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Seikel 2011 Mortuary Contexts and Social Structure at Nan Madol

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Seikel 2011 Mortuary Contexts and Social Structure at Nan Madol Journal of Island & Coastal Archaeology, 6:442–460, 2011 Copyright © 2011 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1556-4894 print / 1556-1828 online DOI: 10.1080/15564894.2011.559615 Mortuary Contexts and Social Structure at Nan Madol, Pohnpei Katherine Seikel Department of Archaeology and Natural History, School of Culture, History & Language, College of Asia-Pacific, Australian National University, Acton, Australia Capital Territory, Australia ABSTRACT Archaeological studies of mortuary practices contribute to discussions of prehistoric social structure. Relatively little work has focused on mortuary practices in Micronesia, particularly those associated with societies that built the monumental earthworks of Palau, the Latte sets in the Mariana Islands, and the monumental centers of Leluh on Kos- rae and Nan Madol on Pohnpei. This study utilizes multiple lines of evidence to consider mortuary contexts and their relationship to social structure at the site of Nan Madol. The mortuary context is interpreted as reflecting ascribed status in a stratified hierarchical system consis- tent with traditional histories. The study provides a base line for future studies of Pohnpeian mortuary practices and adds to archaeological knowledge of complex societies in Micronesia and the Pacific. Keywords Pohnpei, Nan Madol, monumental architecture, mortuary contexts Data from burial practices and be- ology (e.g., Binford 1971; Huntington and liefs about death were of central im- Metcalf 1979; Rakita et al. 2005; Saxe 1970; portance to the early development Silverman and Small 2002; Tainter 1978) be- of the study of human evolution, of causeburialcontextsembodymultiplesocial the rise of ancient civilization, and processes (Ucko 1969:276). In this respect of cultural and social institutions. mortuary studies are important for under- (Huntington and Metcalf 1979:5) standing social structure in both the present and the distant past. Detailed archaeological The study of mortuary practices has long discussions of mortuary practices in the Pa- been a focus in anthropology and archae- cific have been largely limited to the last 10 Received 6 May 2010; accepted 8 December 2010. Address correspondence to Katherine Seikel, Department of Archaeology and Natural History, School of Culture, History & Language, College of Asia-Pacific, Australian National University, Coombs Building 9, Fellows Road, Acton ACT 0200, Australia. E-mail: [email protected] 442 Mortuary Contexts and Social Structure years (Anton and Steadman 2003; Fitzpatrick shifts in power. Oral traditions divide Pohn- and Nelson 2008; Parke 1998; Pietrusewsky peian history into four periods: the Period et al. 2007; Scott et al. 2010; Valentin 2003; of Building (c. AD 1–1000), the Saudeleur Valentin et al. 2010). These studies enhance Period (c. AD 1000–1500), the Nahnmwarki our understanding of the development of so- Period (c. AD 1500–1820), and Contact cieties and social structure across the Pacific. Period (c. AD 1820 onward) (Hanlon 1988). Monumental architecture and large- The first period is characterized by the scale constructions are at the center of stud- creation of the island and the establishment ies dealing with settlement patterns and soci- of matrilineages, which form the basis of etal development in the Pacific (Ayres n.d.b, the Pohnpeian clan system (Bernart 1977; 2002; Clark et al. 2008; Graves 1986; Kirch Fischer et al. 1977; Hanlon 1988). The 1980, 1990; Liston 2009). Although Microne- Saudeleur Period began with the arrival of sia contains a variety of major constructions two foreign brothers who are attributed (i.e., Palauan earthworks, Leluh on Kosrae, with starting monumental construction at stone money on Yap, Latte foundations on Nan Madol and the founding of the Saudeleur the Marianas, and Nan Madol on Pohnpei) dynasty (Bernart 1977; Hambruch 1936; they are generally under-represented in re- Hanlon 1988). During this period established cent monographs on the development of local clans were incorporated under the complex societies in the Pacific (e.g., Kirch Saudeleur as fiefs, extending Saudeleur rule and Rallu 2008; Lilley 2006). This under- over Pohnpei (Bernart 1977; Hanlon 1988). representation can be attributed to a lack of Although the Saudeleurs were initially familiarity with research conducted in Mi- welcomed by the people of Pohnpei, by the cronesia during the past few decades (e.g., time of the last Saudeleur they were discon- Rainbird 2004). Further research building tent with the increasing amount of tribute upon past work will contribute to our under- they were required to provide (Bernart standing of complex societies in Micronesia 1977). The arrival of Isohkelekel and the and other parts of the Pacific. overthrow of the Saudeleur dynasty marked One of the most striking Oceanic sites the beginning of the Nahnmwarki Period containing monumental architecture is the (Hanlon 1988). Isohkelekel established the megalithic complex of Nan Madol on Pohn- Nahnmwarki system, which created a new pei. At Nan Madol, columnar basalt was used hierarchy of chiefly titles and returned socio- to build islets, seawalls, large burial com- political authority to the clans. Isohkelekel plexes (lolong), and foundations for residen- divided Pohnpei into three independent tial and ritual constructions (Figure 1). Nan polities (wehi), each of which was governed Madol’s size and complexity provide chal- through a dual title system (Hanlon 1988). lenges to mapping and interpreting the site Within the title system Nahnmwarki was as a whole. Previous studies (Athens 1980, the highest rank in the primary line of 1984, 2007; Ayres n.d.b, n.d.c; Bath and titles. The Nahnmwarki Period marked the Athens 1990) focus on specific areas of the decentralization of socio-political power, site, architectural types, or artifact distribu- though Nan Madol continued to be occupied tions. This study contributes to previous in- (Bernart 1977; Hambruch 1936). Nan Madol vestigationsthroughapreliminaryanalysisof was abandoned by the early Contact Period mortuary contexts at Nan Madol. It provides but continued to be used as a ritual site into a framework for discussions of social hier- the nineteenth century (Gulick 1859). archy in relation mortuary contexts utilizing Nan Madol is located on a reef flat on multiple archaeological data-sets. southeast Pohnpei, a volcanic high island in the Federated States of Micronesia (Figure 2). NAN MADOL: A POHNPEIAN Itiscomprisedofapproximately100artificial SOCIOPOLITICAL CENTER islets spanning approximately 80 hectares (Bath and Athens 1990). Islets were built The traditional history of Pohnpei is marked on a foundation of coral and basalt boul- by multiple in-migrations and socio-political ders with coral rubble islet fill; columnar JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 443 Katherine Seikel Figure 1. Architectural photographs of Nahndauwas: A. View of west facing wall; B. Main entrance to Nahndauwas. Note photographs correspond to plates 40 and 41 from Saxe et al. 1980. basalt was used in the construction of archi- religious center into the 1800s (Gulick 1859; tectural features (header-stretcher construc- Hanlon 1988). tion) and in some cases was incorporated The wide range of identified burial in islet walls. Radiocarbon dates and eth- types on Pohnpei indicates a variety of mor- nohistoric accounts suggest that the build- tuary practices. These include tombs (lo- ing and occupation of these islets occurred long), burial platforms, burial mounds, bone from approximately AD 1000 into the mid-to- caches, and sub-surface interments (Ayres late 1700s (Athens 1990, 2007; Ayres 2002; and Mauricio 1997:9–13). Lolong are the Bath and Athens 1990), though there is ev- most visible mortuary features on the is- idence of occupation on the reef flats as land with walls up to five meters high, early as 2,000 years ago (Athens 1990; Ayres but available radiocarbon dates (Ayres et al. n.d.c). By the AD 1700s the Nahnmwarki of 1981) indicate that they do not appear in Madolenihmw moved his primary residence the sequence until after AD 1200. This coin- to another part of the district, possibly as cides temporally with the major construc- the result of disease or a typhoon (Davidson tion phase at Nan Madol (Athens 2007; 1967:90). After the Nahnmwarki relocated, Ayres and Scheller 2002). Regardless of its the site ceased to function as a political cen- relatively late date of construction, Nan ter; however ethno-historical accounts sug- Madol contains all burial types except burial gest that Nan Madol continued to be used as a mounds. As Bath and Athens (1990:279) 444 VOLUME 6 • ISSUE 3 • 2011 Mortuary Contexts and Social Structure Figure 2. Map of Micronesia showing the location of Pohnpei and inset of Pohnpei showing the location of Nan Madol. point out, “the islets comprising the outer INVESTIGATING SOCIAL STRUCTURE wall of Nan Madol contain the majority of tombs and/or mortuary features, and the Given the size and complexity of Nan Madol, fewest platforms/foundation features.” Even this study utilizes relatively small data-sets thoughtheseawallofthesitemaycontainthe to test a range of hypotheses about so- majority of burials in architectural features, cial structure at the site. Understanding the identification of the seawall as the pri- mortuary contexts is best approached us- mary burial location is premature as it over- ing multiple data-sets (i.e., architecture, ar- looks the potential presence of less visible tifacts, paleodemographics) because these forms of burial at Nan Madol. contexts
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