The Ukraine Crisis As Represented in the News: a Critical Discourse

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Ukraine Crisis As Represented in the News: a Critical Discourse DEPARTMENT DE FILOLOGIA ANGLESA I DE GERMANĺSTICA The Ukraine Crisis as Represented in the News: A Critical Discourse Analysis By Hanna Klimava Supervisor: Dr. Melissa G. Moyer Master’s Dissertation MA in Advanced English Studies: Multilingualism and Acquisition of English June 2016 Abstract This thesis studies the role of language in the construction of ideological stances in newspapers from different countries representing the Ukraine political crisis. The events in Ukraine in 2013- 2014 resulted in a confrontation of world views on the crisis, mainly of the US and the EU, and Russia that are reflected in a selection of articles taken from four different online news portals. These news portals are The New York Times, Deustche Welle, The Moscow Times and Russia Today. The articles selected correspond to the three prominent events in the crisis: the annexation of Crimea, the Malaysian airplane crash and the sanctions introduced by the West against Russia. A Critical Discourse Analysis is adopted as a method of analyzing data. Discursive strategies as well as linguistic means that assist in framing texts of similar content into different ideological perspectives are identified and discussed. A comparison of the selected articles shows the different ways the news outlets set about to shape the public’s opinion. The main findings of the study are that political and economic power groups tend to have an impact on political decisions and that these decisions are also driven by the economy of a country. Also, the investigated news texts serve as a means of legitimization of these political decisions and actions. Finally, language plays a crucial role in constructing ideological perspectives on events, which may be later naturalized and, therefore, transformed into common sense ideas and beliefs. Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, news, Ukraine crisis, power, ideology 2 Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude and special thanks to my thesis supervisor Dr. Melissa G. Moyer who was always available to discuss the content of the project and give her expert opinion on ideas and writing style. I am very grateful for all the time she invested and I should admit I really appreciate the chance to learn from her. I am also very grateful to all my family and friends who supported me, at all stages of my work. 3 Contents 1. Introduction 5 2. Research Questions 8 3. Theoretical Framing 9 3.1 CDA Approaches 9 3.2 Power 12 3.3 Ideology 16 3.4 Language 21 4. The Context of the Study 24 4.1 Background to the First Event 25 4.2 The First Event 26 4.3 The Second Event 27 4.4 The Third Event 28 5. Methodology 31 5.1 Criteria for Selection of the Data 31 5.2 Information on the Newspapers 33 5.2.1 The New York Times 33 5.2.2 Russia Today 35 5.2.3 The Moscow Times 37 5.2.4 Deutsche Welle 38 5.3 Certain Methodological Issues 40 6. Analysis of the Events 42 6.1 Annexation 42 6.2 Plane Crash 55 6.3 Sanctions 69 7. Conclusions 81 General References 88 References for Web Pages 89 References for News Articles 90 Appendices 92 Appendix A Newspaper Articles 92 Appendix B Summary of the Analysis 129 4 1. Introduction The constant doses of news which most people receive each day are a significant factor in social control, and they account for a not insignificant proportion of a person's average daily involvement in discourse. (Fairclough, 1996: 37) The emergence of modern technologies and internet in particular has reshaped the world we live in. In our information-based society prominence is assigned accordingly to information, and internet actively participates in its successful distribution and consumption. Information circulates in media (radio, TV, printed press) and online media, which operate through sound, image and, most importantly, text. All of the three components are dependent on language, which in the news domain, is ideally supposed to be the means of delivering information. However, the idea of media simply giving information and impartiality of news in modernity seems problematic and unrealistic (Fairclough, 1995a: 44). Language is extensively used as a tool for exercising power, ideology, establishing discrimination and building inequality. In fact, language can be considered a secret weapon, for the hidden meanings and implications that might be intentionally embedded into texts are not always apparent to the public (Fairclough, 1996: 55). Mechanisms of mind control and manipulation applied through discourse contribute to the reproduction and reinforcement of power and control. Therefore, the role of language in these processes should not be underestimated. Analysis of discourse within social contexts aims at revealing features of power and bias, making them more visible and transparent, and, consequently, appears to be essential (Blommaert, 2005: 25). The present study is motivated by the events in Ukraine which resulted in an international confrontation of the two political powers: the USA, including the EU, and Russia, for the first time since the Cold War. The conflict started from the division of the spheres of influence and it grew into a real war in the territory of Ukraine, capturing the headlines of numerous newspapers and producing relevant discourse in media for 5 several years now. Research on this topic has so far been limited. The studies on the Ukraine crisis which also employ Critical Discourse Analysis as a method of research, pose a different set of questions, investigate into other events and take a different approach to data collection. In her study Discourse Strategies in Response to the Crimean Crisis Peschlova (2014) looks into Lithuanian and Slovakian ways of construction of identity and links them to the political stance of these countries and their response to given events. Jorge (2014) examines “discursive construction of the EuroMaidan protests and the Crimean annexation in two major transnational news outlets – The Guardian and Russia Today”. This particular study aims at revealing and analyzing instances of power and ideology embedded in the language of several major online newspapers/news portals: The New York Times, The Moscow Times, Russia Today and Deutsche Welle. Three events which took place at the beginning of the crisis and escalated it to an international level are chosen for this purpose. This thesis is divided into several sections, which follow this introduction. In the next section the research questions are raised. The Theoretical Framing section which comes after, explains how this study employs Critical Discourse Analysis. Also, it defines power and ideology in a way they are used in this study. The following section is dedicated to the contextualization of the crisis. Historical and economic outline of Ukraine is provided. In addition to this, the context of events which are later analyzed, is included. The Methodology section comes next. It describes methodological choices undertaken in this study. As well, it provides information on the news outlets which were chosen for the investigation. The Analysis section comprises three subsections. In each of them, four articles on one event are analyzed. The Conclusions section summarizes the main findings. The Appendices are divided into two parts. Appendix A 6 contains all the news articles. Appendix B has a table which summarizes the analysis in a compact comparative form. 7 2. Research Questions The questions I pose in this section rose after a careful consideration of the role of language in the media. Also, the events of the crisis were found to be stimulating, for they caused a contradiction in countries’ positions and their evaluation of the events. Thus, the following research questions are raised in the thesis: What are the main discursive and linguistic strategies used by the four news portals representing the Ukraine crisis? What ideologies get constructed through these discourses and how do they legitimize power and political actors in the case of each of the newspapers? The first research question aims at revealing certain linguistic structures employed for the portrayal of the events in Ukraine which are of worldwide significance. It is complemented by a broader question that intends to look into the main ideologies that get constructed through news texts of the four news portals, as well as the textual means through which political practices can be legitimized. In order to answer the second question, stakeholders need to be identified and their interests distinguished. Ideologies serve interests of certain social groups, therefore, they must represent the very definition of the group. Hence, social identities, actions, goals, norms and values, resources and interests of the four different, (presumably ideologically different) groups will be discussed and established (Van Dijk, 2015: 68). According to Berreby, 2008; Elliott, 1986, ideologies tend to be polarized between Us and Them (Van Dijk, 2015: 68). However, the present study sets a goal of uncovering different, not necessarily antipodal ideologies (groups) and displaying the ways in which each of the news portals portrays Others, not Them. Therefore, a more complete representation of the variety of ideologies and interests in the world is being established, which makes the study robust and well-founded. 8 3. Theoretical Framing This section introduces the main tenets of a Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth, CDA) framework and its various methodological approaches, as well as the typologies of linguistic tools proposed by Wodak (2009) and Fairclough (2005) which will be incorporated into the analysis of the selected newspaper articles about the Ukraine crisis. Overarching notions of power, as an indirect way of exercising control, and ideology, as system of beliefs that serve certain interests, play a pivotal role in the understanding of discourses and printed news construction and therefore need to be taken as a basis in the present study.
Recommended publications
  • The MH17 Trial Part 2: the Bezler Tapes, a Case of Red Herrings? - Bellingcat
    03.11.2020 The MH17 Trial Part 2: The Bezler Tapes, a Case of Red Herrings? - bellingcat The MH17 Trial Part 2: The Bezler Tapes, a Case of Red Herrings? October 17, 2020 MH17 Russia Translations: Русский When Dutch prosecutors of the court in The Hague read out their case against four suspects charged with complicity in the downing of MH17, they also explained why individuals previously linked to this crime were not (yet) indicted. One of them is former Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) separatist leader Igor Bezler, a Russian citizen with ties to Russia’s military intelligence agency (known as the GRU) who currently lives in Russian-annexed Crimea. The main pieces of evidence that previously linked Bezler to this crime concern two of his phone calls that were originally intercepted by the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU). One of the recordings was part of a conversation with alleged GRU officer Vasily Geranin in which Bezler announces the downing of an aircraft just twenty minutes after MH17. The SBU had released this recording on the day of the downing along with the accusation that the Bezler Group was directly involved in the downing of MH17. The other intercepted conversation was released one week later and became known as the “birdie conversation”. In this call, which according to the SBU was recorded just two minutes before the downing of MH17, Bezler is informed by someone with the call sign “Naemnik” (“Mercenary”) that a “birdie” – i.e. an aircraft – flew towards him. Both calls have been the subject of much speculation in the media, and were also the subject of analysis in previous Bellingcat reports.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russia You Never Met
    The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
    The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
    Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Imperial Choice This Page Intentionally Left Blank the Anti-Imperial Choice the Making of the Ukrainian Jew
    the anti-imperial choice This page intentionally left blank The Anti-Imperial Choice The Making of the Ukrainian Jew Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern Yale University Press new haven & london Disclaimer: Some images in the printed version of this book are not available for inclusion in the eBook. Copyright © 2009 by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and ex- cept by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Set in Ehrhardt type by The Composing Room of Michigan, Inc. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Petrovskii-Shtern, Iokhanan. The anti-imperial choice : the making of the Ukrainian Jew / Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-300-13731-6 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Jewish literature—Ukraine— History and criticism. 2. Jews in literature. 3. Ukraine—In literature. 4. Jewish authors—Ukraine. 5. Jews— Ukraine—History— 19th century. 6. Ukraine—Ethnic relations. I. Title. PG2988.J4P48 2009 947.7Ј004924—dc22 2008035520 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper). It contains 30 percent postconsumer waste (PCW) and is certified by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). 10987654321 To my wife, Oxana Hanna Petrovsky This page intentionally left blank Contents Acknowledgments ix Politics of Names and Places: A Note on Transliteration xiii List of Abbreviations xv Introduction 1 chapter 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
    The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow.
    [Show full text]
  • 40 Individuals 1 Viktor YANUKOVYCH(YANUKOVICH
    (Attachment) 40 individuals 1 Viktor YANUKOVYCH(YANUKOVICH) Former President of Ukraine Date of birth:July 9, 1950 Place of birth:Yenakievo (Ukraine) 2 Sergey(Sergei) AKSYONOV(AKSENOV) “Acting Head of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 26, 1972 Place of birth:Balti (Republic of Moldova) 3 Vladimir KONSTANTINOV “Speaker of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 19, 1956 Place of birth:Vladimirovca (Republic of Moldova) 4 Rustam TEMIRGALIEV Former “Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:August 15, 1976 Place of birth:Ulan-Ude (Russian Federation) 5 Denis (Denys) BEREZOVSKIY(BEREZOVSKY/BEREZOVSKII) Deputy Commander of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Navy Date of birth:July 15, 1974 Place of birth:Kharkiv (Ukraine) 6 Aleksei(Alexey) CHALIY(CHALYY) Former “Governor of the City of Sevastopol” Date of birth:June 13, 1961 7 Petr(Pyotr) ZIMA Former Head of the Security Service of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Date of birth:March 29, 1965 8 Yuriy (Yurii) ZHEREBTSOV “Counsellor of the Speaker of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:November 19, 1969 9 Sergey(Sergei) TSEKOV Member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation (from “the Republic of Crimea”) Date of birth:September 28, 1953 10 Mikhail MALYSHEV “Chairman of the Electoral Commission of the Republic of Crimea” Date of birth:October 10, 1955 11 Valery(Valeriy/Valerii) MEDVEDEV “Chairman of the Electoral Commission of the City of Sevastopol” Date of birth:August 21,
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2019
    INSIDE: UWC leadership meets with Zelenskyy – page 3 Lomachenko adds WBC title to his collection – page 15 Ukrainian Independence Day celebrations – pages 16-17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVII No. 36 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2019 $2.00 Trump considers suspension of military aid Zelenskyy team takes charge to Ukraine, angering U.S. lawmakers as new Rada begins its work RFE/RL delay. Unless, of course, he’s yet again act- ing at the behest of his favorite Russian dic- U.S. President Donald Trump is consid- tator & good friend, Putin,” the Illinois sena- ering blocking $250 million in military aid tor tweeted. to Ukraine, Western media reported, rais- Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.), a member of ing objections from lawmakers of both U.S. the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tweet- political parties. ed that “This is unacceptable. It was wrong Citing senior administration officials, when [President Barack] Obama failed to Politico and Reuters reported that Mr. stand up to [Russian President Vladimir] Trump had ordered a reassessment of the Putin in Ukraine, and it’s wrong now.” aid program that Kyiv uses to battle Russia- The administration officials said chances backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. are that the money will be allocated as The review is to “ensure the money is usual but that the determination will not be being used in the best interest of the United made until the review is completed and Mr. States,” Politico said on August 28, and Trump makes a final decision.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fast Approval and Slow Rollout of Sputnik V: Why Is Russia's Vaccine
    Article The Fast Approval and Slow Rollout of Sputnik V: Why Is Russia’s Vaccine Rollout Slower than That of Other Nations? Elza Mikule 1,*,† , Tuuli Reissaar 1,† , Jennifer Villers 1,† , Alain Simplice Takoupo Penka 1,† , Alexander Temerev 2 and Liudmila Rozanova 2 1 Global Studies Institute, University of Geneva, 1205 Geneva, Switzerland; [email protected] (T.R.); [email protected] (J.V.); [email protected] (A.S.T.P.) 2 Institute of Global Health, University of Geneva, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland; [email protected] (A.T.); [email protected] (L.R.) * Correspondence: [email protected] † These authors contributed equally. Abstract: The emergence of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the beginning of 2020 led to the deployment of enormous amounts of resources by different countries for vaccine development, and the Russian Federation was the first country in the world to approve a COVID-19 vaccine on 11 August 2020. In our research we sought to crystallize why the rollout of Sputnik V has been relatively slow considering that it was the first COVID-19 vaccine approved in the world. We looked at production capacity, at the number of vaccine doses domestically administered and internationally exported, and at vaccine hesitancy levels. By 6 May 2021, more first doses of Sputnik V had been administered Citation: Mikule, E.; Reissaar, T.; abroad than domestically, suggesting that limited production capacity was unlikely to be the main Villers, J.; Takoupo Penka, A.S.; reason behind the slow rollout. What remains unclear, however, is why Russia prioritized vaccine Temerev, A.; Rozanova, L.
    [Show full text]
  • Sensory-Somatic Enhancers As an Alternative to Rational and Emotional Ones
    SHS Web of Conferences 104, 03005 (2021) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202110403005 ICHTML 2021 Foreign language virtual teaching optimization: sensory-somatic enhancers as an alternative to rational and emotional ones 1 1, 2 3 Nataliia Slukhai , Liudmyla Slavova ∗, Sergii Slukhai , and Maryna Omelianchuk 1Institute of Philology, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, 14 Shevchenko Blvd., Kyiv, 01601, Ukraine 2Faculty of Economics, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, 90a Vasylkivska Str., Kyiv, 03022, Ukraine 3Potebnia Institute of Linguistics of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 4 Hrushevsky Str., Kyiv, 01001, Ukraine Abstract. Based on the use of potentials of human analogue thinking and cognitive effects as an indispensable component of the cognitive activity, the article considers atypically located in the frame structure and sugges- tively loaded rational and emotional motivators for learning a foreign language. The article focuses on sensory- somatic enhancers of the new information reception. It is shown that stimulation of the analogue language learning is mostly successfully carried out with suggestive or emotional motivation, as well as through visual, audio, kinesthetic channels alongside with the verbal one during games. It is proved that such games were used in the history of human ontogenesis. Game resources of virtual reality are considered as new stimulating sug- gestions, since a game is a way to detach from the profane in favor of the sacred information space. The ways of optimization of virtual foreign language learning by means of sensory-somatic enhancers are described. 1 Introduction of educational concepts has been developed with the fo- cus on self-study: self-directed learning, self-determined Observing the foreign languages learning process in the learning, self-regulated learning.
    [Show full text]
  • Vocabulary & Reading
    Право для безоплатного розміщення підручника в мережі Інтернет має Міністерство освіти і науки України http://mon.gov.ua/ та Інститут модернізації змісту освіти https://imzo.gov.ua Oксана Kарпюк АНГЛІЙСЬКА МОВА (8-й рік навчання) Підручник для 8-го класу закладів загальної середньої освіти Oksana Karpyuk ENGLISH Year 8 A textbook for the eighth form of secondary schools 2-ге видання, перероблене екоменовано іністерством освіти і науки крани Тернопіль Видавництво Астон 2021 Право для безоплатного розміщення підручника в мережі Інтернет має Міністерство освіти і науки України http://mon.gov.ua/ та Інститут модернізації змісту освіти https://imzo.gov.ua УДК 811.111(075.3) К26 екоменовано іністерством освіти і науки крани (наказ МОН України від 22.2.221 23) Видано за рахунок державних коштів. Продаж заборонено. К26 Карпюк О. Д. Англійська мова (8-й рік навчання) — English (Year 8) : підручник для 8-го класу закладів загальної середньої освіти. — 2-ге вид., перероблене. — Тернопіль : Видавництво Астон, 2021. — 272 с. : іл. — (Англ. та укр. мовами). IS 98-9-308-811-2 Підручник продовжує серію навчальних видань, створених для основної школи на основі авторської концепції формування учнівської здатності до міжкультурного спілкування. Концепція передбачає більшу соціокультурну спрямованість процесу навчання англійської мови, у центрі якого перебуває особистість учня та його потреби в умовах сучасного світу, що глобалізується. УДК 811.111(0.3) О. Д. Карпюк, 2016, 2021 ISBN 978-966-308-811-2 ТзОВ “Видавництво Астон”, 2016, 2021 Право для безоплатного
    [Show full text]
  • Situation in Ukraine
    COMMUNICATION SUBMITTED UNDER ARTICLE 15 OF THE ROME STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT SITUATION IN UKRAINE: WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY COMMITTED IN PRISONS SEIZED AND CONTROLLED BY ANTI-GOVERNMENT FORCES September 2020 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS ATO Anti-Terrorist Operation CF Correctional Facility DPR Donetsk Peoples’ Republic ECHR European Convention on Human Rights ECtHR European Court of Human Rights FIDH International Federation for Human Rights IAC International Armed Conflict ICC International Criminal Court ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia KHPG Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group LPR Luhansk Peoples’ Republic NIAC Non-International Armed Conflict PTDC Pre Trial Detention Centre SBU Ukrainian State Security UAF Ukrainian Armed Forces The preparation and elaboration of this FIDH-KHPG Communication were made possible thanks to the support of the United Nations Development Programme in Ukraine, International Renaissance Foundation, the European Commission, Open Society Foundations, National Endowment for Democracy (United States), the Democracy Commission of the United States Embassy in Ukraine, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of FIDH and KHPG and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the aforementioned supporting institutions. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of abbreviations 2 I. Introduction 4 II. Executive Summary 6 III. Filing Parties 9 IV. Methodology 12 V. Factual Background 17 A. Outbreak of Armed Conflict in Eastern Ukraine 17 B. Ukrainian Prisons in Donetsk and Luhansk Provinces Prior 24 to the Outbreak of Armed Conflict C. Impact of the Outbreak of Armed Conflict on Prisoners in 24 Eastern Ukraine D.
    [Show full text]