Bulletin 15-May02
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
The Audacity of Holiness Orthodox Jewish Women’S Theater עַ זּוּת שֶׁ Israelבִּ קְ Inדוּשָׁ ה
ׁׁ ְִֶַָּּּהבשות שעזּ Reina Rutlinger-Reiner The Audacity of Holiness Orthodox Jewish Women’s Theater ַעזּּו ֶׁת ש in Israelִּבְקּדו ָׁשה Translated by Jeffrey M. Green Cover photography: Avigail Reiner Book design: Bethany Wolfe Published with the support of: Dr. Phyllis Hammer The Hadassah-Brandeis Institute, Waltham, Massachusetts, USA Talpiot Academic College, Holon, Israel 2014 Contents Introduction 7 Chapter One: The Uniqueness of the Phenomenon 12 The Complexity of Orthodox Jewish Society in Israel 16 Chapter Two: General Survey of the Theater Groups 21 Theater among ultra-Orthodox Women 22 Born-again1 Actresses and Directors in Ultra-Orthodox Society 26 Theater Groups of National-Religious Women 31 The Settlements: The Forge of Orthodox Women’s Theater 38 Orthodox Women’s Theater Groups in the Cities 73 Orthodox Men’s Theater 79 Summary: “Is there such a thing as Orthodox women’s theater?” 80 Chapter Three: “The Right Hand Draws in, the Left Hand Pushes Away”: The Involvement of Rabbis in the Theater 84 Is Innovation Desirable According to the Torah? 84 Judaism and the Theater–a Fertile Stage in the Culture War 87 The Goal: Creation of a Theater “of Our Own” 88 Differences of Opinion 91 Asking the Rabbi: The Women’s Demand for Rabbinical Involvement 94 “Engaged Theater” or “Emasculated Theater”? 96 Developments in the Relations Between the Rabbis and the Artists 98 1 I use this term, which is laden with Christian connotations, with some trepidation. Here it refers to a large and varied group of people who were not brought up as Orthodox Jews but adopted Orthodoxy, often with great intensity, later in life. -
Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
2007 Israeli Democracy Index Is Dedicated to Captain Zur Zarhi from Nahalal, a Beloved Friend Who Went to War and Did Not Come Back
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2007 Cohesion in a Divided Society Asher Arian, Nir Atmor, Yael Hadar The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent, non-partisan body on the seam of academia and politics. The Institute proposes policy recommendations and reforms for government and public administration agencies. In its plans and endeavors, the Institute strives to support the institutions of Israel’s developing democracy and consolidate its values. The Institute’s research is followed up by practical recommendations, seeking to improve governance in Israel and foster a long-term vision for a stable democratic regime adapted to the structure, the values, and the norms of Israeli society. The Institute aspires to further public discourse in Israel on the issues placed on the national agenda, to promote structural, political, and economic reforms, to serve as a consulting body to decision-makers and the broad public, to provide information, and present comparative research. Researchers at the Israel Democracy Institute are leading academics directing projects in various areas of society and governance in Israel. The IDI Press produces, markets, and distributes the results of their work in several series of books (“The Democracy Library”), policy papers, the Caesarea Forum Series, periodicals, and conference proceedings. The Guttman Center was established in its present form in 1998, when the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research became part of the Israel Democracy Institute. Professor Louis Guttman founded the original Institute in 1949 as a pioneering center for the study of public opinion and the advancement of social science methodology. The goal of the Guttman Center is to enrich public discourse on issues of public policy through the information retrieved from the Center’s databases and through public opinion surveys conducted by the Center. -
Bracing for an Israel-Iran Confrontation in Syria | The
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Bracing for an Israel-Iran Confrontation in Syria by Ehud Yaari Apr 30, 2018 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ehud Yaari Ehud Yaari is a Lafer International Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony Despite the recent escalation, the United States has options for preventing, or at least limiting the scope of, a regional showdown in Syria. srael and Iran are on course for a collision in the near future. Indeed, a military clash that could expand well I beyond Syrian territory appears almost inevitable. In particular, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is determined to transform Syria into a platform for a future war against Israel, whereas leaders of the Jewish state have sworn to prevent what they often describe as the tightening of a noose around Israel’s neck. The past five years have already seen a series of direct clashes between the two powers. These include more than 120 Israeli Air Force (IAF) strikes against weapons shipments to Hezbollah, Iranian attempts to instigate cross- border incidents along the Golan Heights, and Israeli targeting of arms-production facilities introduced by Iran. In early 2018, these exchanges have escalated to include Israeli airstrikes on Iranian UAV facilities established deep in the Syrian desert, at the T-4 Air Base, and a first Iranian attempt to stage an armed drone attack in Israel. Iran has committed publicly to conducting a forceful retaliation for the Israeli strike in January that killed eight Iranian officers, including UAV unit commander Colonel Mehdi Dehghani. Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has threatened vaguely that a confrontation in Syria could prompt Israel to target Iranian territory. -
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list. -
No Exit? Gaza & Israel Between Wars
No Exit? Gaza & Israel Between Wars Middle East Report N°162 | 26 August 2015 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Gaza after the War ............................................................................................................ 2 A. National Consensus in Name Only ............................................................................ 2 B. Failure to Reconstruct ............................................................................................... 4 C. Coming Apart at the Seams ....................................................................................... 5 D. Fraying Security Threatens a Fragile Ceasefire ......................................................... 8 E. Abandoned by Egypt .................................................................................................. 10 F. Israel’s Slight Relaxation of the Blockade ................................................................. 12 III. The Logic of War and Deterrence ................................................................................... -
מחלקת שפות זרות/FA & Defence/3953
c. Method As proposed by the Chairman, the task was given to the Sub-Committee for Intelligence and the Secret Services, comprising six members of the Knesset. The members of the committee are: MK Yuval Steinitz – chair, MK Ehud Yatom, MK David Levy, MK Haim Ramon, MK Eli Yishai and MK Ilan Leibovitch. MK Danny Yatom, who was replaced in the course of the committee’s work as part of the rotation of members of the Labor faction in the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, also contributed to the work of the committee at the beginning. Mr. Shabtai Shavit – a former head of the Mossad - served as a consultant to the committee. The committee takes this opportunity to thank him for his significant contribution. The senior professional assistant of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Colonel (res.) Shmuel Letko, served as the secretary of the committee. The work of the committee was closely accompanied by the incoming Director-General of the Committee, R. Admiral (res.) Avriel Bar-Joseph, and by the outgoing Director-General of the Committee, Mr. Baruch Friedner, who was also given the task of writing the report. The Committee began its work in July 2003 and completed it recently. The Committee held some 30 plenum sessions and scores of smaller work meetings, in the course of which the following, inter alia, appeared before it: The Prime Minister, Mr. Ariel Sharon The Minister of Defense, Mr. Shaul Mofaz The Deputy Minister of Defense, Mr. Zeev Boim The Chief-of-Staff, Lieutenant General Moshe (Boogy) Ya'alon The Head of Military Intelligence, Major-General Aharon (Farkash) Zeevi 13 The Head of the Mossad, Major-General (res.) Mr. -
“Büyük İsrail”: Orta Doğu Için Siyonist Plan - Kanlı “Oded Yinon Planı” Tam Metni
“Büyük İsrail”: Orta Doğu için Siyonist Plan - Kanlı “Oded Yinon Planı” Tam Metni Bu plan, İsrail'in yayılmacı projesi kapsamında, komşu Arap ülkelerinin zayıflatılması ve so- nunda parçalanmasını öngörmektedir.. Bazı Siyonistler ise daha fazlasını talep etmektedirler; Batıda Nil Nehri ile Doğuda Fırat Nehri arasında kalan ve Filistin, Lübnan, Batı Suriye ve Güney Türkiye'yi de kapsayan toprakları istemektedirler.. Büyük İsrail birçok ‘‘Uydu Devlet'' ortaya çıkaracaktır. Önsöz Aşağıda sunulan ‘‘Büyük İsrail'' devletinin oluşturulmasıyla ilgili doküman, Netanyahu hü- kümeti içindeki güçlü Siyonist hizipler ile Likud partisinin olduğu kadar, İsrail ordusu ve is- tihbarat teşkilatının da temel politikasıdır. Son zamanlarda meydana gelen gelişmelerde Donald Trump, İsrail tarafından inşa edilen ille- gal yerleşim yerlerine olan desteğini ve işgal altındaki Batı Şeria'da, İsrail yerleşim birimleri- nin yasa dışı olduğunu teyit eden Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyinin 2324 nolu kararına karşı çıktığını doğrulamıştır. Siyonizm'in kurucu babası olan Theodore Herzl'e göre Yahudi Devletinin toprakları; Mısır Nehrinden Fırat Nehrine kadar uzanmaktadır. Rabbi Fischmann'a göre ise ‘‘Vadedilmiş Topraklar'' Mısır Nehrinden Fırat Nehrine kadar uzanmakta ve bir kısım Suriye ve Lübnan topraklarını da içermektedir. 1 Mevcut bağlamda bakıldığında Irak savaşı, 2006 yılı Lübnan savaşı, 2011 yılı Libya savaşı, Suriye ve Irak'ta halen süren savaşlar, Yemen savaşı ve Mısır'daki rejim değişikliğinin neden- leri, Orta Doğu Siyonist Planıyla ilişkilendirilerek -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
Demography and Transfer: Israel's Road to Nowhere
Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 4, pp 619–630, 2003 Demography and transfer: Israel’s road to nowhere ELIA ZUREIK ABSTRACT The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, which dates back to the latter part of the nineteenth century, has always been a conflict over land and population balance. At the start of the twenty-first century, with no end in sight to the conflict, the issue of demography stares both sides in the face. Israel’s ability to maintain military and economic superiority over neighbouring Arab countries in general and the Palestinians in particular is matched by its inability to maintain long-term numerical superiority in the areas it holds west of the Jordan River. It is expected that within 10 to 15 years there will be parity between the Arabs and the 5.5 million Jews who currently live in historical Palestine. While discussion of Arab population transfer has been relegated to internal debates among Zionist leaders, the idea itself has always remained a key element in Zionist thinking of ways to solve the demography problem and ensure Jewish population dominance. A recent decline in Jewish immigration to Israel, the rise of the religious-political right, continuing Jewish settlement in the West Bank and Gaza and the recent Palestinian uprising have moved this debate to the public arena. Fractions among Israel’s intellectuals, political figures and Sharon government ministers have raised the demography issue publicly, calling openly for the transfer of the Palestinian population to Jordan. It was Theodore Herzl, the father and ideologue of modern Zionism, who more than a century ago lobbied the Ottoman government and the potentates of Europe on behalf of the Zionist movement for a foothold in Palestine. -
Inside the Palestinian Authority: a Situation Report by Ehud Yaari
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 130 Inside the Palestinian Authority: A Situation Report by Ehud Yaari Apr 11, 1997 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ehud Yaari Ehud Yaari is a Lafer International Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis ince the beginning of the Oslo process, Israel and the United States have consistently underestimated S Palestinian Authority (PA) Chairman Yasser Arafat. Arafat is a historic figure who deserves respect. In his many years as leader of the Palestinians he has learned to employ a wide range of personas and emotions to achieve his ends: he will whine in front of lesser people, he will play the 'clown,' and he will suffer being scolded by junior Israeli generals, if their positions serve his larger purposes. The image of Arafat as a sad old man waiting for a mini- state to crown his career must be replaced with the reality of a vigorous politician who will not even discuss his succession. Arafat said that the Oslo accords can be a repeat of the 1969 Cairo agreement between him and General Boustany, the chief of staff of the Lebanese Army, which allowed Arafat to maintain a small number of guerrillas on the slopes of Mt. Hermon. Arafat used this crack to pry the doors of Lebanon open, and by the late 1980s, the PLO presence in Lebanon was so great that Arafat considered himself-in his own words—"governor-general of Lebanon." Arafat views Oslo as another crack: a corridor through which he can incrementally obtain his strategic goal. The Oslo agreement also served to revive the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).