The Fluidity of Nationalistic and Ethnic Aspirations in Aceh

Nations and Nationalism 15 (2), 2009, 319–339. The fluidity of nationalistic and ethnic aspirations in Aceh CHANINTIRA NA THALANG Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand and University of Bristol, UK ABSTRACT. Peace negotiations between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have resulted in the signing of the Memorandum of Under- standing (MoU) ultimately ending a three-decade-long struggle for independence. Through a historical comparative analysis, this article explores the changing nature of Acehnese nationalism. It explores how Acehnese ethnicity and nationalism are constructed and how they have transformed over the decades in conflict with the Indonesian government. Acehnese ethnicity and nationalism, which are political in nature and ethnic in character, have ideologically shifted throughout time. Historical junctures and myths were utilised to legitimise these changing ideological goals. Despite the transformation of Acehnese nationalism and consequent changes in its ideological basis, a strong Acehnese identity still remains a constant. KEY WORDS: Aceh; Acehnese nationalism; constructing identity; Indonesia. Introduction The aim of this article is to illustrate that Acehnese nationalism is fluid and to chart its changing trajectory since the late nineteenth century. I show that this fluidity is best understood as changes in the ideological expression of Acehnese nationalism by elite leaders rather than diminished, or heightened, mass sentiments. Although the ideological basis of nationalism fluctuates, the sense of national identity is not necessarily weak. I also stress that hazy and vague definitions of what constitutes identity do not necessarily make the For the sake of consistency, this article will use the Indonesian spelling of Aceh. In some original texts included in this article, the authors have preferred the nineteenth-century English version of Aceheh. Other ways of spelling include Atjeh which is the Dutch version. As far as possible, I have also tried to use a standard form of the 1972 transliteration in the Indonesian and Malay languages in my study. Unless the old spelling is preferred in the original text, this study follows the 1972 standardised spelling. The author thanks Adam Burke, Duncan McCargo, Andrew Wyatt, Nelson Vaz and two anonymous reviewers for their comments. r The authors 2009. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2009 320 Chanintira na Thalang bond between the people as a community and their identity weak or less real to them. Not all nationalist movements achieve the apparent goal of independence. In some cases, nationalists may demand or settle for a political deal short of independence such as asymmetrical autonomy, thus transforming the original goal of independence. To accommodate such changes in nationalism, the Acehnese have used history and myths to glorify the nation. Their constructions of history and myths are altered to legitimise new ideological goals within a changing ethnic or nationalist project. As ideological goals change, various historical events are selected and others are concealed to legitimise certain goals of the political movement (Breuilly 1996: 166). The objectives of Acehnese nationalists have included delegitimising the Indonesian state from which they sought to separate, and also gaining support from external forces such as foreign states. Most importantly, the construction of myths and history are aimed at creating a sense of unity within the nation. However, this is not to imply that Acehnese nationalism and ethnicity is uniform. Within Aceh, there are various social groups amongst the Acehnese and ethnic groups such as the Gayo and Alas that do not subscribe to the expressions of Acehnese identity. Rather than analysing different discourses of nationalism within Aceh, the article will analyse dominant expressions of Acehnese identities at various junctures. Through a historical comparative analysis, my narrative of shifting constructions of nationalism will be illuminated by accounts of how the Acehnese have constructed ethnicity and nationalism at several key junctures. These expressions are taken from the literature or declarations of nationalist elites from five different periods: (1) The 1873 Sabil War against the Dutch. Though a sense of nationalism had occurred on the elite level, it was absent at the mass level. However, the sense of cohesion and consciousness amongst the Acehnese was evident; (2) The 1945 Indonesian Revolution against the Dutch. A sense of nationalism emerged to support the Indonesian nationalist elite to declare independence for Indonesia, not for Aceh; (3) During the Darul Islam phase, beginning in 1953, the Acehnese religious leaders (ulama) sought to change the basis of the Indonesian nation but not the Indonesian state; (4) The Free Aceh Movement (GAM)’s Redeclaration of Independence of 1976 was an important restatement of nationalist ideas; (5) The 2005 Helsinki Peace Process. Acehnese ambitions were restated in a more modest way when GAM accepted concessions that fell short of independence for Aceh. Nation, nationalism and national identity Despite claims made by modernisation theorists that nationalism would inexorably decline, nationalist sentiments have continued to disrupt and have profound effects on security, and at times can even transform the territorial boundaries of the state. Though nationalism is not a new social r The authors 2009. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2009 Nationalistic and ethnic aspirations in Aceh 321 phenomenon, it was adopted as a topic of academic interest only with the upsurge of anti-colonial movements in the 1960s (Hutchinson and Smith 1994: 3). Contemporary debates began searching for explanations for the origins, causes and types of nationalism, yet there remains very little consensus on these issues, nor on defining the boundaries of the concept itself. In fact, defining nationalism is difficult, because the term is used to cover an array of social phenomena that widely differ in terms of objectives and characteristics. Hence, like many other concepts, nationalism cannot be reduced to a single meaning. When defining the boundaries of nationalism that appropriately fits the Acehnese case, it is best to talk about the concept in relation to ‘nation’ and ‘ethnic group’. Both terms are often used interchangeably. It is crucial to establish boundaries between the two because Acehnese nationalistic and ethnic aspirations are fluid. Distinguishing the two concepts is no easy task as both share a number of characteristics. Both are collectivities whose members presume a particular identity and draw boundaries vis-a` -vis ‘the other’. Equally, both are often viewed as political acts. As both concepts may overlap in many ways, the boundaries of a nation and ethnic group become clearer once the nation is referred to in respect of its relationship with the state. As Ernest Gellner holds: ‘Nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent’ (Gellner 1983: 1). Taking Gellner’s definition of nationalism, Acehnese nationalism emerged during its call for independence under Suharto’s rule. At various other junctures, Acehnese aspirations have fallen short of claims for statehood. As such, Acehnese aspirations change according to time. Whether these aspirations are ethnic or nationalistic depends on the context, hence the usage of both terms in the title of this article. The many definitions of nationalism agree that nationalism predominantly is ideological. In the broadest sense, nationalism ‘builds on people’s awareness of a nation (national self-consciousness) to give a set of attitudes and a programme of action’ (Kellas 1991: 3). Nationalisms can also be ethnic or civic in nature. The type of nationalism crucial to examining Acehnese nationalism is ethnic and political. It is ethnic because the constructions of Acehnese nationalism draw on history, myths and a land shared amongst the Acehnese. It is political because it essentially involves a struggle over power (Breuilly 1993: 1), first with the Dutch and then with the Indonesian government. However, the ideological basis of Acehnese identity has fluctuated between the revolution against the Dutch and the recent peace deal signed after the December 2004 tsunami. It is a dispute over what should constitute the boundaries of the ‘national’ that has led to conflicts between the government and the secessionist movements such as in Aceh and Papua, two longstanding secessionist movements in Indonesia. The Indonesian government holds that the nation encompasses all groups within the geographical boundaries of the former Dutch Indies. r The authors 2009. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2009 322 Chanintira na Thalang This view is consistent with ‘civic nationalism’ or territorial nationalism that is equated with post-independence movements seeking to integrate a population of diverse ethnic groups of a former colony (Smith 1991: 82). Because these groups are bound together by a common homeland, civic nationalism could encourage the participation of the people in the state and civil society institutions, which in turn would generate a national character and civic culture, regardless of the diversity of ancestry amongst the people (Brown 1999: 283). By contrast, secessionism in areas such as Papua and Aceh would fit the definition of ethnic nationalisms that coincide with an ethnic group. Nationalism

Load more