The Carrickshock Incident, 1831
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Drumcree 4 Standoff: Nationalists Will
UIMH 135 JULY — IUIL 1998 50p (USA $1) Drumcree 4 standoff: Nationalists will AS we went to press the Drumcree standoff was climbdown by the British in its fifth day and the Orange Order and loyalists government. were steadily increasing their campaign of The co-ordinated and intimidation and pressure against the nationalist synchronised attack on ten Catholic churches on the night residents in Portadown and throughout the Six of July 1-2 shows that there is Counties. a guiding hand behind the For the fourth year the brought to a standstill in four loyalist protests. Mo Mowlam British government looks set to days and the Major government is fooling nobody when she acts back down in the face of Orange caved in. the innocent and seeks threats as the Tories did in 1995, The ease with which "evidence" of any loyalist death 1996 and Tony Blair and Mo Orangemen are allowed travel squad involvement. Mowlam did (even quicker) in into Drurncree from all over the Six Counties shows the The role of the 1997. constitutional nationalist complicity of the British army Once again the parties sitting in Stormont is consequences of British and RUC in the standoff. worth examining. The SDLP capitulation to Orange thuggery Similarly the Orangemen sought to convince the will have to be paid by the can man roadblocks, intimidate Garvaghy residents to allow a nationalist communities. They motorists and prevent 'token' march through their will be beaten up by British nationalists going to work or to area. This was the 1995 Crown Forces outside their the shops without interference "compromise" which resulted own homes if they protest from British policemen for in Ian Paisley and David against the forcing of Orange several hours. -
The Role of Irish-Language Film in Irish National Cinema Heather
Finding a Voice: The Role of Irish-Language Film in Irish National Cinema Heather Macdougall A Thesis in the PhD Humanities Program Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada August 2012 © Heather Macdougall, 2012 ABSTRACT Finding a Voice: The Role of Irish-Language Film in Irish National Cinema Heather Macdougall, Ph.D. Concordia University, 2012 This dissertation investigates the history of film production in the minority language of Irish Gaelic. The objective is to determine what this history reveals about the changing roles of both the national language and national cinema in Ireland. The study of Irish- language film provides an illustrative and significant example of the participation of a minority perspective within a small national cinema. It is also illustrates the potential role of cinema in language maintenance and revitalization. Research is focused on policies and practices of filmmaking, with additional consideration given to film distribution, exhibition, and reception. Furthermore, films are analysed based on the strategies used by filmmakers to integrate the traditional Irish language with the modern medium of film, as well as their motivations for doing so. Research methods included archival work, textual analysis, personal interviews, and review of scholarly, popular, and trade publications. Case studies are offered on three movements in Irish-language film. First, the Irish- language organization Gael Linn produced documentaries in the 1950s and 1960s that promoted a strongly nationalist version of Irish history while also exacerbating the view of Irish as a “private discourse” of nationalism. Second, independent filmmaker Bob Quinn operated in the Irish-speaking area of Connemara in the 1970s; his fiction films from that era situated the regional affiliations of the language within the national context. -
Terence Macdonald (1810 – 1874), Tithe Farmer, Jigginstown, Naas, Co
Terence MacDonald (1810 – 1874), Tithe Farmer, Jigginstown, Naas, Co. Kildare A Study of Person and Place By James Robinson M. Phil In Nineteenth Century Ireland, landholders were obliged to pay tithes to the maintenance of the Established church – the Church of Ireland. An organised campaign of resistance to the Tithe payment extended from 1831 – 1838 which became known as the “Tithe War”. This paper deals with Terence MacDonald, Tithe Farmer, of Jigginstown, Naas, Co. Kildare. The majority Roman Catholic section of the population resented this tax. An organised campaign of resistance to the Tithe payment resulted in large scale refusals to pay the tithe tax. The Composition Act of 1823 specified that this tax, which hitherto had been payable in kind, such as livestock, should now be paid in money. Consequently it was necessary to carry out a valuation of the entire country, civil parish by civil parish, to determine how much each land holder should pay. This survey was carried out over the ensuing 15 years, up to the abolition of the tithe in 1838. The results were recorded in the Tithe Applotment books. Non-payment of the Tithe resulted in the Irish Constabulary, founded in 1822, attempting to enforce government seizure orders at fairs and marts, which often resulted in violent resistance. The first clash of the Tithe War occurred at Graignamanagh, Co. Kilkenny on March 3 1831. A force of 120 yeomenry tried to enforce seizure orders on cattle belonging to a Roman Catholic priest. Shortly after this at Bunclody (Newtownbarry) Co. Wexford, the tenantry resisted cattle seizures by firing on the police who killed 12 and wounded 20 in the resultant melee. -
Publications
Publications National Newspapers Evening Echo Irish Examiner Sunday Business Post Evening Herald Irish Field Sunday Independent Farmers Journal Irish Independent Sunday World Irish Daily Star Irish Times Regional Newspapers Anglo Celt Galway City Tribune Nenagh Guardian Athlone Topic Gorey Echo New Ross Echo Ballyfermot Echo Gorey Guardian New Ross Standard Bray People Inish Times Offaly Express Carlow Nationalist Inishowen Independent Offaly Independent Carlow People Kerryman Offaly Topic Clare Champion Kerry’s Eye Roscommon Herald Clondalkin Echo Kildare Nationalist Sligo Champion Connacht Tribune Kildare Post Sligo Weekender Connaught Telegraph Kilkenny People South Tipp Today Corkman Laois Nationalist Southern Star Donegal Democrat Leinster Express Tallaght Echo Donegal News Leinster Leader The Argus Donegal on Sunday Leitrim Observer The Avondhu Donegal People’s Press Letterkenny Post The Carrigdhoun Donegal Post Liffey Champion The Nationalist Drogheda Independent Limerick Chronnicle Tipperary Star Dublin Gazette - City Limerick Leader Tuam Herald Dublin Gazette - North Longford Leader Tullamore Tribune Dublin Gazette - South Lucan Echo Waterford News & Star Dublin Gazette - West Lucan Echo Western People Dundalk Democrat Marine Times Westmeath Examiner Dungarvan Leader Mayo News Westmeath Independent Dungarvan Observer Meath Chronnicle Westmeath Topic Enniscorthy Echo Meath Topic Wexford Echo Enniscorthy Guardian Midland Tribune Wexford People Fingal Independent Munster Express Wicklow People Finn Valley Post Munster Express Magazines -
The Local Impact of Falling Agricultural Prices and the Looming Prospect Of
CHAPTER SIX `BARLEY AND PEACE': THE BRITISH UNION OF FASCISTS IN NORFOLK, SUFFOLK AND ESSEX, 1938-1940 1. Introduction The local impact of falling agricultural prices and the looming prospectof war with Germany dominated Blackshirt political activity in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex from 1938. Growing resentment within the East Anglian farming community at diminishing returns for barley and the government's agricultural policy offered the B. U. F. its most promising opportunity to garner rural support in the eastern counties since the `tithe war' of 1933-1934. Furthermore, deteriorating Anglo-German relations induced the Blackshirt movement to embark on a high-profile `Peace Campaign', initially to avert war, and, then, after 3 September 1939, to negotiate a settlement to end hostilities. As part of the Blackshirts' national peace drive, B. U. F. Districts in the area pursued a range of propaganda activities, which were designed to mobilise local anti-war sentiment. Once again though, the conjunctural occurrence of a range of critical external and internal constraints thwarted B. U. F. efforts to open up political space in the region on a `barley and peace' platform. 2. The B. U. F., the `Barley Crisis' and the Farmers' March, 1938-1939 In the second half of 1938, falling agricultural prices provoked a fresh wave of rural agitation in the eastern counties. Although the Ministry of Agriculture's price index recorded a small overall reduction from 89.0 to 87.5 during 1937-1938, cereals due heavy from 1938 and farm crops were particularly affected to the yields the harvests. ' Compared with 1937 levels, wheat prices (excluding the subsidy) dropped by fourteen 2 Malting barley, by 35 per cent, barley by 23 per cent, and oats per cent. -
The Friends of Ireland and the Conflict Between Liberalism and Democracy in the Early Nineteenth Century Atlantic World
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History 1-12-2006 The Cauldron of Enmities: The Friends of Ireland and the Conflict between Liberalism and Democracy in the Early Nineteenth Century Atlantic World Steven Michael Sams Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Sams, Steven Michael, "The Cauldron of Enmities: The Friends of Ireland and the Conflict between Liberalism and Democracy in the Early Nineteenth Century Atlantic World." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2006. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/4 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CAULDRON OF ENMITIES: THE FRIENDS OF IRELAND AND THE CONFLICT BETWEEN LIBERALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY ATLANTIC WORLD by STEVEN MICHAEL SAMS Under the Direction of Ian Christopher Fletcher ABSTRACT In 1828 the Friends of Ireland formed in the United States in order to support Daniel O’Connell’s Catholic Association in Ireland. The Catholic Association campaigned for Catholic Emancipation, a successful movement that promoted the participation of Catholic elites in the United Kingdom Parliament. In the 1840s the Friends of Repeal formed in the United States in order to support Daniel O’Connell’s Repeal Association in Ireland. This organization sought the repeal of the Act of Union of 1800, which had created the United Kingdom and dismantled the Irish Parliament. -
A Aire, a Ambasadóirí, Your Excellencies, a Cháirde, Is Mór an Pléisiúir Dom a Bheith Anseo Inniu Sa Cheantar Álainn
A Aire, A Ambasadóirí, Your Excellencies, A Cháirde, Is mór an pléisiúir dom a bheith anseo inniu sa cheantar álainn, stairiúil seo de Chontae Ciarraí. Mar Uachtarán na hEireann, tá áthas orm an deis seo a thapú chun an méid a rinne Ruairí Mac Easmainn ar son saoirse mhuintir na hÉireann agus ar son cosmhuintir an domhain i gcoitinne a athaint agus a cheiliúradh. [It is my great pleasure to be here today, at this beautiful and historic part of County Kerry. As President of Ireland, I am very happy to have this occasion to acknowledge and celebrate, in the name of the Irish people, the great contribution of Roger Casement, not only to Irish Freedom, but to the universal struggle for justice and human dignity.] Roger Casement was not just a great Irish patriot, he was also one of the great humanitarians of the early 20th century - a man who is remembered fondly by so many people across the world for his courageous work in exposing the darkness that lay at the heart of European imperialism. His remarkable life has attracted the attention of so many international scholars, Peruvian Nobel Laureate Mario Vargas Llosa is a recent example, and all of us who are interested in Roger Casement's life are especially indebted to the fine work of Angus Mitchell, in particular for the scholarly work on the Putumayo Diaries, and the recently published "One Bold Deed of Open Treason: The Berlin Diaries of Roger Casement 1914-1916". In his own time, few figures attracted the sympathy and admiration of their contemporaries as widely as Roger Casement. -
History and the Shaping of Irish Protestantism
Journal of the Irish Christian Study Centre Vol. 2 1984 History and the Shaping of Irish Protestantism (Based on the Annual Theological Lectures delivered at the Queen's University of Belfast, 21st and 22nd February, 1983) by DESMOND BOWEN 'History has mauled Ireland, but if we can prove ourselves able to learn from it, we may once again find ourselves in a position to teach'. James Downey, Them and Us: Britain, Ireland and the Northern Question, 1969-1982, (Dublin, 1983) The History In a world filled with insurgent ethnic groups the importance of the role of 'peoples' in world development is being increasingly recognized in our day, and Arnold Toynbee has gone so far as to argue "it is the only intelligible unit of historical study" .1 The Protestants of Ireland have until now formed a people unit with a strong sense of identity based on a configuration of political and religious symbols by which they explain their history. The social orders in both north and south which have long nurtured them are changing rapidly, however, and as a people they are now suffering from what in modern jargon is called 'an identity crisis'. They are confused with their self-image, the understanding of themselves historically, and their relationship with other peoples, which has traditionally given them their identity. This paper addresses itself to this crisis, suggesting that a new consideration of Irish Protestant historical development might be of value to them in both self-understanding, and in terms of what they might contribute to the world as a consequence of their unique historical experience. -
Celebrating 21 Years
Celebrating 21 Years A NATIONALIST SUPPLEMENT | November � ������� ������������������������������������� 1993 2014 Celebrating 21 Years Message from Turlough O’Brien, contents CEO of Tinteán PAGE 2 MESSAGE FROM CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, Tinteán was established in 1993 and is now associations TURLOUGH O’BRIEN an important provider of social housing within have provided a the county. We take pride in the standard of quarter of all new housing we provide for our tenants. We are also social housing. PAGE 3 TINTEÁN’S HISTORY, FUNDING AND HOUSING proud of the relationships we have developed Social housing POLICIES with our partners, our tenants and the wider makes up 10% community including Carlow local authorities, of all housing Delta, Irish Council for Social Housing and the in Ireland. 500 PAGE 4 TINTEÁN TENANT PROFILES Department of Environment, Community and housing associations provide 27,000 housing Local Government. tenancies. PAGE 5 “TINTEÁN GIVES HELP TO THOSE WHO NEED Beginning with one scheme for the elderly We operate as efficiently and effectively as IT MOST” - TINTEÁN CHAIRPERSON - EILEEN in our community, Tinteán has addressed the possible and aim to ensure that our financial housing needs of those in most need and those stewardship is of the highest standard. BROPHY with special needs to a very high standard. We work with partners who share a similar The provision of a large number of homes for mission and apply corporate instruments such PAGE 6 TINTEÁN MILESTONES people with special needs is a particular source as private finance to respond creatively and of pride. Tinteán effectively to the huge demand for provides afford- Looking ahead, social housing in Ireland. -
Remembering 1916
Remembering 1916 – the Contents challenges for today¬ Preface by Deirdre Mac Bride In the current decade of centenary anniversaries of events of the period 1912-23 one year that rests firmly in the folk memory of communities across Ireland, north and south, is 1916. For republicans this is the year of the Easter Rising which led ultimately to the establishment of an independent THE LOCAL AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT: THE CHALLENGES republic. For unionists 1916 is remembered as the year of the Battle of the Somme in the First World AND COMPLEXITIES OF COMMEMORATION War when many Ulstermen and Irishmen died in the trenches in France in one of the bloodiest periods of the war. Ronan Fanning,”Cutting Off One's Head to Get Rid of a Headache”: the Impact of the Great War on the Irish Policy of the British Government How we commemorate these events in a contested and post conflict society will have an important How World War I Changed Everything in Ireland bearing on how we go forward into the future. In order to assist in this process a conference was organised by the Community Relations Council and the Heritage Lottery Fund. Entitled Éamon Phoenix, Challenging nationalist stereotypes of 1916 ‘Remembering 1916: Challenges for Today’ the conference included among its guest speakers eminent academics, historians and commentators on the period who examined the challenges, risks Northern Nationalism, the Great War and the 1916 Rising, 1912-1921 and complexities of commemoration. Philip Orr, The Battle of the Somme and the Unionist Journey The conference was held on Monday 25 November 2013 at the MAC in Belfast and was chaired by Remembering the Somme BBC journalist and presenter William Crawley. -
TFG Utrera.Pdf (380.8Kb)
Ó LABHRAÍGÍ MÉ!: THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE OF THE IRISH LANGUAGE Author: Mikel Utrera Puelles Tutor: Xabier Zabaltza Pérez-Nievas Degree in English Studies – 2018/2019 Department of Contemporary History 1 Is mise an Ghaeilge I am Irish Is mise do theanga I am your language Is mise do chultúr I am your culture D'Úsáid na Filí mé The poets used me D'Úsáid na huaisle The nobles used me D'Úsáid na daoine mé The people used me Is d'Úsáid na leanaí And the children used me Go bródúil a bhí siad Proud they were Agus mise faoi réim. And I flourished. Ach tháinig an strainséir But the stranger came Chuir sé faoi chois mé He suppressed me Is rud ní ba mheasa Something worse than that was Nior mhaith le mo chlann mé My own people rejected me Anois táim lag Now I am weak Anois táim tréith Now I am feeble Ach fós táim libh But still I am with you Is beidh mé go beo. And I will be forever. Tóg suas mo cheann Raise up my head Cuir áthas ar mo chroí Put joy in my heart Labhraígí mé Speak me Ó labhraígí mé! Oh speak me! — Anonymous 2 ABSTRACT The case of the Irish language could be considered an anomaly – a nation that, in most of its territory, achieved its independence about 100 years ago should, on paper, not speak the language of their colonizers. However, this is not the case in Ireland. The most accepted theory on the poor state of the language is that the nationalists who kick started the Irish national movement gave more importance to religion than to culture and language, thus linking a free Ireland with the Catholic fate and leaving the Gaelic language and culture aside. -
Political Prisoners and the Irish Language: a North-South Comparison1
Studi irlandesi. A Journal of Irish Studies, n. 6 (2016), pp. 239-258 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-18464 Political Prisoners and the Irish Language: A North-South Comparison1 Dieter Reinisch European University Institute (<[email protected]>) Abstract: The Irish language is witnessing a revival in some parts of Ulster. This revival is most visible in Belfast where An CheathrúGhaeltachta (Gaeltacht Quarter) was founded to promote the Irish language. While Irish was marginalized during the conflict in the North, Bel- fast, for example, had more Gaelscoileanna (Irish-language schools) than any other city in Ireland except Dublin and Cork in 2013. One of the most important aspects for this development was the release of the Irish Republican prisoners following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. In contrast to the North, although con- sidered as the national language in the southern Republic of Ireland, the Irish language is further declining in the South. Thus, while the former Republican prisoners perform a pivotal role in the North, their role in re-vitalising the language in the Republic is margin- alized. By comparing the role of the Irish language in Long Kesh/ HMP Maze and Portlaoise Prison, I will discuss two aspects for this North-South divergence. These two differences are first the role of former prisoners within their community, and second the colonial/ post-colonial framework of the two states. Keywords: IRA, Irish language, Irish Republicanism, Language Re- vival, Prisons 1 Acknowledgments: I want to thank Toiréasa Ferris (University of Limerick) for giving me permission to use her unpublished paper; and Laura Lee Down (EUI), Patrick Mc- Donagh (EUI), Nicole Owtram (EUI), Robert W.