The New Institutional Economics: Applications for Agricultural Policy Research in Developing Countries
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Public Goods in Everyday Life
Public Goods in Everyday Life By June Sekera A GDAE Teaching Module on Social and Environmental Issues in Economics Global Development And Environment Institute Tufts University Medford, MA 02155 http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae Copyright © June Sekera Reproduced by permission. Copyright release is hereby granted for instructors to copy this module for instructional purposes. Students may also download the reading directly from https://ase.tufts.edu/gdae Comments and feedback from course use are welcomed: Global Development And Environment Institute Tufts University Somerville, MA 02144 http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae E-mail: [email protected] PUBLIC GOODS IN EVERYDAY LIFE “The history of civilization is a history of public goods... The more complex the civilization the greater the number of public goods that needed to be provided. Ours is far and away the most complex civilization humanity has ever developed. So its need for public goods – and goods with public goods aspects, such as education and health – is extraordinarily large. The institutions that have historically provided public goods are states. But it is unclear whether today’s states can – or will be allowed to – provide the goods we now demand.”1 -Martin Wolf, Financial Times 1 Martin Wolf, “The World’s Hunger for Public Goods”, Financial Times, January 24, 2012. 2 PUBLIC GOODS IN EVERYDAY LIFE TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................4 1.1 TEACHING OBJECTIVES: ..................................................................................................................... -
Adam Smith 1723 – 1790 He Describes the General Harmony Of
Adam Smith 1723 – 1790 He describes the general harmony of human motives and activities under a beneficent Providence, and the general theme of “the invisible hand” promoting the harmony of interests. The invisible hand: There are two important features of Smith’s concept of the “invisible hand”. First, Smith was not advocating a social policy (that people should act in their own self interest), but rather was describing an observed economic reality (that people do act in their own interest). Second, Smith was not claiming that all self-interest has beneficial effects on the community. He did not argue that self-interest is always good; he merely argued against the view that self- interest is necessarily bad. It is worth noting that, upon his death, Smith left much of his personal wealth to churches and charities. On another level, though, the “invisible hand” refers to the ability of the market to correct for seemingly disastrous situations with no intervention on the part of government or other organizations (although Smith did not, himself, use the term with this meaning in mind). For example, Smith says, if a product shortage were to occur, that product’s price in the market would rise, creating incentive for its production and a reduction in its consumption, eventually curing the shortage. The increased competition among manufacturers and increased supply would also lower the price of the product to its production cost plus a small profit, the “natural price.” Smith believed that while human motives are often selfish and greedy, the competition in the free market would tend to benefit society as a whole anyway. -
The Institutionalist Reaction to Keynesian Economics
Journal of the History of Economic Thought, Volume 30, Number 1, March 2008 THE INSTITUTIONALIST REACTION TO KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS BY MALCOLM RUTHERFORD AND C. TYLER DESROCHES I. INTRODUCTION It is a common argument that one of the factors contributing to the decline of institutionalism as a movement within American economics was the arrival of Keynesian ideas and policies. In the past, this was frequently presented as a matter of Keynesian economics being ‘‘welcomed with open arms by a younger generation of American economists desperate to understand the Great Depression, an event which inherited wisdom was utterly unable to explain, and for which it was equally unable to prescribe a cure’’ (Laidler 1999, p. 211).1 As work by William Barber (1985) and David Laidler (1999) has made clear, there is something very wrong with this story. In the 1920s there was, as Laidler puts it, ‘‘a vigorous, diverse, and dis- tinctly American literature dealing with monetary economics and the business cycle,’’ a literature that had a central concern with the operation of the monetary system, gave great attention to the accelerator relationship, and contained ‘‘widespread faith in the stabilizing powers of counter-cyclical public-works expenditures’’ (Laidler 1999, pp. 211-12). Contributions by institutionalists such as Wesley C. Mitchell, J. M. Clark, and others were an important part of this literature. The experience of the Great Depression led some institutionalists to place a greater emphasis on expenditure policies. As early as 1933, Mordecai Ezekiel was estimating that about twelve million people out of the forty million previously employed in the University of Victoria and Erasmus University. -
1 Three Essential Questions of Production
Three Essential Questions of Production ~ Economic Understandings SS7E5a Name_______________________________________Date__________________________________ Class 1 2 3 4 Traditional Economies Command Economies Market Economies Mixed Economies What is In this type of In a command economy, the In a market economy, the Nearly all economies in produced? economic system, what central government decides wants of the consumers and the world today have is produced is based on what goods and services will the profit motive of the characteristics of both custom and the habit be produced, what wages will producers will decide what market and command of how such decisions be paid to workers, what will be produced. A.K.A. economic systems. were made in the past. jobs the workers do, as well Free-enterprise, Laisse- as the prices of goods. faire & capitalism. This means that most How is it The methods of In a command economy, no Labor (the workers) and countries have produced? production are one can start their own management (the characteristics of a primitive. Bartering, or business. bosses/owners) together free market/free a system of trading in The government determines will determine how goods enterprise as well as goods and services, how and where the goods will be produced in a market some government replaces currency in a produced would be sold. economy. planning and control. traditional economy. For whom is The primary group for In a command economy, the In a market economy, each it produced? whom goods and government determines how production resource is paid services are produced the goods and services are based on what is in a traditional economy distributed. -
Product Differentiation
Product differentiation Industrial Organization Bernard Caillaud Master APE - Paris School of Economics September 22, 2016 Bernard Caillaud Product differentiation Motivation The Bertrand paradox relies on the fact buyers choose the cheap- est firm, even for very small price differences. In practice, some buyers may continue to buy from the most expensive firms because they have an intrinsic preference for the product sold by that firm: Notion of differentiation. Indeed, assuming an homogeneous product is not realistic: rarely exist two identical goods in this sense For objective reasons: products differ in their physical char- acteristics, in their design, ... For subjective reasons: even when physical differences are hard to see for consumers, branding may well make two prod- ucts appear differently in the consumers' eyes Bernard Caillaud Product differentiation Motivation Differentiation among products is above all a property of con- sumers' preferences: Taste for diversity Heterogeneity of consumers' taste But it has major consequences in terms of imperfectly competi- tive behavior: so, the analysis of differentiation allows for a richer discussion and comparison of price competition models vs quan- tity competition models. Also related to the practical question (for competition authori- ties) of market definition: set of goods highly substitutable among themselves and poorly substitutable with goods outside this set Bernard Caillaud Product differentiation Motivation Firms have in general an incentive to affect the degree of differ- entiation of their products compared to rivals'. Hence, differen- tiation is related to other aspects of firms’ strategies. Choice of products: firms choose how to differentiate from rivals, this impacts the type of products that they choose to offer and the diversity of products that consumers face. -
The Stock Market and the Economy
BARRY BOSWORTH Brookings Institution The Stock Market and the Economy THE STOCKMARKET decline of 1973-74 marked the longest and steepest fall in corporate-stockprices since the depressionof the 1930s.The loss of stockholderwealth in marketprices amounted to $525 billion, or 43 per- cent.'The magnitudeof this declinein stockvalues, in conjunctionwith the subsequentcollapse of aggregatedemand in 1974-75, has sparkeda re- newed discussionof the role of the stock marketin businesscycles. The debate-as is so frequentlythe case-is not new to economics.Several sig- nificantcontributions recently made at both the conceptualand empirical levels seem, however,to justify a reexaminationof the issues. The disputeabout the import of changesin the stock marketrevolves around their causal role in economicfluctuation: Are they a source of variationin aggregatedemand? Does the causationrun solely in the op- posite direction?Or do the levels of economicactivity and of stock prices simplyrespond similarly to other,more basic, economic forces, with no di- rect causal link betweenthe two? This third interpretationis consistent with a view that the stock marketreflects investors' attempts to forecast economictrends. The fact that movementsin stock prices foretellmajor Note: I am gratefulto LeonardHerk for researchaid in writingthis article.Members of the Brookingspanel offeredvaluable comments and suggestionsin the preparationof the draft. David A. Wyss of the Federal Reserve Board staff provided the computer simulationsof the MPS model and answerednumerous questions. 1. Derived as the change between December 1972 and December 1974, as shown in Board of Governorsof the FederalReserve System, unpublisheddetail accounts, from the flow of funds (July 1975). 257 258 BrookingsPapers on EconomicActivity, 2:1975 cyclesin businessactivity is, thus, only evidencethat investors'forecasts are betterthan randomguesses. -
Vanguard Economic and Market Outlook 2021: Approaching the Dawn
Vanguard economic and market outlook for 2021: Approaching the dawn Vanguard Research December 2020 ■ While the global economy continues to recover as we head into 2021, the battle between the virus and humanity’s efforts to stanch it continues. Our outlook for the global economy hinges critically on health outcomes. The recovery’s path is likely to prove uneven and varied across industries and countries, even with an effective vaccine in sight. ■ In China, we see the robust recovery extending in 2021 with growth of 9%. Elsewhere, we expect growth of 5% in the U.S. and 5% in the euro area, with those economies making meaningful progress toward full employment levels in 2021. In emerging markets, we expect a more uneven and challenging recovery, with growth of 6%. ■ When we peek beyond the long shadow of COVID-19, we see the pandemic irreversibly accelerating trends such as work automation and digitization of economies. However, other more profound setbacks brought about by the lockdowns and recession will ultimately prove temporary. Assuming a reasonable path for health outcomes, the scarring effect of permanent job losses is likely to be limited. ■ Our fair-value stock projections continue to reveal a global equity market that is neither grossly overvalued nor likely to produce outsized returns going forward. This suggests, however, that there may be opportunities to invest broadly around the world and across the value spectrum. Given a lower-for-longer rate outlook, we find it hard to see a material uptick in fixed income returns in the foreseeable future. Lead authors Vanguard Investment Strategy Group Vanguard Global Economics and Capital Markets Outlook Team Joseph Davis, Ph.D., Global Chief Economist Joseph Davis, Ph.D. -
What Impact Does Scarcity Have on the Production, Distribution, and Consumption of Goods and Services?
Curriculum: 2009 Pequea Valley SD Curriculum PEQUEA VALLEY SD Course: Social Studies 12 Date: May 25, 2010 ET Topic: Foundations of Economics Days: 10 Subject(s): Grade(s): Key Learning: The exchange of goods and services provides choices through which people can fill their basic needs and wants. Unit Essential Question(s): What impact does scarcity have on the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services? Concept: Concept: Concept: Scarcity Factors of Production Opportunity Cost 6.2.12.A, 6.5.12.D, 6.5.12.F 6.3.12.E 6.3.12.E, 6.3.12.B Lesson Essential Question(s): Lesson Essential Question(s): Lesson Essential Question(s): What is the problem of scarcity? (A) What are the four factors of production? (A) How does opportunity cost affect my life? (A) (A) What role do you play in the circular flow of economic activity? (ET) What choices do I make in my individual spending habits and what are the opportunity costs? (ET) Vocabulary: Vocabulary: Vocabulary: scarcity, economics, need, want, land, labor, capital, entrepreneurship, factor trade-offs, opportunity cost, production markets, product markets, economic growth possibility frontier, economic models, cost benefit analysis Concept: Concept: Concept: Economic Systems Economic and Social Goals Free Enterprise 6.1.12.A, 6.2.12.A 6.2.12.I, 6.2.12.A, 6.2.12.B, 6.1.12.A, 6.4.12.B 6.2.12.I Lesson Essential Question(s): Lesson Essential Question(s): Lesson Essential Question(s): Which ecoomic system offers you the most What is the most and least important of the To what extent -
Market Failure in Kidney Exchange†
American Economic Review 2019, 109(11): 4026–4070 https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20180771 Market Failure in Kidney Exchange† By Nikhil Agarwal, Itai Ashlagi, Eduardo Azevedo, Clayton R. Featherstone, and Ömer Karaduman* We show that kidney exchange markets suffer from market failures whose remedy could increase transplants by 30 to 63 percent. First, we document that the market is fragmented and inefficient; most trans- plants are arranged by hospitals instead of national platforms. Second, we propose a model to show two sources of inefficiency: hospitals only partly internalize their patients’ benefits from exchange, and current platforms suboptimally reward hospitals for submitting patients and donors. Third, we calibrate a production function and show that indi- vidual hospitals operate below efficient scale. Eliminating this ineffi- ciency requires either a mandate or a combination of new mechanisms and reimbursement reforms. JEL D24, D47, I11 ( ) The kidney exchange market in the United States enables approximately 800 transplants per year for kidney patients who have a willing but incompatible live donor. Exchanges are organized by matching these patient–donor pairs into swaps that enable transplants. Each such transplant extends and improves the patient’s quality of life and saves hundreds of thousands of dollars in medical costs, ulti- mately creating an economic value estimated at more than one million dollars.1 Since monetary compensation for living donors is forbidden and deceased donors * Agarwal: Department of Economics, MIT, -
Power Market Economics LLC Evolving Capacity Markets in A
Power Market Economics LLC Evolving Capacity Markets in a Modern Grid By Robert Stoddard State policies in New England mandate substantial shifts in the generation resources serving their citizen’s electrical needs. Maine, for example, has a statutory requirement to shift to 80 percent renewables by 2030, with a goal of reaching 100 percent by 2050. Massachusetts’ Clean Energy Standard sets a minimum percentage of renewables at 16 percent in 2018, increasing 2 percentage points annually to 80 percent in 2050. Facing these sharp departures from business-as-usual, policymakers raise a core question: are today’s wholesale market designs able to help the states achieve these goals? Can they even accommodate these state policy resources? In particular, are today’s capacity markets—which are supposed to guide the long-term investment in electricity generation resources—up to the job? Capacity markets serve a central role in New England’s electricity market. They serve a critical role in helping to ensure that the system operator, ISO New England (ISO-NE), will have enough resources, located strategically on the grid, to meet expected peak loads with a sufficient reserve margin. How capacity markets are designed and operate has evolved relatively little since the New York Independent System Operator (NYISO) launched the first full-fledged capacity market in 1999, the primary innovations being a longer lead-time in procurement of resources, better to support the orderly exit and construction of resources, and higher performance requirements, better to ensure that resources being paid to be available are in fact operating when needed. Are capacity markets now irrelevant? No. -
Externalities and Public Goods Introduction 17
17 Externalities and Public Goods Introduction 17 Chapter Outline 17.1 Externalities 17.2 Correcting Externalities 17.3 The Coase Theorem: Free Markets Addressing Externalities on Their Own 17.4 Public Goods 17.5 Conclusion Introduction 17 Pollution is a major fact of life around the world. • The United States has areas (notably urban) struggling with air quality; the health costs are estimated at more than $100 billion per year. • Much pollution is due to coal-fired power plants operating both domestically and abroad. Other forms of pollution are also common. • The noise of your neighbor’s party • The person smoking next to you • The mess in someone’s lawn Introduction 17 These outcomes are evidence of a market failure. • Markets are efficient when all transactions that positively benefit society take place. • An efficient market takes all costs and benefits, both private and social, into account. • Similarly, the smoker in the park is concerned only with his enjoyment, not the costs imposed on other people in the park. • An efficient market takes these additional costs into account. Asymmetric information is a source of market failure that we considered in the last chapter. Here, we discuss two further sources. 1. Externalities 2. Public goods Externalities 17.1 Externalities: A cost or benefit that affects a party not directly involved in a transaction. • Negative externality: A cost imposed on a party not directly involved in a transaction ‒ Example: Air pollution from coal-fired power plants • Positive externality: A benefit conferred on a party not directly involved in a transaction ‒ Example: A beekeeper’s bees not only produce honey but can help neighboring farmers by pollinating crops. -
Public Goods: Examples
Public Goods: Examples The classical definition of a public good is one that is non‐excludable and non‐rivalrous. The classic example of a public good is a lighthouse. A lighthouse is: Non‐excludable because it’s not possible to exclude some ships from enjoying the benefits of the lighthouse (for example, excluding ships that haven’t paid anything toward the cost of the lighthouse) while at the same time providing the benefits to other ships; and Non‐rivalrous because if the lighthouse’s benefits are already being provided to some ships, it costs nothing for additional ships to enjoy the benefits as well. This is not like a “rivalrous good,” where providing a greater amount of the good to someone requires either that more of the good be produced or else that less of it be provided to others – i.e., where there is a very real opportunity cost of providing more of the good to some people. Some other examples of public goods: Radio and television: Today no one who broadcasts a radio or TV program “over the air” excludes anyone from receiving the broadcast, and the cost of the broadcast is unaffected by the number of people who actually tune in to receive it (it’s non‐rivalrous). In the early decades of broadcasting, exclusion was not technologically possible; but technology to “scramble” and de‐scramble TV signals was invented so that broadcasters could charge a fee and exclude non‐ payers. Scrambling technology has been superseded by cable and satellite transmission, in which exclusion is possible. But while it’s now technologically possible to produce a TV or radio signal from which non‐payers are excluded (so that it’s not a public good), it’s important to note that because TV and radio signals are non‐rivalrous, they are technologically public goods: it’s technologically possible to provide them without exclusion.