From December 2009 to March 2010, the University of Nottingham held an exhibition – ‘W. E. William Ewart Gladstone: Gladstone: The “Grand Old Man” in Nottinghamshire’ – to commemorate the bicentenary of the birth A Bicentenary Perspective of the great nineteenth- century Liberal politician and statesman. The exhibition had two major objectives: first, to illustrate some of the larger themes of Gladstone’s life (in particular, his transformation from Macaulay’s ‘stern, unbending Tory’ of the 1830s to the ‘People’s William’ of the 1850s and 1860s, feted and adored through – amongst other things – a remarkably modern- looking exploitation of his public image); second, to highlight the hitherto unexplored connections between Gladstone and Nottinghamshire. t first glance, the second constituencies ranged from New- objective might seem an ark in Nottinghamshire (1832–46) Here we reprint two Aincongruous undertaking. through the University of Oxford Gladstone was, after all, the Lanca- (1847–65), South Lancashire (1865– of the lectures given at shire-raised and Oxford-educated 8) and Greenwich (1868–80) to the time; by Richard son of a wealthy Scottish merchant; Edinburgh Midlothian (1880–94). his wife – Catherine Glynne (1812– Gladstone himself spent most of his A. Gaunt and Chris 1900) – was a member of a Welsh active political life in the heart of gentry family which was raised to Westminster, first as a Conserva- Wrigley. a hereditary baronetcy; Gladstone’s tive MP (1832–46), later as a Liberal

4 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 William Ewart Gladstone: A Bicentenary Perspective

(1859–94). Ascribing to Gladstone From Conservative to Liberal: be a pivotal influence determining a particular local attachment was Gladstone as MP for Newark his son’s early career and a princi- problematic in his lifetime: as one (1832–46) pal reason for his association with contemporary observed, in 1865, Although there are many biogra- Nottinghamshire. Gladstone was ‘Oxford on the sur- phies and monographs studying Two things pre-occupied the face, but Liverpool underneath’. Gladstone’s role in national political mind of the High-Flyer’s eminent Yet there are good reasons for life, as the man who became Liberal young passenger as he arrived at remembering the strong and con- prime minister four times between Newark: one was the ‘painful sac- tinuing connections which Glad- 1868 and 1894, Nottinghamshire rifice’ he had made, in travelling stone forged with Nottinghamshire was in many respects the cradle of on the sabbath from Torquay to throughout his life: connections his parliamentary career. As Glad- Newark for the purposes of elec- which, in many ways, mirrored stone commented in 1882, on the tioneering. The second was the the political journey which he took golden jubilee of his first election to reception he was likely to receive from Conservative to Liberal over parliament as Conservative MP for upon arrival: the course of his remarkable life. Newark, the county had provided The exhibition was supported him with the ‘first link of connec- I had heard much of the extreme by a series of lectures, from which tion with political life’.2 violence of [the opposing] party the following two articles derive. It was the ‘High-Flyer coach’ in Newark and on seeing a man Whilst the first concentrates upon from London to York which waiting, evidently on the look- Gladstone’s connection with New- brought Gladstone to Newark, out for me, at the hotel gateway ark, his first parliamentary con- on Monday 24 September 1832, [of the Clinton Arms], I was in stituency, in the unashamedly on what proved to be the first of no way inclined to suppose him Tory period of his life, the seeds his many visits to the county. The a friend but thought … that he of his future Liberalism emerge as coach’s title – a reference to the might be a spy stationed there the crucial reason for his depar- great distance it covered at relative for any purpose whether of vio- ture from the constituency in 1846. speed – was appropriate, given that lence or of fraud. He addressed Gladstone’s continuing connec- Gladstone was already proving to and shook me cordially by the tions with the county – the result of be something of a ‘high flyer’ him- hand, proving to be the landlord social and family ties to the Dukes self. At the time of his first appear- of our hotel, Mr Lawton, and of Newcastle-under-Lyne – are ance in the county, Gladstone assuring me that the three days’ explored in the remainder of the was twenty-two years of age. He canvass which had already been article. The second article consid- had been expensively schooled at completed [for my candidacy as ers how it was that Gladstone, the Eton and Christ Church College, the town’s MP] were of the most opponent of parliamentary reform Oxford, where he attracted atten- successful character. in 1831–2, emerged as the ‘People’s tion as a serious moralist and nota- William’ of popular acclamation ble debater. Gladstone graduated With that warmer than antici- during his period as Liberal Chan- from the university with a prized pated reception at Newark, at the cellor of the Exchequer (and then double-first-class degree in Classics hotel which still bears the name of prime minister) after 1852, pre- and Mathematics. His father, John Newark’s most prominent political pared to concede ever more in the Gladstones, had silently dropped patron (Clinton being the family way of reform. Together, the arti- the final ‘s’ from the family name name of the Dukes of Newcastle), cles demonstrate that, even after during his steady rise to social and Gladstone commenced on all ‘the two hundred years, what Lord political eminence amongst the noise, the animation, and the aims, Jenkins memorably described as Liverpool merchant elite. It was of a contested election’. Late in life, the ‘galumfarious’ nature of Glad- in Liverpool (at 62 Rodney Street) Gladstone recalled that he looked stone’s mind, continues to provide that William Ewart, his fifth and William Ewart back on this as ‘the most exciting rich pickings for historians and final son, was born on 29 Decem- Gladstone (1809– period of my life. I never worked political biographers.1 ber 1809. John Gladstone proved to 98) in 1833 harder or slept so badly, that is to

Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 5 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective say so little’. The Clinton Arms a potential crumb of comfort. Nor Right, from top: so. To Newcastle, it was a per- provided both the headquarters for could Newcastle have been in any Figure 1: The fectly sensible proposition to find a Gladstone’s parliamentary cam- doubt of Gladstone’s position with Clinton Arms, promising young talent with simi- paign and the venue from which reference to the Reform Act for he Newark, lar political views to represent his he later addressed the crowds as its had denounced it roundly in the Gladstone’s interests in the borough where he victorious MP.3 [Figure 1] debating rooms of Oxford, hav- headquarters in enjoyed the greatest level of per- The Newark whose streets ing memorably stated that there 1832 sonal interest as a property owner. Gladstone traversed in the autumn was ‘something of anti-Christ’ Figure 2: Newcastle’s choice was inti- of 1832 was a constituency which about it. Lincoln’s unimpeachable Gladstone’s mately related to his position in had come to the forefront of credentials as Gladstone’s referee calling card in Newark. From the time of the infa- national attention during the pre- made Newcastle’s choice of him the 1832 election mous Newark by-election of 1829 – ceding two years during the battle certain, when he was invited, in Figure 3: Ticket when Newcastle had evicted those to achieve the passage of the Par- the accepted language of the day, for supper with of his tenants who would not vote liamentary Reform Act (the ‘Great to ‘recommend’ a candidate to the Gladstone, 1 for his chosen candidate, Michael Reform Act’). As a constituency, Newark Conservatives, in advance November 1832 Thomas Sadler – until Gladstone’s Newark was relatively unusual in of the 1832 general election. As election in December 1832, his combining wholesale aristocratic Newcastle commented in his diary, influence was under almost con- influence with a remarkably wide Gladstone was ‘a friend of Lincoln’s tinual assault. Newcastle’s assertion franchise. Before the Reform Act, and a very talented & highly prin- of the right to ‘do what I will with Newark returned two MPs under a cipled young man, as he tells me, my own’ in the borough attracted franchise which gave votes to those for I do not know him’.6 Newcastle national attention and drew a local who paid their annual household approached John Gladstone, who response. In 1830, an attempt was and poor rates (known as ‘scot and responded with qualified approval made to revoke Newcastle’s lease lot’). This made the constituency a and an offer to share the costs of the of the 960-acre Crown Estates in remarkably large one of nearly 1600 election, which were estimated to the vicinity of the town. Newark electors. The Reform Act abolished be no more than £1000. kicked against the duke’s electoral the scot and lot franchise, whilst Whilst fully aware of the oppor- influence in the general election of allowing existing voters to retain tunity being held out to his son, May 1831 by rejecting his preferred it for their lifetime. The vote was John Gladstone knew that Wil- candidate, Sir Roger Gresley, and now vested in owners and occupiers liam was seriously torn between returning in his place the radical of property valued at £10 per year. a career in politics, the church or lawyer Thomas Wilde. Wilde had This actually served to decrease the law. However, the matter was first appeared as an ‘Independent’ Newark’s mid-nineteenth-century to all intents and purposes set- candidate in the 1829 by-election electorate, before the effects of eco- tled, even before Gladstone him- and proceeded to contest every nomic growth, inflation and fur- self was approached. With the Newark election thereafter up to ther reform acts (notably those of whole-hearted support of his fam- 1841; he was later raised to the peer- 1867 and 1884) expanded the fran- ily, Gladstone accepted the offer of age as the Liberal Lord Chancellor chise from one vested in property Newcastle’s electoral support and Baron Truro. Newcastle’s electoral owners to one enjoyed universally ‘recommendation’ at Newark. The reverse in 1831 proved to be the by men (and, eventually, women) terms upon which he did so were final straw: ‘I shall not try New- alike. After 1885, Newark became significant: ‘if it should hereafter at ark again upon speculation or to a single-member constituency: a any time appear, that any personal spend money – if they solicit me, status it has continued to enjoy ever or political predilections which I I will send somebody but I will be since.4 entertain are such as to impair that guaranteed against expense – in the Gladstone was introduced to general concordance, I am fully mean time I shall raise my rents to political life through the recom- aware your Grace will find … an the double and see how they like mendation of the Earl of Lincoln, adequate reason, why … the [offer], that’.8 the eldest son and heir of the 4th now made upon a different supposi- Punitive tactics of this sort were Duke of Newcastle. This was the tion, should at once be withdrawn’.7 Newcastle’s means of whipping the foundation of Gladstone’s subse- Newcastle’s reputation as an people of Newark back into obedi- quent relationship with the duke electioneer and ‘borough-monger’, ence to him and ones which raised himself. Newcastle relied almost who enjoyed the majority of politi- an understandable degree of public entirely upon the high praise of cal influence in Newark because criticism. There was no secret bal- Lincoln, who was Gladstone’s con- of the amount of property he pos- lot until Gladstone introduced it, temporary at Eton and Oxford. sessed, both as owner and landlord, as Liberal prime minister, in 1872, Through a mixture of personal meant his name was public cur- which meant that polling was held observation and an appeal to his rency during the highly charged in public; the votes of every legiti- father’s vanity, Lincoln assured campaign for parliamentary reform mate elector were recorded and Newcastle that Gladstone would in the period 1830–32. Gladstone published in poll books, thereby prove an asset to ‘a most unorna- later commented on the difficulty providing the duke, his agents and mented House, and an honor to the of saying anything in justification their opponents, with excellent patron who shall introduce him of Newcastle, during his election material from which to identify to public life’.5 At a time of almost campaign, for fear of being accused supporters and expose malcontents. universal despondency amongst of ‘the most extreme tyrannical Surviving maps of the period, used Conservatives about the possible feeling’; although (to his credit) this in the distribution of coal from the impact of the Reform Act, this was did not prevent him from doing duke to his tenants, show that those

6 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective designated to receive this boon had proved electorally obedient. The various political parties in Newark each had their own electoral col- our: red was the Tory or Conserva- tive colour, blue represented the independents or Whig-Liberals and yellow was used for the moderate or Liberal Tories.9 Gladstone was, at this period, a keen Tory; he later called his New- ark election address ‘that of a warm and loyal Tory who was quite una- ware that it contained in it the seeds of change to come’. Consequently, he was ‘in no degree ashamed of votes given through attachment to a landlord’. Rather, he saw it as:

... every way natural and proper, that [tenants] should look to those from whom [they have] received kindness [for] their recommendation … the relation therefore between [the Duke of Newcastle] and those who hold [his tenancies] is one … of favour on his part, of gratitude on theirs.

Whilst the election campaign was reported regularly to Newcastle, day-to-day management rested with Gladstone’s local election committee. However, Newcas- tle was advised by Lord Lincoln to ‘keep an eye upon our friends at Newark – Gladstone is they think raw’.10 These ‘friends’ largely consisted of Newark’s Conserva- tive establishment from amongst its leading professional, business and retail families. Pre-eminent amongst them, at this time, were Edward Smith Godfrey and Wil- liam Edward Tallents, both of whom were prominent in the administration of the town’s affairs. Both acted, in succession, as New- castle’s land steward and political agent in the town. In the aftermath of the election defeat of May 1831, it was men like Godfrey and Tallents who spearheaded the Conserva- tive revival in the town – a revival which Gladstone would both serve to accelerate and profit from. On Waterloo Day (18 June 1831), a Red Club was established, taking its name from Newcastle’s electoral colour. Ultimately, the club grew from the parent body to encompass some 650 members, convened in branch Red Clubs of fifty members each. Gladstone’s election com- mittee was formed from its ranks,

Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 7 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective headed by Godfrey as President of 1807, after a hard fought campaign that of the Red Club), by unstint- the Club.11 led by William Wilberforce. But ing campaigning in the 1832 Although the Reform Act the condition of slavery contin- election contest. This went a sub- became law in June 1832, election- ued to exist in the British Empire stantial way to returning him at eering still had some way to go until 1833. Public interest made the the head of the poll, with 887 votes towards the standards of propriety question a key issue in the general to his opponents 798 and 726, at expected in a modern representa- election of 1832. John Gladstone the election itself. Elections fre- tive democracy. It was still con- had extensive property interests quently ended with the success- ducted very much in the manner in the West Indies and had pub- ful candidate being ‘chaired’, or in which William Hogarth had licly defended slavery as recently paraded around the constituency. portrayed it in his famous series of as 1830. Election handbills were Flags played an important part in mid-eighteenth-century election issued in which charges were made the procession and several elec- prints, in terms of its colour, vio- against Gladstone because of these tion flags, dating from Gladstone’s lence and symbolism. Campaigning views. Gladstone responded with time as MP for the town, are still was extremely sociable in nature, a handbill of his own in which he extant; given the frequency with ranging from polite teas and elec- based his opposition to the imme- which they were used, waved and tion suppers to convivial and drink- diate emancipation of the slaves marched about the town, their sur- fuelled gatherings at clubs, public upon passages in the Bible. Glad- vival is truly remarkable. In 1832, houses and in the streets. Teas and stone argued that slaves could not the competing flags of the con- suppers were important occasions be given their freedom immedi- tending parties were the subject used by Gladstone’s campaign ately but first had to prove their of a tremendous ‘flag fight’, as one team to gather support for his can- fitness to use that freedom respon- local resident noted: didacy. As ‘ticket only’ affairs, sibly. He supported schemes of they expressed favour towards ‘One saucy education and apprenticeship in The fight and row was tremen- those who were invited to attend. order to prepare slaves for a future dous, on having secured them, ‘Calling cards’ were an important body shut state of independence. He also sug- they called out ‘down with the means of soliciting ‘the favour of gested that the living conditions Yellow flags’, the Reds imme- votes and interest’ at election time, her door of factory workers in England and diately rushed on to attack the although they were not always well the Irish poor were as deserving of Yellows who had 4 Orange and 4 received. [Figures 2–3] ‘One saucy and rowed attention as the plantation slaves Yellow flags, after a severe con- body shut her door and rowed us in the West Indies.13 Gladstone was test we captured 3 Orange and from an upper window,’ Gladstone us from closely questioned on the issue at 3 Yellow Flags, the other two recorded, ‘another tore my card and the election, especially by mem- escaped much damaged. The flung the pieces at my feet – a third an upper bers of the Wesleyan Methodist poles of the others were broken on hearing “Well Ma’am, shall we window,’ Society who were keen supporters to pieces.15 have a vote here?” – “I wouldn’t of abolition. Gladstone respected give you one to save your life if I’d Gladstone their opposition as being ‘moderate However, the election had an unex- a hundred”.’ Meanwhile, Gladstone and conscientious … they acted as pected and (for Gladstone) unfortu- was swept up in an almost nightly recorded, men who had a duty to fulfil, and nate aftermath. Election expenses parade of sociability amongst the knew it, and who discharged it’. and the problem of rewarding elec- branch Red Clubs of Newark. ‘another tore Gladstone’s maiden speech in the tors with free liquor were peren- Amongst the many survivals of House of Commons was delivered nial problems in campaigns of the electioneering activity in Newark, my card and during the debates on the aboli- period and ones from which New- during this period, are songs espe- tion bill in 1833 and, the follow- ark was not immune. The elec- cially composed for the occasion: flung the ing year, after reports of riots in tion expenses for the 1832 contest the West Indies reached England, came in at almost double the £1000 Oh the Newark Red Club is a pieces at my Gladstone remarked that it was a agreed by John Gladstone and the glorious thing; natural consequence of the expec- duke. Gladstone blamed his elec- For freely, when there, we can feet – a third tations which the Whig govern- tion committee for the excessive chat, laugh and sing; ment had raised by their abolition financial costs of his return, believ- Without any fear of the slightest on hearing bill, when what continued to exist ing they had allowed the excessive commotion in the West Indies was a form of distribution of free ale to support- While turning our views to “Well Ma’am, ‘modified slavery’.14 There is little ers and ignored his express instruc- [young] Gladstone’s promo- doubt of the moral anguish which tions against keeping public houses tion … shall we have the issue caused Gladstone as it open. The dispute took eighteen Sing Gladstone for ever hurrah a vote here?” was intimately bound up with the months to settle and caused serious Reds! financial fortunes of his family. It is difficulties between Gladstone and Gladstone for ever hurrah Reds! – “I wouldn’t tempting to speculate that the large his supporters in the town. Glad- Gladstone for ever hurrah Reds! amount of money which Gladstone stone, the young moralist, feared For he is the Man of our choice!12 give you one subsequently spent (from the 1840s that the committee would repeat to 1880s) in attempting to ‘res- the tactic of keeping open house, A particularly sensitive election to save your cue’ prostitutes derived from the in future election contests, if he did issue, insofar as Gladstone was products of John Gladstone’s West not stand his ground and refuse to concerned, was the emancipation life if I’d a Indian operations. settle the extra election bills. The of West Indian slaves. Britain had However, as a candidate, Glad- tone of frustration was revealed finally abolished the slave trade in hundred”.’ stone repaid Newcastle’s faith (and by a resolution which Gladstone’s

8 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective committee passed in July 1833 A man of extraordinary powers It was Sir Bentinck, together with his close in which they expressed their of speech, intellect and research friend and colleague Benjamin ‘extreme dissatisfaction’ with Glad- – yet it always appeared to me to Robert Peel’s Disraeli, became the leading oppo- stone’s position and observed that be a gross impropriety to exalt nents of repeal in the House of ‘such a state of affairs is calculated and place him in the Cabinet – decision to Commons. The mid-nineteenth- most seriously to injure the Inter- for however clever he had no century Conservative and Liberal est by which Mr Gladstone has been experience and consequently repeal the parties emerged from the political returned to parliament as well as his was made the tool and puppet of schism of 1846.20 own individual Character with his the wily Peel.18 Corn Laws However, since the resolution Constituents’.16 of his difficulties with the election The election accounts were ulti- It was Sir Robert Peel’s decision which deliv- committee over the disputed elec- mately revised and settled but the to repeal the Corn Laws which ered the final tion expenses, Gladstone had built issue cast an early – and decisive delivered the final blow to the rela- up a strong reservoir of personal – pall over the formation of good tionship between Gladstone and blow to the loyalties at Newark. A very real relations between Gladstone and his Newcastle; the same event marked possibility was now emerging of chief political supporters in New- the end of the strict Conservatism relationship an alliance between Gladstone and ark. For many of them, customary which had hallmarked Gladstone’s his committee against the duke. The electioneering tactics of the liquid youth. The price of corn was a key between Newark Conservatives complained variety were a given, and any dis- issue in nineteenth-century Britain that they would not accept another ruption of them entailed the frac- because it had a direct impact on Gladstone candidate. A deputation was des- turing of a careful network of local the price of bread. At times of eco- patched to Clumber, in January political and social relationships. nomic hardship, crowds would take and New- 1846, with a resolution express- The Newark Reds felt themselves to the streets in support of lower ing their continuing support for as much the guardians of a cher- prices. In 1815, the British govern- castle; the Gladstone: ished principle as Gladstone; one, ment introduced a Corn Law to moreover, founded on an intimate protect domestic farmers from the same event That it is the opinion of this knowledge of the constituency and pressure of international competi- Committee that advantage long experience of its character. tion by regulating prices in the face marked the ought not to be taken of the When Gladstone continued to press of imports. Landowners and farm- circumstance of Mr Gladstone his claims for the election commit- ers supported this ‘protectionist’ end of the having accepted the office of tee to make specific pledges against policy but it was deeply unpopu- strict Con- Secretary of State for the Colo- treating, in advance of the 1835 lar with the wider population. The nies to deprive him of his seat general election, Newcastle finally contrasting images of a large and servatism during the remainder of the intervened decisively to assuage small loaf came to symbolise the present Parliament but that he be both sides and offered to put £500 battle between those who defended which had requested to offer himself again towards the costs of any future con- economic protection, on the one to the constituency and that the test. This intervention was decisive hand, and supporters of ‘free trade’ hallmarked exertions of this Committee be enough for Gladstone to enter that on the other. Gladstone was a sup- used to secure his election.21 election – at which he was returned porter of the Corn Law, and was Gladstone’s unopposed – with his committee pledged to its maintenance at the It was a remarkable reversal of the behind him. Nevertheless, Glad- general election of 1841. However, youth. position over the election expenses stone remained doubtful of put- the Irish Potato Famine of Novem- twelve years before. Newcastle ting his reliance in the ‘unpledged ber 1845 forced him and others to withdrew from this conversation in sincerity and honesty’ of his com- reconsider their views.19 He sup- depressed spirits, thoroughly con- mittee and was relieved that it was ported Sir Robert Peel when he vinced that a candidate who was not tested by an election contest. decided to repeal the Corn Law not of his way of thinking would In retrospect, the commemoration in 1846 and joined the Cabinet as be forced upon him. In his diary, he of Gladstone’s name in more than Colonial Secretary. At this period, recorded with drama how he pro- one public house in Nottingham- the acceptance of ministerial office ceeded to open his post the same shire has more than a touch of irony necessitated that an MP put himself day and found that, through the about it.17 forward for re-election. Gladstone intervention of the Protectionist Newcastle’s support for Glad- wrote to Newcastle regretting party organisers in London, he had stone in his dispute with the com- their differences but the duke secured a more congenial candidate mittee undoubtedly strengthened managed to leave some ambigu- in the person of Mr John Stuart Gladstone’s respect for the duke; a ity in his reply. Gladstone conjec- QC. The duke’s relief was palpable: respect which influenced his actions tured that the duke would refrain ‘Gladstone’s agent had been made in 1846 when political circum- from intervening and allow him over to Mr Stuart, the malcontents stances changed, policies divided to try his luck with the Newark had been overruled, my standard them and their roles were reversed electorate. After becoming aware again waved on the walls of New- with regard to the Election Com- of this misunderstanding, New- ark’. Godfrey Tallents, who had mittee. This dispute arose from castle responded accordingly and succeeded his father as the duke’s Gladstone’s evolving political Lib- mobilised every possible source political agent at Newark, was bold eralism. Newcastle’s growing irri- of support in order to defeat him. enough to express the hope that tation was recorded in his diary, The duke secured a notable ally Gladstone might be returned for where he observed that his former in the shape of the Duke of Port- the constituency at the next general protégé was: land. Portland’s son, Lord George election.22 That renewal was not to

Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 9 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective

Gladstone’s under their wing and helped to friend and ally, look after them whilst their father the Fifth Duke attended to his distressing per- of Newcastle sonal affairs. This entrenched (1811–64) the already strong personal ties between them. Gladstone even undertook a quixotic mission to ‘rescue’ Lady Lincoln, which ended with him dressing up as a minstrel and rowing across Lake Como in Italy to spy upon the villa where she was staying. Gladstone’s subsequent discovery that Lady Lincoln was expecting another man’s child placed him in the invidious position of having to inform his friend. This was doubly distressing to Gladstone: he had helped provide the evidence for a legal divorce which his otherwise high moral standards shrank from – a fact which was thrown back at him when he later opposed the Divorce Act of 1857.24 During the 1850s, Gladstone and Lincoln (who succeeded as 5th Duke of Newcastle in January 1851) were political colleagues in the Liberal– Conservative Cabinet (composed of ‘Peelites’ and Whigs) which fought the Crimean War against Russia. Newcastle, as Secretary of State for War, bore a large degree of public be. For all their genuine concern at would probably never have become criticism for the political failures Newcastle’s high-handed treatment MP for Newark and, were it not and military unpreparedness of the of them, the Newark Conservatives for that friendship, his connections British forces. [Figure 4] The war, were ultimately bound on the corn to Nottinghamshire might well and the duke’s domestic misfor- question in a way that Gladstone have dissolved after his departure tunes, broke his health and led to could never be once he had so per- from the constituency in 1846. That his relatively early death, at the age sonally committed himself to Peel’s they did not was largely owing of fifty-three, in 1864. Gladstone proposal and that question would to the fact that the two men were was appointed a trustee of the New- not disappear overnight from the close personal and political friends. castle estates and acted as guardian thoughts of an agricultural con- The gradual dissolution of Lin- to the duke’s children. This was a stituency. Though the commit- coln’s marriage to Susan, daughter role he continued to take seriously tee continued to struggle with the of the Duke of Hamilton, during and one which drew him back to resolution of its own conflicting the 1840s, was a blow which Glad- Nottinghamshire time and again loyalties to Newcastle, Lincoln and stone found distressing to observe over the next twenty years. Mind- Gladstone, the duke continued to on personal grounds. As he told the ful of the unhelpful light which return his preferred choice of MP at Nottinghamshire Liberal MP (and an official biography might cast Newark during the remaining five future Speaker) John Evelyn Deni- upon Newcastle’s life and reputa- years of his life. son, in 1849: tion, Gladstone subsequently coun- selled the duke’s youngest son, Lord Quite apart from my affection Edward Pelham-Clinton, against A lasting friendship: for Lincoln, it would be most acceding to requests for a biography Gladstone and the 5th Duke of deeply gratifying to me on of his father – unless strict editorial Newcastle (1846–65) account of the Duke of New- conditions were imposed.25 Glad- Whilst Gladstone himself subse- castle whose many and steady stone also removed the most sensi- quently moved beyond Newark, kindnesses I never can forget, tive of the duke’s personal papers both personally and politically, he could any thing be done towards (dealing with his divorce) from the did not escape the orbit of the New- diminishing the weight of care family archive at Clumber, keep- castle family. Indeed, he was well and sorrow which presses upon ing them with his own volumi- placed to witness the family’s social and overhangs his family.23 nous correspondence at Hawarden and economic decline over the Castle in Flintshire. Today, they course of the next two generations. As the marriage moved towards continue to form a separate section Had it not been for his friend- divorce, Gladstone and his wife of the Glynne–Gladstone family ship with Lord Lincoln, Gladstone Catherine took Lincoln’s children archive.26

10 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective

‘The Grand Old Man’ in was required on all transactions important ingredient in his evolv- Nottinghamshire (1865–98) regarding the lease, sale or develop- ing popular image.29 The 5th Duke’s death opened a ment of property. Gladstone also A rather different form of con- new chapter in Gladstone’s rela- oversaw the transition of Notting- nection between Gladstone and tions with Nottinghamshire. The ham Castle from the burnt out shell Nottinghamshire showed a con- Dukes of Newcastle had owned left behind by the Reform Bill riot- trasting aspect of the Grand Old Nottingham Castle and Park since ers into the country’s first provin- Man’s personality. Thomas Wil- the 1660s. By the early nineteenth cial museum of fine art, under the liam Bush was a journeyman baker century, the castle was no longer a auspices of the Victoria and Albert who was born at Nottingham principal family residence and its Museum, in July 1878.27 After a and lived for many years at Canal future was uncertain. The grow- major fire at Clumber, in March Street in the town. Bush exhibited a ing population of the town made 1879, Gladstone arranged for the strong interest in mathematics and it inevitable that the family would temporary storage of items at the astronomy from an early age and consider allowing use of the land castle, conscious that the people of exhibited a thirteen-inch Newto- for building purposes. Residential Nottingham were ‘desirous to have nian telescope at the Workman’s development of the park, initially more of the pictures and valuables International Exhibition, held at around the margins of the estate, for their well-regulated museum’.28 the Agricultural Hall in Islington was halted after Nottingham Castle Gladstone’s periodic visits to in July 1870. Gladstone, who was was set on fire, during the Reform review developments at the castle prime minister at the time, vis- Bill Riots of October 1831, in pro- and park became celebrity events ited the exhibition with his wife, test at the House of Lords’ rejec- which attracted newspaper com- paying particular attention to the tion of the bill. Subsequent poor ment. A notable example occurred Bush telescope and remarking how relations between the 4th Duke and on Tuesday 11 May 1875, when impressed he was by the fact that the Nottingham authorities lim- Gladstone cut down a large Sibe- its inventor was not a professional ited further building, though plans rian elm in Nottingham Park – an scientist. Bush’s celebrity was rein- were resumed under the 5th Duke in Figure 5: event which is still commemo- forced when he was presented with 1851 and the Nottingham architect Offices of the rated today by a plaque near the an exhibition gold medal by Queen Thomas Chambers Hine was com- Nottingham Daily site. Gladstone noted that it was Victoria. In appreciation of Bush’s missioned to transform the park Express, with a ‘bad axe but soft tree’ and con- achievements, Gladstone gave into a high-quality residential area. faces of (from cluded operations within the hour, him a number of scientific instru- As a trustee of the 5th Duke’s estate, left) John Bright, watched by an eager audience. ments (bearing inscriptions to this Gladstone was closely involved in William Ewart By this time, Gladstone’s abilities effect), including a spectroscope superintending developments in Gladstone and in wielding an axe (physically as used to observe the operation of the park after 1864. His signature Richard Cobden well as politically) had become an the spectrum. Bush continued his

Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 11 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective

astronomical work, notably at Lord the statesman.31 In addition to the Figure 6: Laying reported extensively in the press.32 Forester’s observatory at Willey widely retailed paraphernalia of the foundation Gladstone’s unrelenting schedule Park, and subsequently became a cups, plates, jugs and bowls, bear- stone of the for the day is reflected in the fact Fellow of the Royal Astronomical ing the images of Gladstone and new University that, as well as speaking ‘to a great Society.30 his wife, vernacular architecture College, concourse’ at the foundation cer- By the period in which Glad- – such as the new offices of theNot - Nottingham emony, before attending the lunch- stone met Bush, he had become the tingham Daily Express, on Parlia- – Gladstone eon at two o’clock, he visited the leading Liberal politician in the ment Street, completed by Watson addressing the castle (to check on progress with the country and was increasingly com- Fothergill [Figure 5] – incorpo- assembly museum) and later: ing to be known by the sobriquets rated Gladstone’s image in to their of ‘the People’s William’ and, later, exterior face alongside the heads of … went to the [Alexandra] ‘the Grand Old Man’. The origins other Liberal heroes such as Cob- Rink & addressed near 10000 for of this process are explored in Chris den and Bright. Gladstone had, by perhaps [an hour]. They were Wrigley’s article below. During now, completed the long political most patient & heard well. It was the 1870s, when Gladstone served journey from ultra-Conservatism a hard day’s work for the voice. both as prime minister and as unof- to high Liberalism and was cel- We wound up with ½ [an] hour ficial leader of the opposition, he ebrated as such by acceptance into at the Theatre: School for Scandal, maintained his schedule of visits the pantheon of contemporary Lib- very well done [then] back to to the county. He did so as a trus- eral heroes. Bestwood [Lodge] for dinner at tee of the Newcastle estate and as a On 27 September 1877, Glad- [nine].33 close friend of local families such as stone visited Nottingham to be the Denisons of Ossington. Glad- present at the laying of the foun- Similar frenetic activity, combin- stone’s near-celebrity status in the dation stone of the new Univer- ing social and political objectives, country’s affairs was increasingly sity College (the forerunner of the was recorded well into the 1880s. In reflected in local public commemo- University of Nottingham), on 1887, Gladstone visited a meeting of rations. From this period, street Shakespeare Street [Figure 6]. This the National Liberal Federation at names began to record the names of event gave rise to a major public Nottingham and supported his wife ‘Ewart’ and ‘Gladstone’ and babies pronouncement upon the value in her role as President of the Wom- were even christened in honour of of higher education, which was en’s Federation. Each return visit

12 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 william ewart gladstone: a bicentenary perspective to the county provided Gladstone exhibitions/online/gladstone/ (1976), pp. 74–80 and Gaunt, ‘Stern with opportunities for recalling wegladstone.aspx. Unbending Tory’, pp. 20–21. his earliest experiences as a young, 2 Nottinghamshire Archives (NA), 18 Gaunt, Unhappy Reactionary, p. 136. aspiring and very Conservative uncatalogued Newark Museum 19 For Gladstone’s evolving views, politician and noting the contrast Collection, D48.74, Gladstone to see John Morley, The Life of William with his current situation. Rather Godfrey Tallents, 13 December 1882. Ewart Gladstone, Vol. 1 (Macmillan, than providing hostile material for 3 All quotations from Gladstone, 1903), p. 284. charges of political inconsistency, unless otherwise stated, come 20 For these events, see J. B. Conacher, the ‘Gladstonian journey’ became from John Brooke and Mary ‘Mr Gladstone seeks a seat’, Report (literally and metaphorically) an Sorensen (eds.), The Prime Ministers’ of the Canadian Historical Association important component in the forg- It is one of Papers: W. E. Gladstone, Vol. 1: (1962) and Gaunt, ‘Stern Unbending ing of his political capital beyond Autobiographica (HMSO, 1971), pp. Tory’, pp. 22–27. Westminster.34 the stranger 39–40 and Vol. 2: Autobiographical 21 UNMASC, Ne C 7894/2, 5 January A renewal of Gladstone’s for- ironies of Memoranda, 1832–1845 (HMSO, 1972), 1846. mal political connections with the pp. 3–20. 22 Gaunt, Unhappy Reactionary, p. 138; county was never to be, but a tanta- history that 4 For more detail on these issues, UNMASC, Ne C 7893, Godfrey lising hint surfaced shortly before see Richard A. Gaunt, ‘A Stern Tallents to Newcastle, 9 January the 1874 general election that Glad- the man who Unbending Tory and the Rising 1846. stone seriously considered the offer Young Hope: Gladstone, Newark 23 UNMASC, Os C 602, Gladstone to of fighting Newark once more, first made and the Fourth Duke of Newcastle, Denison, 12 August 1849. this time as a Liberal candidate. 1832–1846’ in Peter Francis (ed.), The 24 Anne Isba, Gladstone and Women Given the political influence which his connec- Gladstone Umbrella (The Monad Press, (Hambledon Continuum, 2006), had helped to secure Gladstone’s 2001), pp. 14–34. chapter 5; UNMASC, Ne C return to parliament in 1832, there tion with 5 University of Nottingham 11788/1–3, Gladstone to Lincoln, 28 is more than a little piquancy in the Manuscripts and Special Collections September 1849. fact that, as the remaining trustee Notting- (UNMASC), Ne C 5700, Lincoln to 25 UNMASC, Ne C 13139, Gladstone of the Newcastle estates and their Newcastle, 15 June 1832. to Edward Pelham-Clinton, 12 July property interests in the constitu- hamshire 6 Richard A. Gaunt (ed.), Unhappy 1887. ency, he was now responsible for Reactionary: The Diaries of the Fourth 26 The papers are accessed through controlling the deployment of the through Duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne, Flintshire Record Office, which is family’s remaining electoral influ- 1822–1850 (Thoroton Society of situated next to Gladstone’s Library, ence at Newark. In this capacity, being Nottinghamshire, 2003), p. 94. the residential library established in Gladstone asked Godfrey Tallents 7 UNMASC, Ne C 5381, Gladstone to Hawarden as a national memorial to ‘to make provision … for prevent- returned as Newcastle, 9 July 1832. the statesman. ing any intervention of the agents Conservative 8 Gaunt, Unhappy Reactionary, p. 80. 27 Ken Brand, The Park Estate of the Newcastle Estate in the com- 9 See Richard A. Gaunt, ‘The Nottingham (Nottingham Civic ing Election in a sense adverse to MP for New- Fourth Duke of Newcastle, the Society, 2009); UNMASC, MS the Liberal party’.35 It is one of the “Mob” and Electoral Contests 575/1; Ne D 556. stranger ironies of history that the ark, with the in Nottinghamshire, 1818–1832’, 28 UNMASC, Pw K 1756/1, Gladstone man who first made his connection Midland History, 33/2 (2008), pp. to the 5th Duke of Portland, 16 April with Nottinghamshire through assistance 196–217. 1879. being returned as Conservative MP 10 UNMASC, Ne C 5576, Lincoln to 29 H. C. G. Matthew (ed.), The Gladstone for Newark, with the assistance of of the New- Newcastle, 13 August 1832. Diaries, Vol. 9: 1875–1880 (Clarendon the Newcastle family’s electoral 11 Richard A. Gaunt (ed.), Politics, Press, 1986), pp. 35–6. influence, was almost returned castle fam- Law and Society in Nottinghamshire. 30 UNMASC, Ux W, contains papers, (with similar assistance) as a Liberal The Diaries of Godfrey Tallents of correspondence and artefacts relating MP for the borough, some forty ily’s electoral Newark, 1829–1839 (Nottingham: to Bush’s career. years later. This fact alone would Nottinghamshire County Council, 31 For example, UNMASC, CU/ have been sufficient to make the influence, 2010), covers these events from R2/1, Membership Register for 4th Duke of Newcastle spin in his the perspective of one involved Castle Gate Congregational Church, grave. was almost participant. Nottingham (1790–1912), entry for 12 For a modern recording of the song, ‘William Ewart Gladstone Dexter’ Richard A Gaunt is Associate Professor returned see the exhibition films referenced at (1904). in Modern British History at the Uni- n. 1. 32 The Times, 28 September 1877; versity of Nottingham. He has edited the (with similar 13 NA, DD/NM/2/1/74–75, Election Illustrated London News, 6 October diaries of the fourth Duke of Newcastle assistance) as Handbills, 4, 8 December 1832. 1877; Nottingham Daily Journal, 28 in two volumes (2003, 2006) and his lat- 14 UNMASC, Ne C 11774, Gladstone September 1877. est book is Sir Robert Peel. The Life a Liberal MP to Lincoln, 27 September 1834. 33 Matthew, Gladstone Diaries, Vol. 9, p. and Legacy (2010). 15 Gaunt, Godfrey Tallents, p. 42. 253. Also see UNMASC, Not 3.F19 for the bor- 16 UNMASC, Ne C 5405/3, 15 July NOT O/S X. 1 Two exhibition films have been 1833. 34 H. C. G. Matthew (ed.), The Gladstone released on You Tube and the exhi- ough, some 17 For these events, see R. A.Preston, Diaries, Vol. 12: 1887–1891 (Clarendon bition boards are available to down- ‘W. E. Gladstone and his disputed Press, 1994), p. 71; The Times, 19, 20 load (free of charge) in PDF format. forty years election expenses at Newark, 1832– October 1887. See http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/ 1834’, Transactions of the Thoroton 35 NA, DD TL 2/6/30–31, Gladstone to manuscriptsandspecialcollections/ later. Society of Nottinghamshire, LXXX Godfrey Tallents, 25 January 1874.

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