia and Somaliland? 6. Money and drought: Beyond the politico-security sustainability of elections in Somalia and Somaliland 1 Editorial information This publication is produced by the Life & Peace Institute (LPI) with support from the Bread for the World, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and Church of Sweden International Department. The donors are not involved in the production and are not responsible for the contents of the publication. Editorial principles The Horn of Africa Bulletin is a regional policy periodical, monitoring and analysing key peace and security issues in the Horn with a view to inform and provide alternative analysis on on-going debates and generate policy dialogue around matters of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The material published in HAB represents a variety of sources and does not necessarily express the views of the LPI. Comment policy All comments posted are moderated before publication. Feedback and subscriptions For subscription matters, feedback and suggestions contact LPI’s regional programme on HAB@life- peace.org For more LPI publications and resources, please visit: www.life-peace.org/resources/ ISSN 2002-1666 About Life & Peace Institute Since its formation, LPI has carried out programmes for conflict transformation in a variety of countries, conducted research, and produced numerous publications on nonviolent conflict transformation and the role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding. -
Egypt and Somalia SIS Chairman Publisher State Information Diaa Rashwan Service
Egypt and Somalia SIS Chairman Publisher State Information Diaa Rashwan Service Author Abdelmoeti Abouzaid 3 Al-Estad Al- Head of Foreign Information Sector Bahary St., Nasr City, Cairo Documentation Mohamed El-Hussini Tel. : 002 02 22610761 Translation Fax.: 002 02 22608444 Sally Hassan Email : Layout Web Site : Eng. Rania Saleh Cover Abeer Ahmed Cairo Printing Supervision 2019 Eng. Eman Gaafar Technical Supervision Not for sale Hossam Amin Free of charge Content This series ...................................................................................... 5 This book . ...................................................................................... 7 Chapter I: History and Development of Relations between Egypt and Somalia...................................................................................9 Chapter II: Political relations.......................................................... 15 Chapter III: Economic and Trade Relations .....................................27 Chapter IV: Cultural and Media Relations.......................................31 4 This series: Egypt’s presidency of the African Union in 2019 is seen as a tribute from its African brothers and a trust that is cherished by Egypt and President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. Egypt, on all levels, considers this leadership an honor, a responsibility and a trust that should be met to achieve all the interests of the African continent and to promote solidarity among its peoples. As part of its mission and role as an Egyptian public information institution, the State -
Somalia: Understanding Al-Shabaab
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date issued: 3 June 2009 Author: Paula Cristina Roque1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Somalia: Understanding Al-Shabaab On 8 May 2009, Al-Shabaab reinforced by a faction of Hizbul Islam and former Summary Islamic Courts Union’s (ICU) leader Sheikh Aweys began what they claimed was a final assault on the capital Mogadishu in an attempt to destroy President Sheikh Sharif’s fragile National Unity Government. A wave of targeted assassinations of ICU officials and Al-Shabaab commanders in mid-April onwards,2 the reshuffling of military and political alliances among Islamist factions and inflammatory rhetoric that has led to a polarization of political positions has all but eliminated prospects for reconciliation between the government and the opposition. At the time of writing the government is managing to keep hold of southern Mogadishu. Nevertheless Al-Shabaab continues to gain ground in central Somalia and is positioning itself for what it hopes will be a decisive military victory. This report briefly examines the nature of Al-Shabaab’s ideological stance, their political ambitions and why this movement constitutes the gravest threat to the survival of Sheikh Sharif’s government and the Djibouti peace process that gave it birth. Introduction Al-Shabaab Al-Mujahidin (The Youth) is today the strongest, best organised, financed and armed military group and controls the largest stretch of territory in southern Somalia. Ahmed Abdi Godane (aka Sheikh Abu Zubeyr)3 leads the movement, deemed the Emir of the jihadist organisation, and is assisted by a ten-member council (Shura). -
B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Somalia and Repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP (OJ L 105, 27.4.2010, P
2010D0231 — EN — 16.10.2012 — 003.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP (OJ L 105, 27.4.2010, p. 17) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Decision 2011/635/CFSP of 26 September 2011 L 249 12 27.9.2011 ►M2 Council Decision 2012/388/CFSP of 16 July 2012 L 187 38 17.7.2012 ►M3 Council Decision 2012/633/CFSP of 15 October 2012 L 282 47 16.10.2012 2010D0231 — EN — 16.10.2012 — 003.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 29 thereof, Whereas: (1) On 10 December 2002, the Council adopted Common Position 2002/960/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Soma lia (1 ) following United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR) 733 (1992), 1356 (2001) and 1425 (2002) relating to an arms embargo against Somalia. (2) On 16 February 2009, the Council adopted Common Position 2009/138/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2002/960/CFSP (2 ), imple menting UNSCR 1844 (2008) which introduced restrictive measures against those who seek to prevent or block a peaceful political process, or those who threaten the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) of Somalia or the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) by force, or take action that undermines stability in Somalia or in the region. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
External Interventions in Somalia's Civil War. Security Promotion And
External intervention in Somalia’s civil war Mikael Eriksson (Editor) Eriksson Mikael war civil Somalia’s intervention in External The present study examines external intervention in Somalia’s civil war. The focus is on Ethiopia’s, Kenya’s and Uganda’s military engagement in Somalia. The study also analyses the political and military interests of the intervening parties and how their respective interventions might affect each country’s security posture and outlook. The aim of the study is to contribute to a more refined under- standing of Somalia’s conflict and its implications for the security landscape in the Horn of Africa. The study contains both theoretical chapters and three empirically grounded cases studies. The main finding of the report is that Somalia’s neighbours are gradually entering into a more tense political relationship with the government of Somalia. This development is character- ized by a tension between Somalia’s quest for sovereignty and neighbouring states’ visions of a decentralized Somali state- system capable of maintaining security across the country. External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Mikael Eriksson (Editor) FOI-R--3718--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se November 2013 FOI-R--3718--SE Mikael Eriksson (Editor) External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Cover: Scanpix (Photo: TT, CORBIS) 1 FOI-R--3718--SE Titel Extern intervention i Somalias inbördeskrig: Främjande av säkerhet och nationella intressen? Title External intervention in Somalia’s civil war: security promotion and national Interests? Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3718--SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2013 Antal sidor/Pages 137 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet/Ministry of Defence Projektnr/Project no A11306 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning Försvarsanalys/Defence Analysis Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk.