MOZAMBIQUE: a SUCCESSFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION? Mpazi

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MOZAMBIQUE: a SUCCESSFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION? Mpazi MOZAMBIQUE: A SUCCESSFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION? Mpazi Sinjela* I. INTRODUCTION The elections held in Mozambique on 27 October 1996 will be recorded in history as a major achievement that led to the end of many years of civil war. They put to an end a bitter civil conflict which had engulfed Mozambique since its decolonization from Portuguese rule in 1974. Mozambique was colonized by Portugal since the partitioning of Africa in 1885. However, Portuguese presence in Mozambique dates back to 1498 when Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese explorer, sailed around the Cape of Good Hope to the Far East. Starting from the sixteenth century onwards, the Portuguese explored the area now known as Mozambique. This early exploration paved the way for Mozambique's colonization in the nineteenth century. From the early 1950s through the 1960s, a strong current was sweeping through Africa. Independence movements were formed throughout the continent. They started to demand for the right to self-determination and independence. In the case of Mozambique, the initial resistance to the Portuguese rule was organized in several small groups. In 1962 these groups decided to merge and form the Frente de Liberaciao de Mozambique (Liberation Front of Mozambique - FRELIMO) under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane. By the middle of the 1960s a large number of African colonies had gained their independence (some peacefully e.g. Zambia, and others through bloody struggle e.g. Mau Mau movement in Kenya under the leadership of Jomo Kenyatta). The Portuguese colonies took longer to gain their independence. Portugal regarded all her colonies as overseas provinces. She was not, therefore, prepared to grant them independence and waged fierce wars against the national liberation movements in Angola, * LLB (Zambia), LLM, JSD (Yale), United Nations Office of Legal Affairs, New York. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not in any way represent those of the United Nations. Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. It was only after the overthrow of the government in Portugal in 1974, by young military officers, that the situation changed. The new government hastily withdrew from its colonial territories. There was no preparation for a formal transfer of power. The various political groups were left to wrestle for power and the winner took all. In Mozambique, FRELIMO emerged as the ruling power in 1974. By 1975, Mozambique had proclaimed its full independence. Samora Machel became its first President since Eduardo Mondlane, FRELIMO' first President, had been killed by a parcel bomb a few years before Mozambique gained her independence. II. CIVIL WAR The new government in Mozambique embraced Marxism as its national ideology. It also proclaimed its open support for other movements fighting for the right to self-determination and independence. In particular, it gave sanctuary to the Zimbabwe National Patriotic Front led by Robert Mugabe that was waging a liberation war against Ian Smith's rebel government in Rhodesia. It also allowed the African National Congress, that was fighting against the minority Apartheid regime in South Africa, to open and operate from bases in Mozambique. The rebel Rhodesian government, in return, devised a scheme to destabilise the government of Mozambique by rendering support to local Mozambican opposition groups. This policy led to the founding, in 1977, of a movement known as Resistencia National Mozambicana (Mozambican National Resistance - RENAMO) led by Alfonso Dhlakama. The movement was composed mainly of Mozambicans opposed to the Marxist policies of the government of Mozambique. From that year until the holding of elections in 1994, the government of Mozambique was engaged in a vicious civil war with RENAMO that left some 900,000 people dead.l Over one million people fled the country to live as refugees in neighbouring countries and another two million became internally displaced? The independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 made RENAMO turn to the Apartheid regime of South Africa for its main support. From then onwards RENAMO became even more violent in its tactics. The main economic I Harry G. Gailey, "Mozambique's violent and prolonged civil war" (1994, on Microsoft Encarta (1995). 2 Chris Alden and Mark Simpson, "Mozambique: a Delicate Peace", Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 31, p. 117 (1993). .
Recommended publications
  • Redalyc.Eduardo Mondlane and the Social Sciences
    VIBRANT - Vibrant Virtual Brazilian Anthropology E-ISSN: 1809-4341 [email protected] Associação Brasileira de Antropologia Brasil Sansone, Livio Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences VIBRANT - Vibrant Virtual Brazilian Anthropology, vol. 10, núm. 2, diciembre, 2013, pp. 73 -111 Associação Brasileira de Antropologia Brasília, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=406941916003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences Livio Sansone CEAO/UFBA Abstract Focusing on his life and academic production, especially the long eleven years that he spent in the United States, in this text I explore the complex relation between the first President of the Mozambique Liberation Front Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences – the academic world of sociology and anthropology. I do so through an analysis of the correspondence between Mondlane and several social scientists, especially Melville Herskovits, the mentor for his master’s and doctoral degrees in sociology, and Marvin Harris, who followed his famous study of race relations in Brazil with research in Lourenço Marques in 1958 on the system of social and race relations pro- duced under Portuguese colonialism. My main argument is that his academic training bore on Mondlane’s political style more than normally assumed in most biographical accounts. Keywords: Africanism, Afro-Bahia, candomble, Herskovits, Frazier, Turner Resumo Enfocando sua vida e produçao academica, sobretudo os longos onze anos que ele passou nos Estados Unidos, neste texto me debruço sobre a com- plexa relaçao entre Eduardo Mondlane, o primeiro presidente da Frente de Libertaçao de Moçambique, e as ciencias sociais – o mundo academico da so- ciologia e da antropologia.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/70h801wr Author Martins Rufino Valente, Rita Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance by Rita Martins Rufino Valente 2017 © Copyright by Rita Martins Rufino Valente 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries by Rita Martins Rufino Valente Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Janet M. O’Shea, Chair My dissertation investigates the politics of festival curation and production in artist-led theater festivals across the Portuguese-speaking (or Lusophone) world, which includes Latin America, Africa, Europe, and Asia. I focus on uses of Lusophony as a tactics to generate alternatives to globalization, and as a response to experiences of racialization and marginalization stemming from a colonial past. I also expose the contradictory relation between Lusophony, colonialism, and globalization, which constitute obstacles for transnational tactics. I select three festivals where, I propose, the legacies of the colonial past, which include the contradictions of Lusophony, become apparent throughout the curatorial and production processes: Estação da Cena Lusófona (Portugal), Mindelact – Festival Internacional de Teatro do Mindelo (Cabo Verde), and Circuito de Teatro em Português (Brazil).
    [Show full text]
  • Via Issuelab
    ROCKEFELLER ARCHIVE CENTER RESEARCH REPO RTS From Afro-Brazilian into African Studies by Livio Sansone Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais, Universidade Federal da Bahia © 2019 by Livio Sansone From Afro-Brazilian into African Studies My visit to the Rockefeller Archive Center (RAC) was motivated by two interrelated research projects. The first was to study materials related to the transnational construction of the academic field of Afro-Brazilian studies in the 1930s and 1940s. The second project was to focus on the impact of the making of Afro-American studies and African studies proper, in both North and South America, and on the life and trajectories of the independence leaders of African countries from the 1950s – especially the Mozambican, Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane. The week I spent at the Rockefeller Archive Center, thanks to a small research stipend which I obtained, has proven highly productive for both research projects. The first research project deals with the way Brazil, and particularly the State of Bahia, played a central place in the development of the notion of Africanism, as articulated by Melville Herskovits, his associates, and the many scholars he influenced. Such a notion would prove to be essential in the subsequent creation of African studies in the US. It would reverberate on the development of new varieties of “Negritude,” as part of the process leading to the independence of most African countries in the 1960s (with the exception of Portuguese colonies and white-dominated Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa.) Africanism also impacted the redefinition of African American identity on the eve of the Civil Rights movement in the US.
    [Show full text]
  • The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar Es Salaam.”
    H-Diplo H-Diplo Article Review 707 on “The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar es Salaam.” Discussion published by George Fujii on Friday, June 30, 2017 H-Diplo @HDiplo Article Review No. 707 30 June 2017 Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii George Roberts. “The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar es Salaam.” Cold War History 17:1 (February 2017): 1-19. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2016.1246542. URL: http://tiny.cc/AR707 Review by Natalia Telepneva, UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) The assassination of Front for Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) leader Eduardo Mondlane has long been considered one of the greatest unsolved mysteries in the history of post-colonial Africa. Compelling and well-written, George Roberts’s article reconstructs the events leading up to Mondlane’s murder in February 1969 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s capital, which serves as a setting for various actors in the article. While Mondlane’s assassination forms part of the narrative, the article provides a detailed analysis of exile politics in Dar es Salaam, a “Cold War city at the intersection of Cold War and decolonisation” (5). Dar es Salaam is transformed into a ‘Cold War city’ in part because of the politics of Tanzania’s first president, Julius Nyerere, who hosted and supported a number of African liberation movements, FRELIMO being the most important. Roberts provides a sense of the political and social life in the capital city, filled with men and women from all walks of life—local politicians, foreign diplomats, journalists, spies—who would gather in restaurants, hotels, and bars to make deals, exchange news, and gossip.
    [Show full text]
  • A Profile of Dr. Eduardo Mondlane a Profile
    A PROFILE OF DR. EDUARDO MONDLANE A PROFILE DR. EDUARDO MONDLANE DR. EDUARDO Chivambo Mondlane has betrayed the African Revolution. Three years ago he was at the Mozambican Liberation Front but as a vociferous and dubious character. Now he has deserted his compatriots when the fiercest battle is being fought with victory in sight. Colonial struggles for freedom have invariably been side-lighted by incidents of opportunism and treachery. Mondlane's deflection can in no way undermine the es-prit de corps of African valiants. His case is, .however, of both political and anthropological interest. The boyhood vistas of Mondlane are rather dim and obscure. He was born on June 20, 1924, at Chibuto, into the Shangaan Community in Mozambique. He grew up to achieve the assimilado status and had the rare advantage of attending a series of schools of higher learning outside Mozambique as a preparatory. step towards a professional career and apparently toward becoming an important and vital "citizen" of the Republic of Portugal. He attended the University of Lisbon in Portugal, the University of Witwatersrand in the Union of South Africa and most recently the North-Western University in the United States. As B.A., M.A., Ph.D., and with a flair for sociology and psychology, he is said to be keen, in socio-cultural problems and political science. According to the 1963 edition of the UNESCO secretariat directory on "Social Scientists specialising in African Studies", Mondlane once had a career as a University Seminar Assistant at the Columbia University, United States. Between 1957 and 1961, he was an Associate Social Research Officer at the United Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • Herbert Shore Collection in Honor of Eduardo C
    HERBERT SHORE COLLECTION IN HONOR OF EDUARDO C. MONDLANE INVENTORY Subgroup I. Historical Files relating to Herbert Shore’s interests in the Arts and Culture Series 1. Council on the Arts, Culture, and Technology (TACT), 1962-63, 1971-84, 1991, n.d. (1 architectural drawing) Box 1 TACT General Information Aboriginal Culture, Aboriginal Art from Papunya, Central Australia, Dec. 12, 1977 Ad-hoc panel in view of the preparation of the Second World Conference on Cultural Policies, Dec. 15–19, 1980 Annual Report to U.S. NATCOM, Sept. 30, 1980 Art and Education, Mar. 5, 1971 Art and the Future, 1978-80 Art in a Technological Society, Report by Herbert Shore, 1980 Art in a Technological Society, Workshops, Jan 24-25, 1980 (4f) The Arts and the Technological Challenge, 1982 Desmond E. Berghofer, The Development of Educational Policy in the Context of Lifelong Learning: A Discussion Paper, Mar. 2, 1983 The Black Art Revolution in the United States and Its Possible Relevance to Africa, Report to the Ford Foundation by Ulli Beier, n.d. The Communications Explosion, (1972?) Correspondence, 1978-80 Cultural Development and Policies, 1975-82, n.d. Cultural Policy and Unesco, 1979-1981, n.d., (3f) Cultural Transformations and the Human Scale of Time and Space, Ludwik Bielawski, n.d. Cultural Values, n.d. Culture & Technology, 1978, 1982, n.d. (4f) Development of a New Instrument of Percussion –The Two-Manual Vibraphone, Ronald M. George, n.d. Economic Order, Moving Towards Change, 1976 Education, Department of, 1976-1983 (5f) Educational Film Center, Storytellers, 1977-1979 Educational Research. Mozambique, 1980, n.d.
    [Show full text]
  • African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974
    J. P. BORGES COELHO, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 10 (1) (2002): 129-50 African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974: Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique1 João Paulo Borges Coelho Eduardo Mondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique Abstract: The colonial powers systematically included Africans in the wars waged to preserve their order. Portugal was not an exception in this respect. Since 1961, with the beginning of the liberation wars in her colonies, Portugal incorporated Africans in her war effort in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique through a process enveloped in an ideological discourse based on “multi-racialism” and on the preservation of the empire. African engagement varied from marginal roles as servants and informers to more important ones as highly operational combat units. By the end of the Portuguese colonial war, in 1974, African participation had become crucial, representing about half of all operational colonial troops. This paper explores in a comparative framework the three cases of Angola, Guinea- Bissau and Mozambique, seeking the rationale behind the process and the shapes it took. The abrupt end of the colonial war, triggered by a military coup in Portugal, paved the way for the independence of the colonies, but left a legacy difficult to manage by the newly independent countries. Shedding some light on the destiny of the former African collaborators during this period, the paper suggests that they played a role in the post- independence civil conflicts in Angola and Mozambique. © 2002 Portuguese Studies Review. All rights reserved. (...) if it isn’t to be a poor character with little utility, the European soldier will cost us too much.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane and the Enigma of Revolutionary Leadership Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2dm307kx Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 4(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Obichere, Boniface I. Publication Date 1973 DOI 10.5070/F742016450 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California - 166 - !£VIEW ESSAY EilJAROO OilVNfYJ f'miUNE NID ntE ENI G'A OF REVOUJTIOOARY liAil:RSHl P by BONIFACE I. OBICHERE Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane's leadership of Prente de Libertacao de Mocambique (FRELIMO) from 1963 to February 1969 brought him into the limelight of i nternational politics and the mass media, but it also confronted him with the enigma of revolutionary leadership. Part of this enigma was the perennial struggle for mastery and for recognition by the various leaders of Mozambican nationalist groups in exile; and until his death on February 3, 1969, Hondlane never did quite find his way through the labyrinth of the nationalist and guerrilla struggle for leadership. The debate stil l con­ tinues as tQ who mailed the bomb from West Germany which snipped out his life prematurely. The meteoric career of Hondlane has already given rise to a number of books and articles. The Strugg'Le foro Mo zambique, an autobiographical account by Mondlane (Penguin Books, 1969) and Eduardo Mondlane, published by Panaf Great Lives , (London , 1972) are at present the major works devoted to his career. National. Liberoat i on: Revolution in the Thi~d Worold, edited by Norman Hi ller and Roderick AYa (New York: Free Press, 1971) and Af~can Li beration Movemenu: Contemporary Stzougg'Les Against White ~~nol'i ty RuLe, by Ri chard Gi bson.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
    Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2).
    [Show full text]
  • Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict
    Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict ∗ Giorgio Chiovelliy Stelios Michalopoulosz Universidad de Montevideo Brown University, CEPR and NBER Elias Papaioannoux London Business School, CEPR December 4, 2019 Abstract This appendix provides an overview of two key periods in the recent history of Mozambique that are intimately linked to landmine contamination. The appendix is not intended to be a comprehensive reconstruction of the War of Independence or the subsequent Civil War. Its aim is to highlight, in a concise way, the events that led Mozambique to be a classified as \heavily mined" at the end of hostilities in 1992. We start by going over the war of independence (1964−1974) and then discuss the ensuing civil war (1977 − 1992). Going over the historical narrative is useful, as it highlights the underlying causes of the widespread usage of landmines. It also puts in context the gigantic effort to clear the country from the thousands of minefields after the peace agreement. We conclude by describing socioeconomic conditions at the end of civil war in 1992. ∗Additional material can be found at www.land-mines.com yGiorgio Chiovelli. Universidad de Montevideo, Department of Economics, Prudencio de Pena 2440, Montevideo, 11600, Uruguay; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/gchiovelli/ zStelios Michalopoulos. Brown University, Department of Economics, 64 Waterman Street, Robinson Hall, Providence RI, 02912, United States; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/steliosecon/ xElias Papaioannou.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mozambican Civil War Background Guide
    NAMUN 2021 The Mozambican Civil War Background Guide Welcome Letter Dear Delegates, Welcome to the 36th annual North American Model United Nations conference held, for the first time, virtually. My name is Victor, and I am the chair of this crisis committee. I am in my fourth year of undergraduate study, pursuing a specialist degree in biological physics. Though my academic career has taken me away from the realm of history and politics, I have a great deal of passion for history and politics. I have participated in Model UN conferences in the past as a delegate, but this conference marks my first time chairing a committee. As you well know, this committee takes place at the height of the Cold War in the year 1977. Two years removed from a decade long struggle for independence, the fledgling governing body of Mozambique, the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), is faced with an increasing number of guerilla attacks on farms and villages on the Rhodesian border. A new group going by the Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO), or Mozambican National Resistance, poses a threat to the stability of FRELIMO rule in Mozambique. With enough time, this group could plunge Mozambique into another lengthy war, putting Mozambique’s development even further behind schedule. This background guide will provide a brief overview of the historical context behind this conflict and issues facing the parties involved in this conflict. I encourage you to do additional research on the topic to better understand your delegation’s position within the conflict, using this guide as a framework.
    [Show full text]
  • Women Architects in Portugal: Working in Colonial Africa Before the Carnation Revolution (1950–1974)
    arts Article Women Architects in Portugal: Working in Colonial Africa before the Carnation Revolution (1950–1974) Ana Vaz Milheiro 1,* and Filipa Fiúza 2,* 1 Israel Institute for Advanced Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem 91904, Israel 2 Centro de Estudos Sociais, University of Coimbra, 3000-104 Coimbra, Portugal * Correspondence: [email protected] (A.V.M.); filipa.fi[email protected] (F.F.) Received: 7 June 2020; Accepted: 23 July 2020; Published: 31 July 2020 Abstract: How did women architects shape a modern world in the late period of Portuguese colonial Africa, just before the Carnation Revolution? The specific role of women in Portugal working in colonial African architectural culture has now started to be addressed by Portuguese and Lusophone-African historiography. During the 1950s, the presence of women in the metropolitan schools of architecture was reduced. Of those who could graduate, few actually worked as architects. Most were absorbed by the commonly feminine roles, resulting from marriage and from the ideal of family promoted by the Estado Novo dictatorship. To the ones that risked prosecution for working outside the family, the option of jobs associated with the feminine universe, such as teaching, was privileged. Among those who were emancipated from this pattern, the majority worked in familiar partnerships, regarded as an extension of marriage. The women architects that follow the husbands in their African emigration often ended up having the opportunities to work in their professional field partly due to the lack of qualified technicians, and to the high demand of commissions. This paper not only seeks to outline a perspective on these women, but also tries to understand the context of their work by presenting two case-studies in the late in the late period of Portuguese Colonisation: Maria Carlota Quintanilha and Maria Emilia Caria.
    [Show full text]