Nature, Grace, and a Pagan's Salvation Adomnán's Vita

Louvain Studies 29 (2004) 131-146

Nature, Grace, and a Pagan’s Salvation Adomnán’s Vita Columbae as a Possible Historical Antecedent to Rahner’s Theology of the Anonymous Christian Tomás O’Sullivan

Abstract. — This paper attempts to discern whether certain narratives concerning the baptism and death of “naturally good” pagans which are found in Adomnán of Iona’s Vita Columbae can be seen as providing an historical antecedent to Karl Rahner’s theology of the “anonymous Christian.” Following a brief elaboration of Rahner’s thought, one key narrative is examined in depth. It is suggested that this narrative, when understood in the light of the theologies of nature and grace propounded by Augustine of Hippo and John Cassian, reveals itself to be an anti-Pelagian tract in which the presentation of grace, as pervading the life of the non-Christian, is in remarkable harmony with Rahner’s thought. The paper concludes with a discussion of the consequences of this correlation.

The nature and extent of the salvation which is offered in and through Christ is a theme which has exercised Christian theologians throughout history. Indeed, this theme has assumed a particular importance in our own day, for the non-Christian is now encountered, not alone in far-off “mission territories,” but living side-by-side with the Christian community wherever it is to be found. In any attempt to consider the relationship of the salvific grace of God to our non-Chris- tian neighbours, the theologian must hold to two seemingly-contra- dictory truths, well-attested by both Scripture and tradition. On the one hand, we must confess that God “desires everyone to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” (1 Tim 2:4).1 On the other, we must also affirm that such salvation can only be achieved through the grace of Jesus Christ, who is, in the words which immediately follow in the same epistle, the “one mediator between God and humankind”

1. All Biblical quotations and references are drawn from the NRSV. 132 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN

(1 Tim 2:5). Our challenge is to discern the correct relationship between both truths; to determine whether, or perhaps even how, a non-Christian can receive the salvation which God both desires and effects, even though such salvation is only available through a faith they do not profess. This challenge was addressed by Karl Rahner in his theology of the “anonymous Christian.”2 This paper aims to exam- ine the affinity of Rahner’s thought to a remarkably similar theology which was formulated in the seventh century, and argues that expres- sions of this early theology can be seen as historical antecedents, perhaps even foreshadowings, of Rahner’s work. Rahner’s theology of the “anonymous Christian” is based upon the premise that if Christian faith is necessary for salvation, on the one hand, and God wills all to be saved, on the other, then it must be possible for all people everywhere to possess a genuine Christian faith, which can (and should) be explicitly expressed through baptism and participation in the life of the Church, but can, nonetheless, also exist implicitly, even without the conscious recognition of the individual con- cerned.3 Rahner termed the possessor of such an implicit faith an “anonymous Christian”: that man is called an “anonymous Christian” who on the one hand has de facto accepted of his freedom this gracious self-offering on God’s part through faith, hope and love, while on the other he is absolutely not yet a Christian at the social level (through baptism and membership of the Church) or in the sense of having consciously objectified his Christianity to himself in his own mind (by explicit Christian faith resulting from having hearkened to the explicit Chris- tian message).4 The insight underlying Rahner’s thesis is that saving faith in Christ can by no means be simply identified with explicit confession of the Christian creed: salvation is not to be found in what a person says, nor in the manner they consciously express and interpret their beliefs, but rather in the actual faith which is present in the heart of the individual. Thus, Rahner’s argument is built around the person who has true faith in Christ and whose faith informs their entire lives, but who remains

2. See especially Karl Rahner, “Anonymous Christians,” Theological Investigations, 6 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1974) 390-398; “Anonymous Christianity and the Missionary Task of the Church,” Theological Investigations, 12 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1974) 161-178; “Observations on the Problem of the ‘Anonymous Christian’,” Theological Investigations, 14 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1976) 280-294. 3. Rahner, “Anonymous Christians,” 391-392. 4. Rahner, “Observations on the Problem of the ‘Anonymous Christian’,” 283. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 133 unable to give this faith explicit expression and thereby remains an “anonymous Christian.” The key aspect of Rahner’s theology which is most relevant to the present discussion is the conception of the relationship of nature and grace which underpins his thought on the anonymous Christian. In contrast to the traditional neo-Scholastic view,5 Rahner argued that grace always permeates every aspect of our existence. While it is possible to discuss nature as separate from grace, this “nature” remains simply a the- oretical construct: in actuality, he held, we have never experienced nature without also experiencing God’s all-pervading grace.6 Rahner argued that “the capacity for the God of self-bestowing personal Love is the central and abiding existential of man as he really is.”7 This “supernatural existential,” called forth by grace, is always and everywhere continually answered and fulfilled by grace. Grace “always surrounds us;” it is “the inescapable setting of [our] existence.”8 “Our whole spiritual life is lived in the realm of the salvific will of God, of his prevenient grace, of his call as it becomes efficacious.”9 Significantly, Rahner emphasised that this grace is in no way confined simply to justified or explicit Christians; rather, it is a free gift which pervades the existence of every individual human being.10 Without such grace, there could be no “anonymous Christianity.” No individual can establish a sanctifying relationship with the God of Jesus Christ simply on his own merits or by her own efforts. There is no saving faith without grace. But the beauty of Rahner’s theology is that we are never without grace. Rahner’s God is one who is always present,

5. See his critique of this theology: “Concerning the Relationship Between Nature and Grace,” Theological Investigations, 1 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1974) 297-317, esp. 298-303; “Nature and Grace,” Theological Investigations, 4 (London: Dar- ton, Longman & Todd, 1974) 165-188, esp. 166-174. 6. Rahner, “Concerning the Relationship Between Nature and Grace,” 313-315; “Nature and Grace,” 182-183. 7. Rahner, “Relationship Between Nature and Grace,” 312. See also ibid., 311-312; “Nature and Grace,” 183-184; “Anonymous Christians,” 393-394; “Anonymous Chris- tianity and the Missionary Task of the Church,” 169-170; “On the Importance of the Non-Christian Religions for Salvation,” Theological Investigations, 18 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983) 288-295, here 291. 8. Rahner, “Nature and Grace,” 181. 9. Ibid., 180. 10. Ibid., 179-181. See also Rahner, “On the Importance of the Non-Christian Religions for Salvation,” 291; “Christianity and the Non-Christian Religions,” Theolog- ical Investigations, 5 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1966) 115-134, esp. 124-125; “Anonymous and Explicit Faith,” Theological Investigations, 16 (London: Darton, Long- man & Todd, 1979) 52-59, esp. 56. 134 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN always near, not alone as Creator, but as Saviour and Sanctifier. Offer- ing himself in continuous relationship with each individual, he presents all with the opportunity to accept or reject his sanctifying grace.11 Wher- ever this grace is accepted, whenever a human being acknowledges and accepts their own openness to the transcendent,12 or holds a dictate of their conscience as absolutely binding upon them,13 there exists an “anonymous Christian” who is justified by the grace of God and their own implicit faith. Rahner’s theology, while innovative, can hardly be described as unprecedented. The “anonymous Christian” can perhaps best be understood as a contemporary elaboration of an idea which has a long history within the Christian tradition.14 This is an element which, it can be argued, has often been overshadowed by an over-emphasis on other components of the tradition, but its presence can be detected in many works throughout the long centuries of Christian theological reflection. Aspects of some of these works demonstrate a profound harmony with various facets of Rahner’s thought, and it is to one such work that we now turn. The Vita Columbae,15 perhaps the finest work of hagiography produced in early medieval Ireland, was composed by St. Adomnán, the ninth abbot of the island monastery of Iona, around the year 700. Divided into three books, describing respectively “prophetic revelations,” “divine mir- acles,” and “appearances of angels, and certain manifestations of heavenly brightness above the man of God,”16 Adomnán’s work sets out to reveal the sanctity of St. Colmcille (in Latin, Columba), who had founded the monastery of Iona in 563 and had died on the island on 9 June 597.17 The relevance of the Vita Columbae to our present discussion lies in

11. Rahner, “Christianity and the Non-Christian Religions,” 123. 12. See Rahner, “Anonymous and Explicit Faith,” 55; “Atheism and Anonymous Christianity,” Theological Investigations, 9 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1972) 145-164, esp. 154-155. 13. See Rahner, “Observations on the Problem of the ‘Anonymous Christian’,” 284; “Anonymous and Explicit Faith,” 53, 55. 14. For an overview of Christian approaches to other religions, and theological reflection on the relationship of salvation and the non-Christian, from the Apostolic Church to the present day, see Jacques Dupuis, Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1997) 25-201. 15. Adomnán’s Life of Columba, ed. & trans. Alan Orr Anderson and Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson (Revised edition, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). 16. Vita Columbae [hereafter VC], Second Preface; Anderson & Anderson, Life of Columba, 7. 17. It is possible that Adomnán’s Life was composed to commemorate the cente- nary of the saint’s death. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 135

Adomnán’s presentation of an encounter between St. Colmcille and a pagan Pict. This important narrative occurs in Book I, and refers to a certain Artbranán whom Colmcille baptised on the island of Skye: When the blessed man was spending some days in the island of Sci [Skye], in a certain place he struck with his staff18 a plot of ground beside the sea, and spoke thus to those who accompanied him: “My children, strange to tell, today in this place, on this plot of ground, a certain pagan old man, who has preserved natural goodness throughout his whole life, will be baptized, and will die, and will be buried.” And behold, after the space of about one hour, a little ship came to land in that harbourage, and in its prow was carried a feeble old man, the leader of the cohort of Geon (?). Two young men lifted him from the ship, and set him down in front of the blessed man. And as soon as he had, through an interpreter, received the word of God from the saint, he believed, and was baptized by him. And after the rites of baptism had been performed, he presently died in that place, as the saint had prophesied, and there his companions buried him, building a cairn of stones. It can still be seen today upon the sea-coast. And the stream of that place, in which he received baptism, down to the present day named after his name, is called by the people of the district “dobur of Artbranán.”19 The primary importance of this narrative lies, not in the events it relates, but in the theological truths its construction reveals. The audi- ence to which this tale is addressed, the ecclesiastically-educated Irish and Anglo-Saxon literati, well-versed in both the Bible and patristic exe- gesis, would have expected such theological truths to be present in any work of hagiography. In short, we should not understand this narrative as history (although it may well contain historical elements); rather, it should be understood, non-pejoratively, as myth. And our concern lies

18. Note the reference to Moses’ action at the waters of Meribah: see Num 20:1- 13; Exod 17:1-7. Read in the light of Paul’s interpretation in 1 Cor 10:4, this action of Colmcille’s reinforces the baptismal imagery in the narrative. 19. ‘Cum per aliquot dies in insula demoraretur Scia, uir beatus alicuius loci ter- rulam mari uicinam baculo percutiens ad comites sic ait: “Mirum dictu Ó filioli hodie in hac huius loci terrula quidam gentilis senex, naturale per totam bonum custodiens uitam, et babtizabitur et morietur et sepelietur.” Et ecce quasi post unius interuallum horae nauicula ad eundem superuenit portum, cuius in prora quidam aduectus est decrepitus senex, Geonae primarius cohortis; quem bini iuuenes de naui subleuantes ante beati conspectum uiri deponunt. Qui statim uerbo dei a sanctus per interpraetem recep- tor credens ab eodem babtizatus est. Et post expleta babtizationis ministeria sicuti sanctus profetizavit eodem in loco consequenter obiit, ibidemque socii congesto lapidum aceruo sepeliunt. Qui hodieque in ora cernitur maritima. Fluiusque eiusdem loci in quo idem baptisma acciperat ex nomine euius dobur Artbranani usque in hodiernum nomi- natus est diem ab acculis uocitatur.’ VC, I, 33. Anderson and Anderson, Life of Columba, 62 (text), 63 (trans.). 136 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN in uncovering the theology which underlies this myth: Adomnán’s theology, expressed in this narrative form. In this context, it should be noted that a remarkably similar narrative is found towards the end of the Vita Columbae.20 Space precludes any detailed discussion of this narrative, which concerns another aged Pict, named Emchath, described in identical terms to Artbranán as a pagan “who has preserved natural goodness through his whole life, into extreme old age,”21 who likewise receives the word of God from Colmcille, is baptised, and immediately dies. Other early Irish examples of this hagio- graphical topos, such as the narrative concerning Monesan in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii,22 or that of the daughters of Loíguire in Tírechán’s Vita,23 must also be excluded.24 However, various aspects of the Emchath tale in the Vita Columbae can be seen to reinforce the theology expressed in the earlier narrative concerning Artbranán, and thus contribute to our overall understanding of Adomnán’s theology. Of particular note are the presentation of baptism as the natural culmination of this pagan’s life and the intimation that he is already in receipt of grace prior to his baptism. Indeed, Adomnán’s depiction of God as despatching angels to care for the soul of this pagan, and, perhaps even more importantly, directly informing the saint of this man’s existence so that he can receive baptism before his death, reveals an understanding of God as not only full of care and concern for the pagan but also actively intervening on his behalf. This suggests that Adomnán may have conceived of the grace of God as an active presence even in the life of the non-Christian.

20. VC, III, 14. Anderson and Anderson, Life of Columba, 200, 202 (text), 201, 203 (trans.). 21. “… naturale bonum per totam uitam usque ad extremam senectutem con- seruantem…” Anderson and Anderson, Life of Columba, 200 (text), 201 (trans.). 22. Muirchú, Vita Patricii, I 27 (26); ed. and trans. Ludwig Bieler, The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae, 10 (Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1979) 98-101. 23. Tírechán, Vita Patricii, 26; Bieler, The Patrician Texts, 142-145. 24. Similarly space precludes the discussion of other ‘naturally good’ pagans who appear in early Irish hagiography, such as Díchu in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii or the shepherd found in the infancy narrative at the beginning of the Latin Life of St. Ailbe of Emly. The Patrician texts appear to focus on the nature and possibility of pre-Christian divine revelation, in which the Holy Spirit plays a prominent role (cf. also the so-called ‘Pseudo- Historical Prologue to the Senchas Már’). The shepherd found in the Life of Ailbe is of particular interest: as a shepherd who brings the saint out from among wolves, it is possible that this character, although a pagan, should be seen as a figure of Christ. For a sur- vey of ‘natural goodness’ in early Irish texts, see Charles Donahue, “Beowulf, Ireland and the Natural Good,” Traditio 7 (1949-51) 263-277; see also Charles Donahue, “Beowulf and Christian Tradition: A Reconsideration from a Celtic Stance,” Traditio 21 (1965) 55- 116, esp. 59-72. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 137

Nonetheless, it is the description of both Artbranán and Emchath as preserving “natural goodness” throughout their entire lives which is crucial to understanding the similarity of Adomnán’s and Rahner’s theologies. This emphasis on “natural goodness” may at first, however, appear problematic. The phrase is replete with Pelagian undertones and, indeed, these passages have been cited as evidence for the presence of the Pelagian heresy within the early Irish church: There are several examples in late seventh-century Irish texts of gen- tiles who kept the law of nature, apparently without any assistance of divine grace … It is remarkable that both Muirchú and Adomnán provide the names of their examples of naturale bonum in each case, as though it were necessary to support the claim of natural goodness and the possibility of a sinless life against the sceptics – in effect, ven- turing to provide the very kind of proof which Pelagius hesitated to give! The Adomnán examples, moreover, are especially instructive in that they support the central claim of Pelagianism that a perfect life is possible without baptism, or any form of grace other than the grace of nature.25 This charge of heresy against Adomnán should not be lightly dis- missed. For, if this claim can be substantiated, any possible correlation between Adomnán’s theology and that of Rahner would be destroyed, for Rahner’s thought on the “anonymous Christian” is dependent, as we have seen, on his conception of the utter pervasiveness of God’s grace. It is clear that the theology propounded by Pelagius, the vigorous responses of Augustine of Hippo, and the ensuing debate on the relationship of created nature, human free will, and the action of divine grace, exerted a profound influence on Adomnán’s depiction of the “naturally good” Artbranán. Indeed, an understanding of the theologies put forward during these debates is essential to any understanding of Adom- nán’s narrative.26

25. Michael W. Herren and Shirley Ann Brown, Christ in Celtic Christianity: Britain and Ireland from the Fifth to the Tenth Century, Studies in Celtic History, 20 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2002) 95. See also Gerald Bonner’s Review of Christ in Celtic Christianity, Peritia 16 (2002) 510-513. Bonner suggests that many of the char- acteristics which Herren and Brown associate with Irish Pelagianism could alternatively be attributed to the strong monastic character of the early Irish Church. For a recent sur- vey of the influence of Pelagianism in early Britain and Ireland, see Gerald Bonner, “The Pelagian Controversy in Britain and Ireland,” Peritia 16 (2002) 144-155. 26. Augustine of Hippo’s treatise On Nature and Grace (J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina, 44 [Paris: 1845] 247-290; trans. John A. Mourant and William J. Collinge, Saint Augustine: Four Anti-Pelagian Writings, The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation, 86 [Washington DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1992] 22-90), composed as a response to Pelagius’ treatise On Nature, was written during the early stages 138 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN

Pelagius’ thought was inspired by the desire that Christians should actively take upon themselves the working out of their own salvation and should strive against committing sin, as opposed to using their weak and fallen nature as a form of excuse for inactivity.27 However, the theology which Pelagius produced, which suggested that humanity could, by its own will and effort, refrain from sin and lead a righteous life, was denounced by Augustine as a profound attack on grace “which makes void the cross of Christ;”28 for, if sin could be avoided simply by our own efforts, why was it necessary for Christ to die to save sinners? It should be noted that Pelagius did not deny the need for grace, but held that the only grace necessary to avoid sin was that original grace through which our nature had been created, with, in his view, the capacity to remain sinless.29 This, in Augustine’s view, was a profound misrepresentation which, while praising God as Creator, seemed to threaten his role as Saviour.30 Thus he argued, against Pelagius, that “without the grace of God a man cannot be without sin.”31 Augustine’s stress on the necessity of grace arose from his understanding of original sin, which, he believed, had inflicted a profound wound on our nature; thus, although human nature was originally created good and whole, it was now extensively damaged and in need of divine healing.32 Augustine’s conception of the extent of this damage is graphically illustrated in his declaration that it would be wholly just for God to abandon the whole human race without ever offering any salvation: “one could not in any way reproach the justice of God in con- demning all entirely.”33 Such condemnation could only be avoided through the cleansing of original sin, which, of course, was only available in baptism. Thus, those who remained outside the Church enjoyed no hope of salvation: “no one is justified unless he believes in [Christ] of the debate. It is this text which will be primarily cited here as an example of Augus- tine’s thought. 27. See Augustine, On Nature and Grace, 1 (1). 28. On Nature and Grace, 6 (6); Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augustine, Four Anti-Pelagian Writings, 26. The same charge is made in 2 (2), 7 (7), 9 (10), 19 (21), 40 (47). 29. See On Nature and Grace, 51 (59). 30. On Nature and Grace, 34 (39). 31. “… sine gratia Dei hominem sine peccato esse non posse.” On Nature and Grace, 10 (11); Migne, PL 44, 252; Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augustine, Four Anti- Pelagian Writings, 30. 32. On Nature and Grace, 3 (3). Cf. 48 (56), 53 (62), 66 (79). 33. “… qui recte nullo modo posset culpare justitiam universos omnino damnan- tis?’ On Nature and Grace, 5 (5); Migne, PL 44, 250; Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augus- tine, Four Anti-Pelagian Writings, 26. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 139 and is cleansed by his baptism … [no one] is capable of being saved by any other means than through Christ himself.”34 Augustine compared fallen humanity to the traveller who was rescued by the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37). Although we began our journey in good health, we were waylaid by “thieves” and thus, as a result of original sin, now find ourselves lying half-dead by the roadside. We can do nothing for ourselves and, of necessity, must be rescued by Another, who carries us to the “inn” of the Church, outside of which there is no recovery from our ordeal.35 Hence Augustine held that there is no salvation without baptism and entry into the Church;36 even an infant, who died without baptism because he was “born where it was not possible for him to be rescued through the baptism of Christ,” could not be admitted to the kingdom of heaven.37 While the ramifications of Augustine’s theology have had a profound influence on our understanding and practice of baptism down to the present day, our more immediate concern lies in its implications for Adomnán’s presentation of Artbranán and Emchath as “naturally good” pagans. For, while the Vita Columbae’s stress on the necessity of these pagans’ baptism is in harmony with Augustine’s theology, the depiction of the whole of their lives (totam uitam) as filled with natural goodness seems hard to reconcile with Augustine’s image of the non-Christian lying half-dead by the roadside. Indeed, Augustine himself (discussing those who were unaware of the Christian faith either because they had lived in the centuries prior to the Incarnation or had yet to hear the Good News) denounced such an idea as offensive to the doctrine of grace and to the cross of Christ: However, before all this has begun to be accomplished, before that preaching itself finally reaches the ends of the whole earth – for there still exist some people in remote places, although it is said that they are few in number, to whom the gospel has not yet been preached – what should human nature do or what has it done, either before when it had not yet heard that salvation was to come to pass, or now if it has not learned that it was accomplished? What should it do except fulfill God’s will by believing in him who made heaven and earth, and who created human nature itself (as it naturally perceives) and by living rightly, even though it has not been tinged with any

34. “Nemo justificatur nisi in eum credat et Baptismo ejus abluatur … ne aliquo modo alio praeter ipsum quisquam salvus fieri posse credatur.” On Nature and Grace, 41 (48); Migne, PL 44, 270-271; Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augustine, Four Anti-Pela- gian Writings, 59. 35. On Nature and Grace, 43 (50). 36. On Nature and Grace, 4 (4). 37. On Nature and Grace, 8 (9). 140 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN

faith in the passion and resurrection of Christ? If this could have been done or can be done, I also say what the Apostle said about the law: “Christ died in vain” [Gal 2:21] For if he declared this regarding the law accepted by the one Jewish people, how much more truly may it be said concerning the law of nature which all mankind has received, “If justice is derived from [human] nature, then Christ died in vain.” But if he did not die in vain, then human nature can in no way be justified and redeemed from the most righteous wrath of God, that is from punishment, unless through faith and the sacrament of the blood of Christ.38 It is therefore clear that Adomnán’s presentation of Artbranán and Emchath as “naturally good” pagans is distinctly dissonant from Augus- tine’s theology. But this does not mean that the abbot has adopted a Pela- gian paradigm, irreconcilable with Rahner’s conception of the “anonymous Christian.” For disagreeing with Augustine is by no means identical to embracing Pelagius; we may note that Rahner’s work too is clearly dissonant with Augustine, and he is no Pelagian. Indeed, a closer exam- ination of the Artbranán narrative will reveal a far greater harmony with Augustine’s thought than may initially be apparent, together with a dis- tinct rejection of Pelagianism. The key to understanding the conception of nature and grace on which this narrative is founded, and hence to revealing Adomnán’s thought on the role of grace in the salvation of the non-Christian, lies in some small details which can initially seem superfluous to the account. Perhaps appropriately, it is the description of Artbranán’s actions (or, more pertinently, the lack thereof) which reveals the depths of Adom- nán’s theology. First of all, the pagan “was carried” to the saint in a ship. When this ship arrived, Artbranán could not disembark: he had to be “lifted” out by two young men. Once ashore, he could not even walk to

38. “Sed antiquam hoc inciperet fieri, antequam denique usque ad fines totius orbis terrae praedicatio ipsa perveniat; quoniam non desunt adhuc ultimae gentes, licet ut perhibetur paucissimae, quibus hoc nondum fuerit praedictum; quid faciet humana natura, vel quid fecit, quae vel ante non audierat hoc futurum, vel adhuc non comperit factum, nisi credendo in Deum, qui fecit caelum et terram, a quo et se factam naturaliter sentit, et recte vivendo ejus impleat voluntatem, nulla fide passionis Christi et resurrec- tionis imbuta? Quod si fieri potuit aut potest, hoc et ego dico, quod de lege dixit Apos- tolus: Ergo Christus gratis mortuus est. Si enim hoc ille dixit de lege quam accepit gens una Judaeorum; quanto justius dicitur de lege naturae, quam accepit universum genus humanum, Si per naturam justitia, ergo Christus gratis mortuus est? Si autem non gratis Christus mortuus est, ergo omnis humana natura justificari et redimi ab ira Dei justis- sima, hoc est, a vindidicta nullo modo potest, nisi per fidem et sacramentum sanguinis Christi.” On Nature and Grace, 2 (2); Migne, PL 44, 249; Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augustine, Four Anti-Pelagian Writings, 23-24 (italics in original translation, representing a probable quotation from Pelagius’ treatise On Nature). NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 141 meet the saint; rather the young men “set him down in front of the blessed man.” Artbranán is even incapable of listening to the saint’s preaching without assistance, for he can only receive the word of God “through an interpreter.” In fact, there is only one action which Artbranán himself performs unaided, and it is of the greatest significance: “he believed.”39 The anti-Pelagian nature of this account thus becomes clear. Far from being some Pelagian hero of nature, turning away from sin through his own efforts and will, Artbranán is presented as someone who is incapable of performing the simplest action without assistance. Described as a “decrepitus senex,” he is a living embodiment of human frailty and weak- ness. In short, he is presented as being unable to achieve anything by his own efforts; all he can do is respond in faith when he encounters the Good News. When viewed in the light of Augustine’s theology of nature and grace, the purpose of such a presentation becomes clear. Like the pro- tagonist in the parable of the Good Samaritan, Artbranán, profoundly wounded by original sin, lies half-dead by the road: unable to achieve anything by his own efforts, he requires assistance from another for everything that he does. Indeed, unable to walk to his own baptism, he must be literally carried to the door of the inn. Consequently, Adomnán’s depiction of this “naturally good” pagan does not represent a rejection of Augustine’s theology of grace, but can be found to be in harmony with that Father’s thought. Adomnán’s narrative is specifically anti-Pela- gian in nature, deliberately rejecting the possibility that this man, who is in constant need of assistance, can achieve anything solely through his own effort and will. In short, Artbranán’s inability to perform the simplest task unaided is demonstrative of his constant need for the contin- ual assistance of God’s grace. But if this is so, what are we to make of Adomnán’s claim that this “feeble old man” “preserved natural goodness throughout his whole life?” There can be only one conclusion: Artbranán, who believes, but requires assistance for everything that he does, has been in continuous receipt of assistance throughout his entire life; in other words, his entire life has been pervaded by divine grace. The inevitable consequence of the anti-Pelagian theology presented by Adomnán is that such a life would be utterly impossible without the assistance of grace. Augustine himself had said as much: At all events, there is no other way than the helping grace of the sav- ior, Christ crucified, and the gift of his Spirit, by which any persons,

39. Note that the Latin, credens, suggests a continuous action as opposed to a single, decisive event. 142 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN

whoever they be, can arrive at absolute perfection, or by which any- one can attain the slightest progress to true and holy justice – whoever denies this, I question whether he can be counted in the number of true Christians of any sort.40 It therefore appears that, while Adomnán accepted Augustine’s thought on the necessity of grace for any good action on our part, he profoundly disagreed with the idea that such grace was only available to those who have received baptism and explicitly confess Christ as their saviour. It seems he believed that such grace could pervade the entire life of a non-Christian: this is not alone the natural consequence of his description of Artbranán, but is also supported by his depiction of God as directly intervening to ensure that Emchath, another pagan, could receive baptism before his death. In this it would appear that Adomnán is closer to a third school of thought in the great debate on nature, grace and free will, a school variously described as semi-Pelagian or semi-Augustinian, which rejected the extreme positions of both Pelagius and Augustine, and whose greatest exponent was the monastic theologian, John Cassian.41 Like Augustine, Cassian42 rejected Pelagius’ contention that it is possible for human beings to live a good life solely by means of their own effort and will,43 and instead affirmed the absolute necessity of grace.44 However, influenced by the practical experiences and pastoral concerns of the monastery, he also argued that goodness is not achieved simply by means of the grace of God alone, stressing that our own efforts, will and desires play a necessary part in any good deed or development towards perfection.45 In short, attempting to steer a middle course between the excesses of Pelagianism and radical Augustinianism, Cassian conceived of

40. “Nullo tamen modo nisi adjuvante gratia salvatoris Christi crucifixi, et dono Spiritus ejus, vel quoslibet ad plenissimam perfectionem, vel quemquam ad qualem- cumque provectum verae piaeque justitiae pervenire, qui negaverint, nescio utrum recte possint in qualiumcumque Christianorum numero deputari.” Augustine, On Nature and Grace, 60 (70); Migne, PL 44, 282; Mourant and Collinge, Saint Augustine, Four Anti- Pelagian Writings, 77. Cf. also On Nature and Grace, 26 (29), 40 (47), 44 (51). 41. I am grateful to Dr. Rik Van Nieuwenhove for bringing to my attention the importance of Cassian’s work in understanding these passages from the Vita Columbae. 42. It should be noted that the theology of Cassian, the great monastic Father of the Latin West, was particularly relevant to the early Irish Church, whose structure and character was dominated by monasticism. 43. John Cassian, The Conferences (Migne, PL 49 (Paris, 1874) 477-1328; trans. Boniface Ramsey, John Cassian: The Conferences, Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in Translation, 57 (New York: Newman Press, 1997) 13.5.1; 13.6.1. The Institutes (Migne, PL 49, 53-476; trans. Boniface Ramsey, John Cassian: The Insti- tutes, Ancient Christian Writers, 58 [New York: Newman Press, 2000]) 12.4.2-3; 12.5. 44. Cassian, Conferences 13.3.5; Institutes 12.10; 12.11.3; 12.16. 45. Institutes 12.14.1. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 143 human goodness as the result of a nexus of interactions between God’s pre-emptive and ever-supporting grace and freely-given human will and effort.46 However, he stressed that grace always remains free, and its rewards cannot be earned,47 and emphasised the utterly mysterious nature of its precise interactions with human free will.48 As a corollary to this theology, Cassian argued that our fallen human nature is not wholly ruined or totally devoid of goodness;49 rather, it con- tains elements that are good, together with elements that have been weak- ened and damaged. A similar understanding may underlie Adomnán’s use of the term “natural goodness,” a slightly risqué phrase which could trou- ble a strict Augustinian. But crucial to our understanding of Adomnán’s theology, and any links it may have with Rahner, is Cassian’s conception of the range and extent of divine grace offered to each individual human being, and the role which this grace plays in the life of the non-Christian. For Cassian stresses that God’s driving concern is salvation, not condemnation. Emphasising that God wills all to be saved, Cassian con- tends that: God’s purpose, according to which he did not make the human being to perish but to live forever, abides unchanging. When his kindness sees shining in us the slightest glimmer of good will, which he himself has in fact sparked from the hard flint of out heart, he fosters it, stirs it up, and strengthens it with his inspiration, “desiring all to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” [1 Tim 2:4]. For, he says, “it is not the will of your Father who is in heaven that one of these little ones should perish” [Matt 18:14]. And again he says: “God does not wish a soul to perish, but he withdraws and reflects, lest one who has been cast down perish utterly” [2 Sam 14:14].50 This leads him to conclude that, in contrast to Augustine’s pes- simistic assertions, damnation is an extreme development which only occurs in direct opposition to the will of God:

46. Conferences 13.12-14. See also 13.9.1-5; 13.11.1, 4-5. 47. Conferences 13.13. 48. Conferences 13.17. For an overview of Cassian’s thought on grace and free will see Columba Stewart, Cassian the Monk, Oxford Studies in Historical Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) 19-22, 78-81. 49. Conferences 13.12.1-7; but see also 13.10. 50. “Propositum namque Dei, quo non ob hoc hominem fecerat ut periret, sed ut in perpetuum viveret, manet immobile. Cujus benignitas cum bonae voluntatis in nobis quantulamcumque scintillam emicuisse perspexerit, vel quam ipse tamquam de dura silice nostril cordis excusserit, confovet eam et exsuscitat, suaque inspiratione con- fortat, volens omnes hominess salvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire. Quia non est, inquit, voluntas ante Patrem vestrum qui in caelis est, ut pereat unus ex pusilis istis. Et iterum: Non vult, inquit, Deus perire animam, sed retractat cogitans ne penitus pereat qui abjectus est.” Conferences, 13.7.1; Migne, PL 49, 908-909; Ramsey, The Conferences, 472. 144 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN

How can it be though without great sacrilege of him who does not want a single little one to perish that he does not wish all to be saved universally, but only a few instead of all? Those who perish, therefore, perish against his will, as he daily cries out to each one of them: “Turn from your wicked ways. And why will you die, O house of Israel” [Ezek 33:11b]?51 Consequently, Cassian asserts that God’s grace is freely available to all, without exception: Therefore the grace of Christ is at hand every day. It calls out and says to everyone without exception: “Come to me, all you who labor and are burdened and I will give you rest” [Matt 11:28], because he desires “all to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” [1 Tim 2:4]. But if he does not call all universally but only a few, it follows that not all are burdened by original sin and by present sin and that these words are not true: “All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God” [Rom 3:23]. Nor would it be believed that “death has passed through all men” [Rom 5:12].52 It is therefore clear that, among the Fathers, it is Cassian’s thought, rather than Augustine’s, which is in much greater harmony with Rahner’s theology. However, it is also close to the theology expressed in narrative form by Adomnán in his account of the “naturally good” pagan Art- branán. In both Cassian and Adomnán we find an acceptance of the destructive reality of original sin. But we also find in both an understanding of grace as universally pervasive, reaching out to each individual human being, regardless of their professed religion, enfolding the non-Christian as graciously as it enfolds the believer. Adomnán’s depiction of Artbranán seems to echo Cassian much more than Augustine, while definitively rejecting the thought of Pelag- ius. Presenting the grace of God as an active presence in the life of the non-Christian, a presence which bears fruit in faith and tends naturally towards baptism (note the almost automatic acceptance of the sacrament

51. “Qui enim ut pereat unus ex pusillis non habet voluntatem, quomodo sine ingenti sacrilegio putandus est, non universaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus? Ergo quicumque pereunt, contra illius pereunt voluntatem, ita eo contra unumquemque eorum quotidie proclamante: Convertimini a viis vestris pessimis, et quare moriemini, domus Israel?” Conferences 13.7.2; Migne, PL 49, 909; Ramsey, The Confer- ences, 472. Note also Conferences 13.7.4. 52. “Praesto est ergo quotidie Christi gratia, quae dum vult omnes homines salvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire, cunctos absque ulla exceptione convocat, dicens: Venite ad me, omnes qui laboratis et oneratiestis, et ego reficiam vos. Si autem non omnes universaliter, sed quosdam advocat, sequitur ut nec omnes sint onerati, vel originali vel actuali peccato, nec vera sit illa sententia: Omnes enim peccaverunt et egent gloria Dei, nec per omnes hominess mors pertranisse credatur.” Conferences 13.7.3; Migne, PL 49, 909; Ramsey, The Conferences, 472. Note also Conferences 13.8.3, and see Institutes 12.18. NATURE, GRACE, AND A PAGAN’S SALVATION 145 by both Artbranán and Emchath), his thought bears a remarkable resem- blance to Rahner’s conception of a universally-pervasive, all-embracing grace which can support and nourish the “anonymous” faith of the non- Christian. It may therefore be suggested that Adomnán, in his understanding of the economy of grace, is closer to Rahner than he is to Augus- tine. For, while any orthodox theologian would have to account for the salvific role of grace, both Rahner and Adomnán share a similar conception of an all-pervasive out-pouring, enfolding the entire life of the non-Christian. The correlation between the two should not be pushed too far. Rahner and Adomnán are separated by a great gulf of time and history, and the differences between the two in culture, intellectual climate, theological methodology and world-view are legion. It cannot be suggested that Adomnán’s conception of Artbranán and Emchath was somehow identical to Rahner’s conception of the “anonymous Christian.” This is simply impossible. Neither should it be suggested that Adomnán’s thought was in some way an influence on Rahner’s theology. Nonetheless, a strong case can be made that both theologians stand united in their conception that grace pervades, enfolds and uplifts all of humanity, regardless of their religious affiliation, and that this grace is somehow effective in the salvation of those who do not profess belief in Christ. It must be admitted that Adomnán had no knowledge of the term “supernatural existential.” How- ever, this does not mean that he could not have achieved an understanding of the substance which that term attempts to convey, regardless of the radically different manner in which a seventh-century abbot might have conceptualised such an understanding. God’s grace does not change, and the substance of humanity’s relationship to the Divine is the same today as it was in the year 700. While much further research is necessary, including the identification of further patristic precursors and their influence on Adomnán’s thought, it may be suggested that he achieved an understanding of the pervasive nature of God’s grace and its efficacy in the salvation of the non-Christian which was not dissimilar to that elab- orated by Karl Rahner some thirteen centuries later. What are the consequences of such a similarity for our understanding of Rahner’s theology? Firstly, it must be admitted that it has no effect on the substance of Rahner’s thought on the “anonymous Christ- ian.” But it can, perhaps, shed some light on the broader context of this theology. Rather than being a radically new departure in our understanding of the possibilities of salvation that are available to the non- Christian, Rahner’s work should be understood as a contemporary elaboration of an element which has a long history within the Christian 146 TOMÁS O’SULLIVAN tradition. Adomnán’s narratives can be recognised as an earlier elaboration of the same theme. And while the Vita Columbae may have, indeed, played a little known and ultimately uninfluential part in the history of Christian theology, it should not be viewed simply as an unsophisticated off-shoot, produced by long-forgotten monks on a geographically-iso- lated island, destined to wander up a theological cul-de-sac.53 Rather Adomnán’s work, as is well known, draws deeply from the great theological tradition of the Latin West, using the thought of Jerome, Gregory the Great and Augustine of Hippo, not in any slavish manner, but as the building-blocks for his own individual theology. Adomnán did not dream up the idea of the naturally good pagan, inspired and supported by grace throughout his life. Rather he drew it forth from the heart of the Chris- tian tradition, a tradition to which we today are also the heirs. In this, he can be said to have anticipated the work of Karl Rahner, who also drew deeply on the same tradition to produce his theology of the “anonymous Christian.” And the similarities between these two theologians, so widely separated by time and culture, can perhaps give us a better understanding of the place of Rahner’s “anonymous Christian” within the broad span of the Christian tradition. Perhaps Rahner can be seen as the householder who brings forth from his storeroom something very old in a very new way. Thus, while Rahner’s “anonymous Christian” is a new development in Catholic theology, it is not some kind of radical new departure. And yet, it is perhaps only when a work such as Adomnán’s Vita Columbae, so similar to Rahner in so many ways, yet from a vastly different time and place, is brought into comparison with the contemporary theologian that we can truly place Rahner’s thought in its correct context. While Rahner may well be one of the great theologians of the twentieth century, we should realise that his theology does not belong to the twentieth century alone. Rather, his thought can be found to be in harmony with theology produced in as radically different a place as the island monastery of Iona in the seventh century. And this, perhaps, is as good an example as can be given of the resonance of Rahner’s “Anonymous Christian” throughout the width and the breadth of Christian theology.

53. Indeed, the same is true of Iona’s stance in the seventh-century Easter controversy, in spite of all of Bede’s apologetics. In fact, the primary concern of those who debated the correct dating of Easter in the British Isles some 1,300 years ago is still of major significance today, for the dispute revolved around the correct relationship of the local churches to the universal Church.