Ricky Burdett (ed.) : the fastest city?

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Original citation: Burdett, Ricky, ed. (2005) Shanghai: the fastest city? Urban Age.

This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/33359/

Originally available from Urban Age

Available in LSE Research Online: May 2013

© 2005 Urban Age

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Urban Age is a worldwide series of conferences investigating the future of cities SHANGHAI: NEW YORK/FEBRUARY 2005 SHANGHAI/JULY 2005 THE FASTEST /NOVEMBER 2005 /SPRING 2006 MEXICO CITY/SUMMER 2006 CITY? /AUTUMN 2006

WWW.URBAN-AGE.NET

URBAN AGE CONTACT Shanghai Conference Contact T +86 (133) 9111 1890 Cities programme London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE United Kingdom T +44 (0)20 7955 7706 [email protected]

Alfred Herrhausen Society Unter den Linden 13/15 10117 Berlin Germany T +49 (0)30 3407 4201 E [email protected] www.alfred-herrhausen-gesellschaft.de

a worldwide series of conferences investigating the future of cities

organised by the Cities Programme at the London School of Economics and Political Science and the Alfred Herrhausen Society, the International Forum of Deutsche Bank ifty years ago Shanghai was an cracks between regimes. In large parts of the Getting to grips with a city that has been island of floodlit art deco cin- city, it was never entirely clear exactly who undergoing double digit economic growth THE SPEED emas, modern skyscrapers was responsible for enforcing any kind for more than a decade demands a set of and electric trams, marooned of legal system. conceptual tools rather different to the in the midst of a China that The long freeze on Shanghai’s develop- conventional repertoire employed by those had hardly changed in a thou- ment only lifted at the end of the 1980s, with who spend their time thinking about urban AND THE sand years.As the city petered the introduction of the market economy to issues. The inescapable fact is speed. Shanghai F out on the road to Nanjing, China. In terms of physical development is a city whose development over the last ten the neon signs and the street lights disap- and planning, this triggered a great deal of years has by any standards been extraordinar- FRICTION peared into the darkness of a medieval night. research into appropriate models for ily rapid. To drive across the city in those days, you Shanghai. Of course Hong Kong, with its The story of Shanghai’s speed and friction needed three different driving licenses to carefully managed state land bank and the can be told in summary. Since 1990, living Deyan Sudjic negotiate your way from the Chung Hwa government’s use of auctions to fundraise space per person has doubled to reach Road to what was then called the Boulevard and control development, was studied with 15 square metres per resident. In the same des Deux Republiques, to Edward VII Avenue care. But so was the experience of period, the city has built 40% more roads. and Broadway.You could have worshipped in as it emerged from its transformation for the There are approaching two million cars. The your choice of onion domed Russian Olympics of 1992. Before the wave of new metro system has reached a daily capacity of Orthodox churches, the product of the army building really took hold, Shanghai staged 1.4 million people, and is intended to reach of White Russian refugees who sailed out of an architectural competition for a redevelop- five times that figure. The city has developed Vladivostock with the Bolsheviks at their ment strategy to deal with the whole Pudong an entirely new business district in Pudong in heels. It’s a history that suggests a city shaped area. It showed both the strengths and less than two decades and it has embarked on by a mix of pragmatism, opportunism and weaknesses of Shanghai’s position. Many the construction of a ring of satellite towns – anarchy. Shanghai was China’s window on the of the world’s leading architects - Toyo Ito, designed in German, Italian, Scandinavian world, its most industrially advanced and Massimiliano Fuksas and Richard Rogers and Chinese urban styles. In the rush to build commercially sophisticated city.And it still is, among them – were invited to take part. office towers to catch a perceived market, even as Beijing is working hard to re-establish They all put forward more or less radical speed has been the determinant of form. pre-eminence with a building programme in attempts at masterplanning, all of them Rather than give architects and engineers the capital that is just as frenetic as Shanghai’s. mutually exclusive in their approach to the time to produce considered technical Shanghai’s decision to hold an Expo in land-use and form. The city claims to have solutions to optimise net to gross ratios, 2010 is its own response to the 2008 Olympics adopted the best features of all the competi- developers have demanded instant starts. in Beijing. tors, and the development of a new business Without time to make sophisticated There is a tendency among western district in Pudong has proceeded at break- calculations, engineers have over-specified observers to look at China’s two great cities, neck speed, although along lines that bear structural cores. Buildings less than ten years Shanghai and Beijing, as vast urban agglom- little resemblance to anything that emerged old have aged with remarkable rapidity. erations that have broken the bounds of size in the competition. Some have become redundant even before and scale and so isolate themselves from con- Shanghai has moved beyond the first rush they are finished. ventional urban precedents. But in terms of of crude tower building, and the mood has In Shanghai, friction comes with speed. population size, Shanghai, with around 20 changed. In central Shanghai, the American It’s the kind of friction that comes as develop- million people is a city of the same order of architects led by John Portman who were ment accelerates, and decelerates, the friction magnitude as New York, and London, both responsible for many of the early high rises, that fills the gap between the imperatives of metropolises with a population of around have given way to a wider selection of design- what is still operating within the framework 18 million. The most striking differences ers, who are beginning to demonstrate a more of a Marxist control and command economy, between Shanghai, London and New York considered range of approaches.As demon- the actual results, and often unintended con- are political organisation and urban culture. strated by the property investment in the sequences. This provides an echo of the gaps Shanghai is effectively a city state, with the Bund, and in some of the surviving fragments between the administrations that ran the old powers of the central government at its of 19th century Shanghai, the city is also Shanghai.You can see the will to centralise in disposal to annex satellite towns and villages beginning to develop a more nuanced attitude the language of Shanghai’s plans. Not just in and to open up territory into its direct to its own past. Under the Pearl television the huge signboard that exhorts its citizens to control.We know Shanghai is big because tower you find the Mayor’s call to his citizens “Persist without wavering until it is done”, there is no obfuscation about the difference to “Rejoice in the present, while recalling the but even more in what the city calls “the six between the city in the political sense, and in past”carved in both Chinese and English into pillars”,not a Maoist call to arms, but a policy wider definitions of it as an entity. But, as a low granite wall. Shanghai is determined to build a strong economy based on cars, much as we are ready to analyse London or that every visitor knows all about what is semiconductors, petrochemicals, trade, New York as urban regions, the perception going on now, and expresses this in language finance, real estate and construction. is still shaped by political boundaries. that seems to recall the days of the Red After New York, Shanghai is the second Shanghai, where one in five of its popula- Guards.“Persist in the development of in the Urban Age investigations on cities. tion is made up of temporary in-migrants Pudong without wavering until it is done” It provides a chance to learn from a city in from predominantly rural China, is the key reads one giant billboard. The city is busy the midst of a spasm of change so violent that city setting the pattern for the explosive urban planting trees and even the flyovers are it questions the extent of human resilience, growth in Asia. It is as much a phenomenon fringed with planting boxes dangling green to explore the meaning of speed and friction. of our times as the equally rapid and – to its over the side of the road. It has installed its It is a city which is moving so fast that it’s contemporaries – equally disturbing transfor- famous $700 million Maglev train system to possible to see the impact of theory on mation of Western industrial cities of the make the 40 km trip to Pudong airport at an practice like nowhere else in the world. early 19th century. It is a phenomenon which awesome 400 km per hour.And it is meta- is producing a sense of strangeness and dislo- morphosing with such speed that it dynamit- Deyan Sudjic is the Architectural Critic of the cation, this time bound up with the over- ed the central railway station built as recently Observer Newspaper and co-chair of the Urban whelming impact of speed.When the British as 1988. The city had already outgrown it. Age Advisory Board happened on the Chinese walled settlement of At the regional level, Shanghai is develop- Shanghai towards the end of the Opium War ing a policy for its position at the centre of and fought for their right to sell the opium the Yangtze delta. On a national level, it is that they cultivated in India to the citizens of competing with Hong Kong and Tokyo. It is the Chinese empire, there was nothing on moving beyond manufacturing to advanced what is now the Pudong side of the Huang Po service industries, as much a part of the River. British traders, attracted by the river rhetorical agenda for every ambitious city traffic on the Yangtze river and its many tribu- as culture-led renewal. The question facing taries linking inland China and the trade Shanghai is if its best model is New York, routes from Europe,America and later Japan, London or Tokyo, or perhaps California, as persuaded their government to insist on their it attempts to create a balance between its unhindered access to Shanghai’s port. suburban industrial estates, and its high rise Fossilised through the Mao years, the city centre. It is still working to reduce cycling Bund still looks like a hallucinogenic trans- by another 25 per cent in the next five years, plant of a European city to Asia. But Shanghai just as it is working to reduce population was never a traditional colony. The city was densities in the inner city where there are run, by a series of different, but parallel still particularly crowded areas such as the administrations. It was an arrangement that Old West Gate, with people living at 760 to allowed a hybrid culture to flourish in the the hectare.

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 of urban growth, satellite cities, heavy every two years. The current masterplan industrial zones and residential quarters covering the period 1999-2020 is based on a SHANGHAI were designed and built under the policy multi-centred urban structure which will lead of national industrialisation throughout the to wholesale re-urbanisation of the city.After 1950s and 1960s. Some buildings, especially decades of neglect, the Shanghai Municipal the public institutions, were designed using Government is addressing issues of public TRANSFORMATIONS traditional Chinese architectural forms of transport and suburban development. monumentality and dignity.As part of a After channelling industrial growth in sustained nation-wide plan many new different directions–north, south, southwest, Zheng Shiling industrial buildings were constructed in west–the city chose to move eastwards in the the city, especially in the Min-Hang Heavy 1990s, across the Huangpu River, in the larger Industry Zone in south-west and Wu-Jing expanse the Pudong area. The result of the Chemical Industry Zone in the south-east redevelopment of Pudong has led to a restruc- fringes of Shanghai. turing of the city’s industrial heritage and During the 1950s, the Soviet inspired style urban form. The Huangpu River has become he history of Shanghai goes century, and, most recently the sustained of social realism was introduced to many a focal point, with factories, shipyards and old back over 5,500 years.As a city, growth of the 1990s. Throughout, Shanghai as buildings in Shanghai. Over the next two warehouses being gradually replaced by pub- it is a heterogeneous conden- a city has always enjoyed the culture of toler- decades, China experienced a severe winter lic open spaces and other activities. The trans- sor of Chinese history, reflect- ance and coexistence. Founded in the 13th in the realm of architecture and urban formation of the waterfront is the key driver ed in its urban form and century as an administrative centre, a tradi- development. Public life and public buildings of the choice of location of the vast World architecture, and revealed by tional circular city with canals and narrow retreated into the shadow of politics, EXPO 2010 site, closer to the city centre along its traditional gardens, tem- streets, it grew into a modern metropolis in responding in part to economic realities but the river banks. T ples, churches and residential the 1920s and 1930s with the addition of tra- more to the prevailing political and ideologi- Shanghai has always been an open city, typologies. Because of its unique location as ditional “European”urban areas to accommo- cal culture. The only constructions of note ready to seize opportunities and allow its citi- a major port on the east coast of mainland date the new economic activities and residen- were a petroleum chemical plant in Jinshan in zen to display their talent and creativity. This China, Shanghai has been an effective link tial needs of this early 20th century period of the south-west area of the city and a major competitive tradition underlies its dynamic between the port cities of North and South growth. The city was divided into four inter- steel industrial area to the north. and progressive nature, an entrepreneurial China, and also in the wider Asian sub-region, national sectors or “concessions”,each with The national government’s decision to spirit that sets it apart from other Chinese encompassing Japan and Korea. This is why their own administrative systems. During the embrace a more open policy in the early 1990s cities. But, as with any city that occupies a over time it has become a compact container 1930s, a masterplan was developed – based gave the city a much needed opportunity to strategic global position, its future lies not of different periods and styles of international on modern principles of urban planning but modernise and redevelop. Shanghai’s ambi- only in the hands of its architects and policy- architecture and urbanism, integrating classi- with traditional architecture forms – with a tion is to once again become a world class makers, but in the national policy for growth cal models of European urbanism with tradi- new centre in the northern fringe of the city, centre of finance, commerce, trade and and development. tional Chinese ideology. Shanghai became an away from the influences of the International shipping.As a result, since the late 1990s, important economic and cultural metropolis Settlements and French Concession areas. it has developed a series of masterplans for Zheng Shiling is Professor of Architecture at in the 19th and 20th centuries, establishing Due to political circumstances associated different areas of the city, covering over 800 Tongji University in Shanghai and former itself as a centre of modern Chinese culture with the policies of the Communist regime, square kilometres, to accommodate this Dean of its Architecture and Urban Planning and architecture. Shanghai lost its role as an international growth.About 20 million square metres of Department In perspective one could say that there are centre of growth and development for over buildings are expected to be built every year three great periods in Shanghai’s history: the 40 years, from the early 1950s to the 1990s. with new housing, offices and other activities. founding period in the early Middle Ages; the Very little construction occurred in this for- To give a sense of scale, this equates to the prosperous mercantile era of the early 20th mer world city. Following the USSR’s model addition of a city the size of Shanghai in 1949,

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 All images © Ryan Pyle

iving conditions have steadily consumption) has prompted government improved in Shanghai. Since actions to increase interest rates and discour- TRADING 1990, housing space per capita age non-occupant ownership. Conflicts over has more than doubled to reach development rights have flared at the city’s almost 15 square meters in periphery, where farmers seek to convert agri- 2003. Some improvements are cultural land into profitable housing for both CITY also noticeable in the quality of migrant workers and the wealthy. In central L the urban environment, with neighbourhoods, policies of slum clearance the area of urban parks and woods multiply- and the accompanying displacement of FOR SPACE ing almost sevenfold, covering over 35% of residents to more suburban areas have been the urbanised area of Shanghai. Despite these met by some community protest. improvements in living conditions however, At the same time, new social structures, Housing and urban nearly half of households experience over- such as residents’management committees crowding, and a further 16% suffer from in high rise towers, are evolving to address neighbourhoods severe overcrowding. the particular conditions of new housing As metropolitan growth continues, typologies. The quality of life in Shanghai’s high-rise buildings fill the dense city centre high density neighbourhoods is now an issue and new towns are constructed along periph- to address, as are the impacts of densification eral ring roads.Yet, in a pattern where concen- and massive vertical growth on the physical tration predominates over dispersal, close to tissue of the urban core.What factors lead half of Shanghai’s population lives in an area residents to remain in the congested city smaller than 5% of its total land surface. centre rather than moving to modern Urban densities average slightly over 40,000 suburban housing complexes? How does residents per square kilometre in the city’s the provision of housing relate to Shanghai’s four core districts and reach a peak of 760 employment sectors? While the creation of persons per hectare in Huangpu’s central peripheral new towns may be the most neighbourhood of Old West Gate, just south efficient model of metropolitan growth, of the People’s Square. It is interesting to note, what alternatives might be considered, such however, that the structural densification of as the expansion of the core by generating a the city centre is occurring at the same time high density belt around it? that population densities have decreased in this area, following development imperatives towards increasing the quantity of living space per resident. Household size has been decreasing over time and small households now comprise a considerable proportion of the population. The massive changes to Shanghai’s housing conditions have not been without social friction. Speculation in the housing market in both development and resale, mostly at the luxury end of market (symptomatic of increasing inequality in terms of housing

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 hanghai is a city in flux where has become an official local public policy all that is solid seems to melt goal, one perhaps made more urgent by LIVING into air, or rather into con- recent disturbances amongst disaffected crete, steel, glass and ever migrant populations, and on the other hand, more high-rise towers which the central Chinese government’s policy add attention-demanding directing the city to continue absorbing rural WITH verticality to an already over- migrants and turning them into urban citi- S loaded skyline. The towers, zens. Sharing responsibility for security in globally understood symbols public spaces with the support of both insti- THE FUTURE of the city’s ambitions, coexist uneasily with tutions and local communities is nothing new a certain nostalgia for the built forms of the for urban Chinese, schooled in a culture that city’s colonial past. Tabula rasa developments emphasises a collective sense of responsibility Public life and urban spaces on a huge scale transform entire sections of and with the experience of decades of a tightly the city into new business districts at the same controlled social order. Nevertheless, these time that they make a point in preserving or objectives may necessitate the broader recreating pockets of historic spaces.At the cultivation of conditions and perceptions street level, the Shanghainese understand of “security”capable of engaging a wide that their city is changing rapidly and many range of the city’s residents and a more express unease about the disorientating profound understanding both of the nature pace of restructuring and the surreal spatial of public spaces in a city in the midst of tidal juxtapositions that it produces. In contrast change and of how these public spaces can to the apparent cohesion of the Mao years, contribute to a shared sense of community the recent social transformation of Shanghai within the city. has resulted in a more diverse urban society where inequalities are as deep and the possibility for conflict as present as they were during the period of the international settlement. Expatriates from the Asia Pacific region and the West,highly educated overseas Chinese and a surfacing immigrant popula- tion engaged in some niches of the city’s serv- ice economy, all contribute to an increasingly complex and disjointed social landscape. No other group challenges the social order of Shanghai as much as Chinese internal migrants from rural areas, a “floating popula- tion”approaching 5 million with limited rights and vulnerable livelihoods. Poverty, low educational levels and the stigma of crime hinder the possibilities of incorporating this population into the social fabric of Shanghai. Developing a harmonious society in the city

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 ransport is one of the most tarmac – making it structurally incompatible including the pedestrianisation of the Bund striking indicators of for a city with a projected exponential growth alongside the Huangpu River by building FASTER Shanghai’s rapid pace of in car traffic. Further-more, rising levels of a tunnel to accommodate the existing six-lane change. Borne out by the car use would exacerbate increasing energy highway. impressive statistics, it is the consumption, worsen pollution and add to The future of Shanghai’s physical struc- actual experience of move- traffic congestion. Hence, the heated debate in ture will not only be strongly influenced by BUT ment in the public spaces of policy circles of whether precious farmland its transport system, but also by the decisions T the city that makes one feel surrounding the city should be sacrificed to made regarding density levels and mixed-use the enormity of the transfor- new roads and urban sprawl. zoning. Reducing residential density levels FURTHER mation.Walking among thousands of com- There is a risk that Shanghai’s communi- within the inner city, and building beyond muters at Shanghai’s largest underground ties, already challenged by a widening income the edge of the city, is regarded as the key to interchange under People’s Square or gap, could be faced with a lasting physical increasing the amount of personal living Mobility attempting to cross a six-lane highway across imprint of separation that will inhibit social space.A rigid zoning approach, which sepa- the Bund to snatch a view of the esplanade, cohesion. The city is also facing a familiar yet rates uses and dedicates large proportions and transport emphasises the sense of stress of a burgeoning difficult choice in funding priorities, needing of land – particularly for new developments – city. In the ten years to 2000, the length of to decide between investing in more and more to discrete residential, office, industrial or roads increased by 40 per cent, and the num- road and parking projects, or increasing service uses, will have a huge impact on ber of cars quadrupled to just over one mil- spending on public transport. The newly rich mobility requirements. Over the last 10 years, lion. Official predictions state that by 2020 and empowered car lobby is proactive in mak- the daily distance travelled by Shanghai Shanghai will have 2.5 million private cars, ing its voice heard, arguing against car restric- residents has increased by 50%. The conse- and that daily motor vehicle trips will increase tions and taxes, that make it more difficult to quences of this land-use policy are already to seven million compared to just over three manage urban mobility and the use of cars. apparent: the original plan to build nine new million in 2000. Public transport provision For the central area, where the growing satellite cities surrounding Shanghai – all will increasingly rely on Shanghai’s rail sys- number of vehicles is particularly problemat- of which would have to rely on rapid transit tem, which the city is planning to expand ic, two strategies are being followed. The first access – have been dramatically curtailed to 540 km in 2020. The metro system’s current is to increase road density levels, mainly by due to cost implications, and only three new daily capacity of 1.4 million is predicted to constructing elevated highways. The second towns are currently under construction. reach 10 million in 2020. is to focus on improving the capacity of Clearly, Shanghai’s transport demands Increasing levels of car ownership and the existing network, mainly by separating are not directly comparable to European the expanding car industry in Shanghai– different transport modes. Cycling, although or North American cities.Yet, it is intriguing regarded by China’s economic planners as a banned on most main roads, is still vital. to note that the private car, which most key growth sector–will increasingly challenge Today some nine million bicycles are owned competes with public transport in cities the very essence of the city. Prosperity associ- by the Shanghainese, and are used for 30% of like London, New York or Berlin, is seen ated with employment in car manufacturing all trips. However, cycling is now viewed as a in Shanghai as complementary to public and its associated industries is a key driver competitor to public transport, slowing down transport, (particularly buses), and that of Shanghai’s economic welfare. So are the traffic and causing accidents. The city aims to “third means”– bicycles and motorbikes – improvements to the standard of living reduce its share by 25% within the next five are regarded as problematic and targeted promised by quiet, comfortable homes away years.Walking is regarded as an integral part for elimination. Quite a paradigm reversal from the overcrowded and polluted central of Shanghai’s transport system not only for from the current fashion for sustainable city. In comparison to other cities like London short journeys but also as a feeder for public development in western cities. and Paris, Shanghai has an extremely low per- and private transport, and there are plans to centage of road space – literally, the amount of expand the network of pedestrian streets

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 AFTER THE SURGE Labour markets and work places

fter over a decade of double- region, the People’s Republic of China, the learn from established urban models of eco- revitalised inner core? What considerations digit economic growth, Asia Pacific and the wider world economy. nomic growth and what lessons can it teach need to be taken in the design of the differen- Shanghai’s concerns about Strengthening its centrality at one level the urban world in terms of development tiated workplaces that these industries its future prosperity now may pose negative consequences to the city’s expediency and urban restructuring at a require? How will these workplaces be inte- relate to the city’s capacity other roles – becoming a consolidated global breathtaking pace? What synergies can be grated to the living spaces of the workforce to innovate. Important chal- city that is attractive to international investors fostered between the leading economic and the everyday lives of people in Shanghai? lenges have resulted from the and leading economic sectors may require sectors of car production, semiconductors, What is the social life of Shanghai’s multiply- A city’s many successes in different types of public investments and petrochemicals, trade, finance and real estate ing high-rise office towers? What investment, terms of economic development, attracting interventions than growing as China’s indus- and construction? How can planning steer design, planning and tenancy regulations, foreign investment, international trade, trial powerhouse and job generator for a rap- property development– roughly half of all decisions, agreements and negotiations have transformation of its built environment and idly urbanising population.A number of fixed capital investment in Shanghai– so that shaped their existence? In what symbolic and upgrading of its urban infrastructure. These different questions arise from this dilemma. it supports rather than crowds out the city’s functional ways does this most ubiquitous challenges require more complex planning To what degree should policy makers attempt manufacturing base? workplace of contemporary Shanghai shape processes and policy interventions than the to strengthen the city’s advanced services sec- Further questions arise about the relation- and confer meaning to the businesses and formulas deployed so far. Shanghai now needs tor? How much effort should be put in to ship between urban development and livelihoods that it hosts? to assume a more defined economic identity upgrading, modernising and expanding its physical planning in the unique context and adopt a set of strategic priorities to guide manufacturing base? Are post-industrial New of Shanghai’s urban form and pressure for its metropolitan development path.As the York and London the models to learn from, or growth.What is the right territorial balance density of economic interactions has will Shanghai be better off following broader between Shanghai’s suburban industrial increased at multiple scales, making decisions base high-tech development strategies such parks and development zones, its premium about Shanghai’s economic future also as those of Tokyo and the city-regions of business and commercial districts and the implies shaping its role in the Yangtze River California. In broader terms, can Shanghai increasingly visible creative industries in the

URBAN AGE CONFERENCE JULY 2005 Urban Age is a worldwide series of conferences investigating the future of cities SHANGHAI: NEW YORK/FEBRUARY 2005 SHANGHAI/JULY 2005 THE FASTEST LONDON/NOVEMBER 2005 JOHANNESBURG/SPRING 2006 MEXICO CITY/SUMMER 2006 CITY? BERLIN/AUTUMN 2006

WWW.URBAN-AGE.NET

URBAN AGE CONTACT Shanghai Conference Contact T +86 (133) 9111 1890 Cities programme London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE United Kingdom T +44 (0)20 7955 7706 [email protected]

Alfred Herrhausen Society Deutsche Bank Unter den Linden 13/15 10117 Berlin Germany T +49 (0)30 3407 4201 E [email protected] www.alfred-herrhausen-gesellschaft.de

a worldwide series of conferences investigating the future of cities

organised by the Cities Programme at the London School of Economics and Political Science and the Alfred Herrhausen Society, the International Forum of Deutsche Bank