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Documenta Praehistorica 28 UDK 903’12/’15(5-11)"634" Documenta Praehistorica XXVIII The “when”, the “where” and the “why” of the Neolithic revolution in the Levant Avi Gopher, Shahal Abbo and Simcha Lev-Yadun A. Gopher, Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology, Israel. Email: [email protected] S. Abbo, Dept. of Field Crops, Faculty of Agriculture, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Email: [email protected] S. Lev-Yadun, Dept. of Biology, University of Haifa, Israel. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT – An accumulation of data concerning the domestication of plants and the refinement of research questions in the last decade have enabled us a new look at the Neolithic Revolution and Neolithization processes in the Levant. This paper raises some points concerning the “When” and “Where” of plant domestication and suggests that the origins of plant domestication were in a well- defined region in southeast Turkey and north Syria. It presents a view on the process of Neolithiza- tion in the Levant and offers some comments concerning the background and motivations behind the Neolithic Revolution. IZVLE∞EK – Nara∏≠anje koli≠ine podatkov o udoma≠itvi rastlin in vedno bolj natan≠na vpra∏anja raz- iskovalcev so v zadnjem desetletju omogo≠ili, da na novo ovrednotimo neolitsko revolucijo in proces neolitizacije v Levantu. V ≠lanku izpostavljamo nekatere vidike “≠asa” in “kraja” udoma≠itve rastlin ter menimo, da je bil izvor udoma≠itve rastlin na jasno omejenem obmo≠ju jugovzhodne Tur≠ije in severne Sirije. Predstavimo pogled na proces neolitizacije v Levantu in nekoliko pojasnimo dru∫be- no okolje in motive za neolitsko revolucijo. KEY WORDS – agriculture; cultivation; domestication; Levant; Neolithization INTRODUCTION Offering explanations for the “Neolithic Revolution” and, the botanical and faunal components reflecting has gained momentum since the 1960’s and has not the “bear bones” of the revolution. Although some stopped ever since. Listed here are just a few of these of the above were based on very specific studies con- which have become part and parcel of the Neolithic ducted in particular, well-defined regions and sites, Revolution explantations (Braidwood 1967; 1975; these were all aimed at achieving an overall expla- Binford 1968; Boserup 1965; Flannery 1969; nation with a high generalization capability and, if Wright 1968; Smith and Young 1972; Bender possible, a degree of predictive power. An emphasis 1978). In addition, we are challenged by a wealth of on the “social”, the “cognitive” and the “ideological” new explanations based on new ideas and data (e.g. aspects of some of the recent explanations of the Rindos 1980; 1984; Rosenberg 1990; 1998; Redding Neolithic Revolution (e.g. Hayden 1990; Hodder 1988; Diamond 1998). All these explanations model 1993; Cauvin 1994; 2000) brought new flavour into regional geography, climate and specific environ- this already complex agenda. Although the “When” ments, demography, social aspects, cultural aspects and “Where” questions were always of interest as such as technology and technological innovations, basics, the major question on the surgeon’s table 49 Avi Gopher, Shahal Abbo and Simcha Lev-Yadun was naturally the “Why” question – why has such terms of large-scale prehistoric clocks. In the Levant an immense change in human socio-economy taken (northern Levant), it has generally started some place? As time went by through the 1970’s and 13 000 calibrated years ago and reached a full scale 1980’ and especially in the 1990’s, high precision some 8000–7000 calibrated years ago. absolute dating, highly professional problem orien- ted research teams and high resolution field methods In this paper we will concentrate first on the begin- brought back to the stage questions such as the ning of agriculture in the Levant – from the Upper “Where” and “When” of the Neolithic Revolution. Euphrathes and Tigris to the deserts of the Negev These have lost popularity in the 1970’s – 1980’s and Sinai (modern southeast Turkey, Syria, Leba- being considered as solved. non, Israel, The Palestinian Authority, Jordan and Egypt, see Fig. 1). We concentrate on plants while Developments in archaeological thought in the last animals are only briefly mentioned. The first part two decades (mainly the growing impact of post- addresses the basic questions of man-plant relation- proccessual and cognitive archaeology) have paved ship using old and new data from the Levant. It will the way for aspects of Neolithic daily life and every- focus on questions such as: What happened in man- day activities related to the transition to agriculture, plant relationship (cultivation vs. domestication)? to overtake the centre of the stage. With these as How did it happen – has domestication been a one- major research goals, a multiplicity of issues could time/one place event? What was the pace of the pro- be raised in an attempt to reconstruct and remodel cess? How fast did agriculture diffuse in terms of ar- the Neolithic Revolution in local terms, and/or in chaeological resolution? The “When” and “Where” more human-related terms referring to past indivi- questions, which we find fascinating in themselves, duals or specific segments of past communities. and of high potential in facilitating answers to the “Why “question, are dealt with afterwards. The paper The basic old world (Middle East, Europe, Egypt/Ethi- ends with comments on Neolithization and about opia, North Africa) founder domesticated plants pack- the background and possible reasons for the Neoli- age includes, in its primary form, cereals (wheats, thic Revolution in light of accumulating data from barley), pulses (pea, lentil, chickpea, bitter vetch) southeast Turkey and north Syria – the newly sug- and flax as a fibre crop. Domesticated animals in- gested cradle of agriculture (Lev-Yadun et al. 2000). clude mainly sheep-goat, cattle and pig (the dog was domesti- cated much earlier by Natufian communities in the southern Le- vant). We may say that it has become generally accepted that the origins of this founder pa- ckage were in the Near East and that it had spread throughout Europe and parts of Asia and Af- rica (Zohary and Hopf 1993; 2000) (in other parts of the world different agro-packages have emerged). When establi- shing itself, this package caused immense change in all aspects of life which we usually refer to as “Neolithization” – a term em- phasizing the dynamic nature of the Neolithic period. Taking into account the complexity of Neolithization and its demands Map of region and sites mentioned in text: 1. Hallan Çemi Tepesi, 2. on aspects of human percep- Cayönü, 3. Cafer Höyük, 4. Nevalli Çori, 5. Göbekli Tepe, 6. Dja’de, 7. tion, organization, activity/be- Jerf el Ahmar, 8. Mureybet, 9. Tell Abu Hureyra, 10. Nemrik, 11. haviour etc., this may be consi- M’lefaat, 12. Qermez Dere, 13. Tell Aswad, 14. Yiftahel, 15. Jericho, dered a very fast process in Netiv Hagdud and Gilgal I. Large asterisk for Karacadag. 50 The “when”, the “where” and the “why” of the Neolithic revolution in the Levant Man-Plant relationship – What happened? viour in nature and increasing man-nature alien- ation. Plants can be exploited in many different strategies. ● An increase in man’s manipulation of wild plants Foraging accounts for a state of collecting wild up to a full genetic and technological domination plants with no agricultural manipulation reflecting over domesticated plants or a full interdependence the hunters-gatherers slot of the classical model. It between man and certain plant types. does however represent the time in which the choice was made by foragers, of species with high potential Man-Plant Relationship – How did the change for human exploitation, some of which later become happen? the founder-crops “package” of agriculture. Cultiva- tion refers to treating wild plants with a degree of Has domestication of the founder package plants agricultural manipulation (such as displacement or taken place at a certain limited (small) area, in a cer- crop management) but still not causing their depen- tain short (or long) period of time? Was it a single- dence on man for survival by conscious or uncon- event, or else, have several (or many) domestication scious selection of genotypes that lost some natu- events taken place? rally adaptive traits. Domestication, in this context, refers to full manipulation of biologically “new It was suggested that for most of the package spe- types” fully dependent on man for survival. These cies (possibly except for barley) the genetic change types went through genotypic change (brake-down underlying domestication was a single-event (and of the wild-type mode of seed dispersal and dor- therefore occurred at one location for each plant mancy) either unintentionally – namely, uncon- species) that could theoretically have been a fast scious selection resulting from cultivation and har- process [(potentially much faster then archaeologi- vesting practices, or, intentional/conscious selection cal resolution of the relevant period may record) of plants/seeds with particular attributes desirable (e.g. Zohary 1996; 1999; Hillman and Davis 1992; to the farmer. These three strategies reflect a conti- Miller 1991; Garrard 1999)]. However, very re- nuous process of change from foraging of wild plants cently, new thought has been raised. For example, to farming of domesticated species. Cultivation is Kislev (1998), who studied Neolithic archaeobotani- however the significant cultural marker of the cal assemblages in Israel, has argued and presented change to new perceptions and new behavioural calculations that the transition from a wild popula- patterns of man. Cultivation may have included the tion of cereals to a domesticated one would have establishment of fields near the sites as so vividly taken hundreds of years at least. He adds that the shown by Hillman (2000.Fig. 12.27, 395). It must process would not have been free of risks and fail- have been accompanied by technological develop- ures that may have made it even longer.
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