Merit-Making and Monuments: an Investigation Into the Role of Religious Monuments and Settlement Patterning Surrounding the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar

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MERIT-MAKING AND MONUMENTS: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS MONUMENTS AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNING SURROUNDING THE CLASSICAL CAPITAL OF BAGAN, MYANMAR

A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfill of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences

TRENT UNIVERSITY

Peterborough, Ontario, Canada

ã Copyright by Ellie Tamura 2019

Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program

January 2020 ABSTRACT

Merit-Making and Monuments: An Investigation into the Role of Religious Monuments and Settlement Patterning Surrounding the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar

Ellie Tamura

Bagan, Myanmar’s capital during the country’s Classical period (c. 800-1400

CE), and its surrounding landscape was once home to at least four thousand monuments.

These monuments were the result of the Buddhist pursuit of merit-making, the idea that individuals could increase their socio-spiritual status by performing pious acts for the

Sangha (Buddhist Order). Amongst the most meritous act was the construction of a religious monument. Using the iconographic record and historical literature, alongside entanglement theory, this thesis explores how the movement of labour, capital, and resources for the construction of these monuments influenced the settlement patterns of

Bagan’s broader cityscape. The findings suggest that these monuments bound settlements, their inhabitants, and the Crown, in a variety of enabling and constraining relationships. This thesis has created the foundations for understanding the settlements of

Bagan and serves as a useful platform to perform comparative studies once archaeological data for settlement patterning becomes available.

Keywords: Southeast Asia, Settlement Patterns, Bagan, Entanglement, Religious Monuments, Buddhism, Archaeology

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For the past three years, I have been incredibly fortunate in having the opportunity to do what I love, in one of the most wonderful countries, none of which would have been possible without the support of an amazing group of people. First and foremost, I would like to thank Dr. Gyles Iannone for taking a chance on me as a graduate student, for establishing an excellent research program, and for allowing me to take part in it. Not only did his guidance, support, and friendship make this thesis possible, but his passion in the field has cultivated in me a lifelong love of Southeast Asian culture and history. I would also like to extend my thanks to our colleagues in Myanmar, who welcomed me into their country. In particular, gratitude goes towards Dr. Pyiet Phyo Kyaw, Nyein Chan

Soe, Naing Soe, Saw Tun Lin, Paing Thet Phyo, and Khin Lay Maung, whose extensive knowledge allowed me to collect the data needed for my research. I would also like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Helen Haines and Dr. Jennifer Moore, whose additional guidance is greatly appreciated. Thanks also goes to the Trent Anthropology

Department and Myanmar’s Department of Archaeology for allowing this research to take place and supporting me throughout my academic journey. My gratitude also goes out to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, whose financial support enabled me to solely dedicate my time towards completing this thesis.

To all my friends, thank you for encouraging me throughout the entire process, even when you did not fully understand what I was doing. Special thanks to Kathleen

Forward, my office-mate, roommate, and research-mate, whose face I never got tired of even after spending every day together for two years: thank you for keeping me sane,

iii without you I would have never finished my thesis. To my brother, David, whose comedic nature helped guide me to better shores during the days, and sometimes weeks, of graduate school struggles. To Leon, who without you, I would have finished this thesis half a year ago. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Olivia and Masanobu, whose unconditional love and support allows me to achieve anything.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii LIST OF FIGURES ...... vii LIST OF TABLES ...... xiii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Geographical Framework ...... 2 Historical Framework ...... 8 Urban Period (200 BCE – 800 CE) ...... 8 Pre-Bagan Period (849 – 1044 CE) ...... 9 Early Bagan Period (1044 – 1113 CE) ...... 10 Middle Bagan Period (1113 – 1174 CE) ...... 11 Late Bagan Period (1174 – 1300 CE) ...... 12 Religious Framework ...... 13 Research Problems ...... 15 The Problem Focus and Significance of this Research ...... 17 IRAW@BAGAN ...... 19 Thesis Outline ...... 19 Conclusions ...... 21 CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND TO SETTLEMENT PATTERNING ...... 22 Low-Density Urbanism in Tropical States ...... 22 Evidence for Low-Density Urbanism at Bagan ...... 27 The Epicentre ...... 30 Bagan’s Epicentre ...... 39 Discussion ...... 42 Conclusions ...... 46 CHAPTER 3: THEORY AND METHODS ...... 48 Entanglement Theory ...... 49 Things and Agency ...... 49 Humans, Things, and Bundles ...... 52 Human – Thing Entanglements (H-T) ...... 54 Thing – Thing Entanglements (T-T) ...... 55 Thing – Human Entanglements (T-H) ...... 58 Human – Human Entanglements (H-H) ...... 59 Discussion ...... 60 Methods ...... 61 An Overview of the Epigraphic Data: Inscriptions and Chronicles ...... 62 An Overview of the Iconographic Data: Temple Mural Paintings and Terracotta Plaques ...... 66 Methods of Interpreting the Data ...... 70 Conclusions ...... 76 CHAPTER 4: A RECONSTRUCTION OF BAGAN’S EPICENTRE AND PERI-URBAN NEIGHBOURHOODS ...... 78 The Epicentre ...... 78 The Elements and Organization of Features within the Epicentre ...... 78

v Elements Outside the Walled Epicentre ...... 93 The Neighbourhood Clusters of Bagan's Peri-Urban Zone ...... 100 The Religious Monuments and Monastic Compounds ...... 100 Elements and Nature of the Neighbourhood Cluster ...... 111 Residences within the Neighbourhoods ...... 124 Conclusions ...... 136 CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION ...... 139 Economic Entanglements ...... 140 Commoner Entanglements: How Local Economies became Dependent on Monument Building ...... 140 Crown Entanglements: How Economic Growth Shaped the Epicentre ...... 146 The Economic Collapse of the Crown: The Constraining Nature of Merit-Making ...... 153 Environmental Entanglements ...... 157 Commoner Entanglements: Why a Low-Density Settlement Pattern was Optimal for Peri-Urban Communities and Monument Building ...... 157 From Dependence to Dependency: Decline of the Brick Industry ...... 162 Social Entanglements ...... 163 Commoner Entanglements: How Monument Building Created Social Identity and Hierarchy ...... 163 Political Entanglements ...... 170 Crown and Commoner Entanglements: How Religious Monuments Extended Political Authority ...... 170 Religious Entanglements ...... 174 Commoner Entanglements: How Settlements were Created by and Depended on Belief Systems ...... 174 Conclusions ...... 180 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS ...... 182 Subsidiary Research Questions ...... 185 Future Work ...... 191 Conclusions ...... 192 REFERENCES CITED ...... 196

vi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1. Some of the religious monuments that inhabit Bagan’s landscape...... 2 Figure 1.2. Map showing the location of Bagan (modified from Aung- Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:24)...... 4 Figure 1.3. Google Earth image showing the location of rice growing regions relative to the city of Bagan...... 5 Figure 1.4. The extent of Bagan’s empire (modified from Lieberman 2003:24)...... 6 Figure 1.5. Aerial map of Bagan’s epicentre and peri-urban zone (modified from U Kan Hla 1977:17)...... 7 Figure 1.6. A contemporary record of donors listed at the Shwezigon pagoda, Bagan...... 14 Figure 2.1. Map of the walled epicentre of Bagan (modified from Daw Thin Kyi 1966:182)...... 40 Figure 2.2. The patron-client relationship (exploitation and paternalism) is not always symbiotic. This figure also provides examples as to why individuals, communities, or institutions enter into these relationships...... 43 Figure 3.1. Some of the tools and things involved with bricks and the thing-thing dependences that form between them (modified from Hodder 2012:Figure 3.2)...... 56 Figure 4.1. Bagan: Location and identification of the major temples and stupas of the 11th century. The Kyauk-ku-umin temple and Lokananda stupa are outlined in red (modified from Hudson 2004: Figure 156)...... 80 Figure 4.2. Depiction of the bustling life inside and outside the epicentre. The epicentre’s walls and gates, residential structures, market activities and rest-houses (top left corner) are depicted, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE)...... 81 Figure 4.3. Depiction of the epicentre’s gates and walls, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century)...... 82 Figure 4.4. Remnants of Bagan’s eastern epicentre wall (right), and its associated moat feature. Some renovations and additions are dated to more contemporary periods...... 82 Figure 4.5. Tharabar gate, the main gate of Bagan’s eastern epicentre wall. It is the last surviving gate from the Bagan period...... 83 Figure 4.6. Depiction of the layout of the epicentre, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, mural date unknown)...... 83 Figure 4.7. Buddhist beliefs regarding the layout of the cosmos. Each of the nine planets corresponds with a cardinal direction, a disciple of the Buddha (1) and an animal (2). Their position within this magic square resembles the square epicentre of Bagan (modified from U Kan Hla 1978:93)...... 84

vii Figure 4.8. Depiction of the royal palace, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002: Figure 7.7)...... 85 Figure 4.9. Depiction of the royal palace, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Dumarçay 1987:43)...... 86 Figure 4.10. Depiction of the royal courtyard, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from Di Crocco 2000:157)...... 86 Figure 4.11. Residential structures within the city, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century)...... 87 Figure 4.12. Murals a), b), and c), depicting the highly populated and densely packed buildings within the epicentre, Sulamani temple (murals dated to the 18th century)...... 88 Figure 4.13. Roof constructed with long strips of wood, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 89 Figure 4.14. Depiction of scalloped shaped roof tiles, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5)...... 90 Figure 4.15. Glazed terracotta roof tiles from the Shinarahan monastery, Bagan Archaeological Museum...... 90 Figure 4.16. Terracotta roof tiles found along the surface near the Phaya Thon Zu temple...... 90 Figure 4.17. The sub-structural foundation and staircase of this structure are made from stone, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE)...... 91 Figure 4.18. Depiction of weaving activities occurring inside a structure within the walled epicentre, Ananda Oakkyaung Monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:135)...... 91 Figure 4.19. Street vendors in the epicentre, Ananda Oaakyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE)...... 92 Figure 4.20. Market stalls in the contemporary village of Myinkaba, Old Bagan...... 93 Figure 4.21. Depiction of life outside the epicentre’s walls, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.7)...... 94 Figure 4.22. The depiction of dense vegetation that is surrounded by a moat (outlined in red) outside the epicentre’s walls, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 94 Figure 4.23. Activities occurring outside the city walls, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 95 Figure 4.24. Rest house in contemporary Bagan...... 95 Figure 4.25. Depiction of a variety of boat types moving away from the city, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century)...... 97

viii Figure 4.26. Depiction of a boat with three passengers, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 97 Figure 4.27. Depiction of a larger boat, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:134)...... 98 Figure 4.28. Depiction of a boat with an elaborate hull, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:133)...... 98 Figure 4.29. Depiction of an elite chariot within the walled epicentre, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.7)...... 98 Figure 4.30. Nandiviśāla jataka. This cart shows a complex design along its front side, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 99 Figure 4.31. Takkala jataka. A simple designed cart pulled by an ox, East Hpet Leik temple (11th century CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 251)...... 99 Figure 4.32. The distribution of monuments over time. a) 11th century; b) 11th – 12th century, clusters of monuments begin to emerge; c) 13th century, monument density increases, and several new clusters begin to form, particularly eastwards (modified from Hudson et al. 2001: Fig. 2)...... 101 Figure 4.33. Depiction of a neighbourhood cluster, Kubyauk-gyi temple (monument dated to 1113 CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Stadtner 2013:173)...... 103 Figure 4.34. Duddada jataka. A settlement is represented by the presence of two small house structures, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011: Plate 163)...... 104 Figure 4.35. The depiction of various residential structures surrounding a temple, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:244)...... 104 Figure 4.36. The depiction of a settlement with stupas shown in the background (highlighted in red), Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:243)...... 104 Figure 4.37. Chariots moving between settlements, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 105 Figure 4.38. Depiction of a settlement constructed near a larger river, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 106 Figure 4.39. Depiction of a settlement constructed near a large river, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:243)...... 108 Figure 4.40. Depiction of a monastic compound, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 110

ix Figure 4.41. Paduma jataka. An artificially constructed palatial bath, East Hpet Leik temple (11th century CE) (modified from Rao 2001:Plate 181)...... 112 Figure 4.42. Nalapana jataka. According to the jataka story, this plaque depicts a lake surrounded by a thick forest. The lake was occupied by an ogre that lured animals into it to be eaten. Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 112 Figure 4.43. Presence of two water tanks (outlined in red) in close proximity to a temple, Kubyauk-gyi temple (monument dated to 1113 CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Stadtner 2013:169)...... 113 Figure 4.44. Depiction of a natural pond, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5)...... 114 Figure 4.45. A small water tank constructed within the Leimyethna temple compound (1223 CE)...... 114 Figure 4.46. Two agriculturalists in the midst of working in the fields, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 115 Figure 4.47. Nandiviśāla jataka. Agriculturalist using an ox-cart, West Phet Leik (11th century CE)...... 115 Figure 4.48. Agriculturalist using an ox-plough, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE)...... 116 Figure 4.49. Vattaka jataka. Bird catchers, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 117 Figure 4.50. Sāma jataka. Hunters using bows (note the trees surrounding the house feature), West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 118 Figure 4.51. Scene depicting fishermen, Temple No. 1026 (monument dated to the 12th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 118 Figure 4.52. Procession of entertainers, Nagayon temple (monument dated to the 12th century CE, date of the murals is unknown)...... 118 Figure 4.53. Flutist depicted on the left, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 368)...... 119 Figure 4.54. Depiction of a harpist on the right, Kyauk-ku Umin temple (monument dated to the 13th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 119 Figure 4.55. Violinist, Kamma Kyaung Oo temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 120 Figure 4.56. Drummer, Abeyadana temple (monument date to the 11th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 120 Figure 4.57. Dancer, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE)...... 121 Figure 4.58. The depiction of a neighbourhood community, and includes the presence of a pottery-making site as well as a small enclosed garden space, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Di Crocco 2000:159)...... 122

x Figure 4.59. Depiction of a stilted residential structure, Abeyadana temple (monument date to the 11th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 125 Figure 4.60. Depiction of a stilted residential structure, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 125 Figure 4.61. Depiction of a non-stilted residential structure, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 126 Figure 4.62. Depiction of a non-stilted residential structure, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 126 Figure 4.63. A stilted home using the area below the home as an animal pen (note the number of trees immediately surrounding the house), Pitakat Hpaya temple (monument date unknown, date of the mural is unknown)...... 127 Figure 4.64. Depiction of a storage structure, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 127 Figure 4.65. Sāma jataka. According to this jataka story, the main structures are residential huts. A storage structure (outlined in red) is also depicted, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5)...... 128 Figure 4.66. Depiction of flat-roofed homes, Thetkyamuni temple (monument dated to the 13th century CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 128 Figure 4.67. Depiction of a peaked-roof home, West Hpet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 129 Figure 4.68. Depiction of a two-tiered roof, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 129 Figure 4.69. Depiction of a two-tiered roof, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 130 Figure 4.70. Depiction of a two-tiered roof (left), Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE)...... 130 Figure 4.71. Depiction of a domed-shaped roof, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 131 Figure 4.72. Irregular shaped roof, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE)...... 131 Figure 4.73. Structure with an inverted trapezoidal shaped roof, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE)...... 132 Figure 4.74. Structure with an inverted trapezoidal shaped roof, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 132 Figure 4.75. This structure incorporates a domed ceiling with the peaked roof, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 133 Figure 4.76. Depiction of a more complex home. A smaller and flat- roofed room makes up the entrance of the building leading into a larger room with high ceilings and a peaked roof, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE)...... 133

xi Figure 4.77. Depiction of a multi-roomed home, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE)...... 134 Figure 4.78. Another example of a multi-roomed home, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown)...... 134 Figure 4.79. Kapi jataka. A simple hut inhabited by a Bodhisattva and his son living as hermits, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 178)...... 135 Figure 4.80. Home of an agriculturalist in contemporary Bagan...... 136 Figure 5.1. Bagan-period wall painting illustrating a ritual sprinkler pot, kendi (date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Hudson et al. 2001: Figure 7)...... 144 Figure 5.2. A large water reservoir used by the local villagers along the peripheries of Minnathu village (the photo was taken at the height of the dry season)...... 160 Figure 5.3. A son and his family reside in the house on the right, whilst his parents occupy the house on the left, West Pwa Saw village (Photo credited to Talis Talving-Loza)...... 169 Figure 5.4. Google Earth image showing the locations of Bagan’s largest monuments...... 172 Figure 5.5. Sandstone lotuses adorn the tops of each of the temple’s spires, Temple No. 315...... 176 Figure 5.6. A nat shrine was built along the edges of a large water reservoir, outskirts of East Pwa Saw village...... 178

xii LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 The recorded kings of Bagan, the dates of their reign, and notable monuments that they constructed (based on Aung-Thwin 1985:22; Dumarcay and Smithies 1995; Hudson 2004; Tarling 1999)...... 12 Table 5.1. Number of structures constructed in each century at Bagan, according to the Inventory of Monuments (Pichard 1992-2002; modified from Hudson 2004:Table 11)...... 149 Table 5.2. The frequency of inscriptions including the specific number of serfs dedicated to a religious monument (using inscription data presented by Frasch 2014)...... 154

xiii 1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Originally named Arimaddanapura, the “City of the Enemy Crusher” (Lieberman

2003:91; Stadtner 2013:22), Bagan (Pagan) in reality was an empire driven more so by its religious ideologies rather than violent conquest. These ideologies were embodied in the

2,200 surviving religious monuments (Figure 1.1) that are concentrated around Bagan’s walled epicentre. While scholars have been interested in these monuments, their investigations have tended to focus on the elite stratum of Bagan, resulting in studies that are relatively narrow in scope. However, as research in this field has expanded, it is apparent that the entire populace, from the king to those belonging to the lowest classes, were entangled in the construction, use, and maintenance of these monuments. While the surviving architecture remains a testament to this great Classical state, the purpose of this thesis is to better understand the people who occupied the area between these monuments, particularly the nature of the habitation sites belonging to the commoner population, an area of research that has been generally neglected. These investigations will generate new information regarding settlement patterning, which can be used to assess why Bagan’s population invested so much into these monuments, the effects of these investments, and how these monuments influenced the overall nature of these settlements. This, in turn, will provide a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of these monuments, the commoners who built them, and how the relationship between the monuments and support population shaped the landscape.

Emerging sometime during the mid-9th century (Hudson 2004:220, 265-266), the great Buddhist kingdom of Bagan flourished, ushering in the “golden age” of Myanmar

(Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:77; U Kan Hla 1977:15), that persisted up until its

2 decline in the mid-14th century. During its reign, Bagan constructed an estimated 4,000 brick monuments (U Kan Hla 1977:21). These monuments often took the form of temples and stupas. Unlike temples, stupas were built to enshrine relics, objects that were considered valuable and auspicious, typically associated with the Buddha (Stadtner

2013:58). Stupas were often, though not exclusively, built as a solid structure and though they varied in design, the bell-shape was the most favoured amongst the larger monuments, such as the Mingalazedi and Shwezigon (Stadtner 2013:60). In contrast, temples were built to patronize Buddha images and designed for worshippers to enter it

(Stadtner 2013:61). This powerful state left a lasting legacy of administrative efficiency, art and architectural achievements, economic vitality, and political stability, enshrined in its temples and stupas (Hudson 2004:236; U Kan Hla 1977:15; Stadtner 2013:8).

Figure 1.1. Some of the religious monuments that inhabit Bagan’s landscape.

GEOGRAPHICAL FRAMEWORK

Myanmar – also known by its colonial name “Burma” – is the largest nation in

Southeast Asia. It is positioned between China and India, and occupies approximately

677,416 km2 (Figure 1.2) (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:37). Amongst the many rivers in Myanmar, none have been as influential in shaping settlement patterns as that of

3 the Ayeyarwaddy River. Running down the country’s centre, the Ayeyarwaddy continues to delineate the most agriculturally productive regions, which yield highly diverse crops

(Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:37). It is no surprise then that this major river attracted various peoples to its fertile lands, thus forming the heartland for many Burmese empires, including Bagan.

As a tropical state, Bagan would have witnessed an annual monsoonal period

(May – September) that today brings cooler temperatures from September to February

(Frenken 2011:349). By March the temperature once again begins to rise in anticipation of the incoming rains (Fletcher 2012:298-300; Frenken 2011:349). Bagan lies in Upper

Myanmar, in a region known as the Dry Zone, a part of the country that only receives on average 114-200 mm of rain in a year (Aung-Thwin 1990:5; Aung-Thwin and Aung-

Thwin 2012:38). In contrast, Lower Myanmar more than quadruples that amount, with average rainfalls of 515-800 mm a year (Aung-Thwin 1990:5; Stadtner 2013:12). Whilst a large quantity of the country’s rainfall drains into perennial streams that flow through the Dry Zone, sophisticated irrigation works were still necessary for sustaining agriculture at ancient Bagan (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:38; Frenken

2011:356). Even with supplemental irrigation, rice production – the staple cereal of

Myanmar – could only occur at a few select sites in the greater Bagan area: Kyaukse,

Minbu, and the Mu valleys (Figure 1.3) (Aung-Thwin 1987:94; Aung-Thwin 1990:2, 8,

12-13; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:38; Hudson 2004:183-184; Lieberman

1987:171, 2003:91, 96, 2011:942-943; Moore and U Win Maung 2006:9; Stadtner

2013:12).

Figure 1.2. Map showing the location of Bagan (modified from Aung-Thwin and Aung- Thwin 2012:24).

➤ ➤ N IImage Landsatt // Coperrniicus 90 km FigureImage Lands a1t ./ 3Co.p Googleernicus Earth image showing the location of rice growing regions relative to the city of Bagan.

6 6

FigureFigure 11..44.. TheThe extentextent ofof Bagan’sBagan’s empireempire (Lieberman(modified from 2003:24) Lieberman. 2003:24).

Figure 1.5. Aerial map of Bagan’s epicentre and peri-urban zone (modified from U Kan Hla 1977:17).

By the 12th century, the Kingdom of Bagan had extended its influence southwards into the upper Malay Peninsula, eastward to the Salween River, northwards to China’s border, and westwards to the northern Arakan and the Chin Hills (Lieberman 2003:24)

(Figure 1.4). Although Bagan’s influence was widespread, this thesis will be solely focused on the walled epicentre and its surrounding peri-urban settlement zone. The walled epicentre of Bagan encompassed an area of only approximately 1.5 km2 (Aung-

Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:93-94). Although it was a relatively small epicentre, in comparison to those of the Pyu culture that preceded it, (see works by Hudson 2004;

Hudson and Lustig 2008; Moore 2009; O’Reilly 2007; Stargardt 2016), it would be incorrect to assume that the size of the walled epicentre is an indicator of the size of the kingdom. It is from this walled epicentre where Bagan’s economic, religious, and

8 administrative control radiated outwards, extending itself in all directions and encompassing a settlement zone of approximately 80 km2 (Figure 1.5) (Grave and

Barbetti 2001:75; Hudson 2004:237; Hudson et al. 2001:48; Moore et al. 2016:294,

Stadtner 2013:8). This area formed what is known as the “peri-urban” zone, a transitional space between the urban and rural (Hudson 2004:221; Iannone 2017b:3; U Kan Hla

1977:21). This peri-urban zone was home to an estimated 4,000 brick structures (U Kan

Hla 1977:15), of which approximately 2,200 temples and stupas continue to survive today (Aung-Thwin 1985:169; Hudson 2004:236; U Kan Hla 1977:15).

HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

Urban Period (200 BCE – 800 CE)

The founders of Bagan were ethnic Burmese (also known as Bamar) who moved into the central Ayeyarwaddy region from southern China sometime in the 9th century CE

(Stadtner 2013:20). However, prior to the formation of Bagan, the region was occupied primarily by the Pyu and, to a lesser extent, the Mon (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:63; Stadtner 2013:20-21; Tarling 1999:165; Wheatley 1983:167). The Mons were mostly concentrated around Lower Myanmar and were ethnically and linguistically related to the Mon people of Thailand (Stadtner 2013:22). The Pyu emerged at the beginning of the first millennium CE along the Ayeyarwaddy, and it is likely that Bagan itself originated from a Pyu settlement, as thousands of Pyu style bricks have been found there (Moore 2009:104; Stadtner 2013:21).

The Urban Period is recognized as a time of increasing urbanization that gave rise to large cities such as Beikthano, Halin, and Sri Ksetra, all of which were walled-Pyu

9 settlements with large scale irrigation works (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:67;

Hudson and Lustig 2008:271-273; Moore 2009:108; O’Reilly 2007:18). According to historical records, Bagan emerged after the unification of nineteen Pyu villages (Pe

Maung Tin and Luce 1923:28). Others have argued that Bagan emerged when Chinese invasions of the ninth century forced groups to flee from the northeastern hills and settle in the Upper Myanmar plains (Bellwood and Glover 2004:361). Another theory suggests that Burmese speakers were already living in the plains of Myanmar and that they unified with the settled Pyu peoples to form Bagan (Bellwood and Glover 2004:361). Whether nineteen Pyu settlements were brought together to form Bagan as the legends recount, or whether they were incorporated into a new Burmese-speaking population that migrated into the area, is still unknown (U Kan Hla 1977:15; Stadtner 2013:22).

Pre-Bagan Period (849 – 1044 CE)

The lack of dedicatory stones and inscriptions associated with major temples and stupas is a source of frustration for scholars who are interested in studying the formative years of the Bagan empire (Galloway 2006:42). The information that is available primarily comes from the Chronicles, retrospective histories that were written by later

Burmese kings and court officials (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:ix). According to the

Glass Palace Chronicles, the first king of Bagan was King Pyinbya (a complete list of the kings of Bagan and their reigning dates can be found in Table 1.1). During this period, the walled epicentre of Bagan was but one of many competing city-states (Lieberman

2003:90-91), whose religious monuments were primarily concentrated within the epicentre’s walls and along the Ayeyarwaddy river (Stadtner 2013:15, 2015:56; U Kan

Hla 1977:17). Lieberman (2003:91) argued that Bagan was able to successfully emerge as

10 an authoritative state due to the success of charismatic leaders maintaining well- established alliances amongst local chiefs. In addition, Bagan’s rise to power coincided with the Medieval Climate Anomaly (900/950 – 1250/1300 CE), a natural climatic phenomenon which prolonged La Niña events (Lieberman 2003:103; Lieberman and

Buckley 2012:1050, 1064). During this period, Bagan greatly benefited from the increasingly warmer temperatures, as it experienced an increased rainfall that was more evenly distributed throughout the year, which meant an overall shorter dry season

(Lieberman and Buckley 2012:1064-1065). The Medieval Climate Anomaly encouraged the cultivation of more marginal lands, led to the proliferation of the construction of more irrigation projects, and overall increased crop yields, creating the ideal conditions for this early state to sustain a larger population, increasing its agricultural and political influence

(Lieberman 2003:103,106-108).

Early Bagan Period (1044 – 1113 CE)

This period witnessed an explosion of Burmese art, literature, and architecture

(Galloway 2006:121; Hudson 2004:237; Stadtner 2015:62). The construction of an unprecedented amount of religious monuments also began to emerge during this period, and were no longer limited to being located in the epicentre but rather extended in all directions throughout the peri-urban zone (Lieberman 2003:92; U Kan Hla 1977:17). The cultural, political, and religious success of this era has been attributed to the successful campaigns of King Anawrahta. Crowned in 1044 CE, King Anawrahta spent the next three decades transforming Bagan from a small principality into a classical empire

(Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:80-83). Under his reign, surrounding tributary states were unified, and Bagan was able to consolidate its power over Lower Myanmar,

11 expanding Bagan’s influence from the coastal regions in the south all the way north to the

Chinese border (Lieberman 2003:90-91). Anawrahta was a major promoter of Buddhism, and oversaw the construction of many of Bagan’s large and monumental-sized temples, encouraging the Buddhist idea of merit-making through temple building (Galloway

2006:109). King Anawrahta was proceeded by King Kyanssitha (r. 1084 – 1112 CE) who continued to unify the various diverse cultural influences that were introduced as a result of King Anawrahta’s conquests (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:8). During this period, temple building projects became increasingly grandiose, transforming into a distinctively Burman architectural style from the earlier Pyu and Mon norms which were heavily influenced by Indian traditions (Koller 2017:100-102; Linn 2017:85).

Middle Bagan Period (1113 – 1174 CE)

Following King Anawrahta and King Kyanssitha were a series of rulers who continued to develop Bagan’s administrative and economic systems, and actively expanded frontier colonies, whilst also promoting the construction of water management systems throughout the kingdom (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:87). It was during this time that the Crown’s military organization reached its zenith with the empire’s borders having expanded to its greatest extent (Lieberman 2003:88-89). The success of

Bagan’s military campaigns also provided the empire with new manpower and agricultural lands from these conquered areas, allowing the Crown to draw upon this large labour pool to construct their monumental architecture, resulting in the construction of an unprecedented amount of temples, stupas, and monasteries (Hudson 2004:237;

Stadtner 2013:55). During this period, the Sangha also prospered from the increase in state wealth, experiencing an influx of donations, resulting in the Sangha becoming an

12 increasingly powerful institution that equaled that of the Crown (Aung-Thwin and Aung-

Thwin 2012:103-104).

Kings of Bagan Name Reigning Dates Notable Monument(s) Built Pyinbya 846 – 878 CE Tannet 878 – 906 CE Sale Ngahkwe 906 – 934 CE Theinhko 934 – 956 CE Nyaung-U Sawrahan 956 – 1001 CE Kyaukhpyumin (Kunsaw) 1001 – 1021 CE Kyizo 1021 – 1038 CE Sokkate 1038 – 1044 CE Anawrahta 1044 – 1077 CE Manuha, Nanpaya, Shwesandaw Sawlu 1077 – 1084 CE Myinpyagu, Pahtothamya Kyansittha 1084 – 1112 CE Shwezigon, Nagayon, Abeyadana, Ananda Alaungsithu 1112 – 1166 CE Thatbyinnyu, Shwegu-gyi Narathu 1166 – 1170 CE Dhammayan-gyi Minyin Naratheinkha 1170 – 1173 CE Narapatisithu 1173 – 1210 CE Gawtawpalin, Sulamani, Dhammayazika Htilominlo 1210 – 1235 CE Htilominlo, Mahabodhi Kyazwa 1235 – 1250 CE Pya-tha-da Uzana 1250 – 1254 CE Narathiha Pati 1254 – 1287 CE Mingalazedi Kyawswar 1287 – 1298 CE Saw Hnit 1298 – 1312 CE Saw Mon Hnit 1312 – 1342 CE Table 1.1 The recorded kings of Bagan, the dates of their reign, and notable monuments that they constructed (based on Aung-Thwin 1985:22; Dumarcay and Smithies 1995; Hudson 2004; Tarling 1999).

Late Bagan Period (1174 – 1300 CE)

By the late 13th century, Bagan’s political power began to quickly disintegrate.

During this period, the state experienced a decline in infrastructural investment

(Lieberman 2011:943), multiple competing claims to the throne that resulted in court factionalism (Aung-Thwin 1988:94; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:85,99,103-106;

Lieberman 1987:170-171, 2011:941-943), and the state’s treasury was left depleted, hindering its ability to further support temple building projects (Lieberman 2003:120;

Stadtner 2013:17). This left the state both vulnerable to foreign invasions (Coedes

1968:183; Lieberman 1987:171,2003:120, 2011:942,945; Luce 1969:10,256; Tarling

1999:167) as well as the inability to govern over its peripheral regions, particularly its hinterlands, which became increasingly economically and politically independent

(Iannone 2017c:4; Lieberman 2003:85). Whilst the state experienced a collapse, this was more so a political collapse that was contained within the epicentre (Aung-Thwin and

Aung-Thwin 2012:105). The fundamental aspects of ancient Burmese culture, religion, and general lifeways remained relatively unchanged and were simply diffused amongst the surrounding polities (Aung-Thwin 1985:197; Iannone 2017c:4). However, it would be another two centuries before the region would experience a unified state (Aung-Thwin

2011:1) that was even a fraction of what Bagan once controlled.

RELIGIOUS FRAMEWORK

Myanmar was, and continues to be, a predominantly Buddhist country (Aung-

Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:11) guided by the Sangha, the “community” of monks and nuns who were the religious leaders that upheld Buddhist teachings and traditions

(Harvey 2013:2; Stadtner 2013:40). This “community” was, in fact, a complex institution recognized by the state, with its own elected hierarchy of officials and elders who oversaw the organization of Buddhist practice throughout the empire (Aung-Thwin and

Aung-Thwin 2012:12). The Sangha was a powerful institution whose authority was comparable to those of the king and the topmost levels of the royal court (Andaya and

Andaya 2015:50). Kings sought to gain the support of the Sangha, because this institution

14 could help legitimize their rule by providing opportunities to showcase their merit

(Andaya and Andaya 2015:50, 93).

Figure 1.6. A contemporary record of donors listed at the Shwezigon pagoda, Bagan.

Merit was linked to birth, status, wealth, legitimacy, and the entirety of a person, and it was, therefore, the biggest motivating force behind an individual’s behaviour

(Aung-Thwin 1985:30-31; Aung-Thwin 1987:89; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:83-84; Harvey 2013:43-44). The accumulation of sufficient merit manifests in the presence of glory (phun), and as a result kings were recognized as possessing high quantities of merit accumulated from their past lives (Aung-Thwin 1985:172). Merit- making was expected from all individuals, kings, nobles, and commoners alike. Merit could be gained through pious acts, and by accumulating enough merit an individual could increase their social status upon rebirth, with the ultimate goal of freeing oneself from the cycle of rebirth (samsara), in order to escape the suffering that is life (Andaya and Andaya 2015:63; Aung-Thwin 1985:43-44).

Amongst the commoner population, merit-accumulation took the form of

15 occasionally feeding monks, providing a few basic amenities, or even temporarily entering into the service of the monkhood as a bonded labourer (Aung-Thwin 1985:43,

45). Although kings were perceived to have already accumulated a large amount of merit, they were not exempt from merit-making. Merit was intended to be distributed and shared and, therefore, the Crown was still expected to dedicate large amounts of its wealth to the monkhood (Aung-Thwin 1985:45; Harvey 2013:268; Luce 1920:73). These dedications could include the donation of tax-free lands, building and farming materials, and labourers (Aung-Thwin 1985:26, 43-44, 169-171; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:94; Duroiselle 1921; Frasch 2014; Stadtner 2013:18). Sponsoring the construction of a religious monument was considered to be the most meritous act an individual could perform, and this was an act that was often performed by the Crown and Bagan’s elites

(Aung-Thwin 1985:45). Merit-making was therefore responsible for the thousands of religious monuments seen at Bagan today. Even after the fall of Bagan, this landscape remained a focal point of religious life in Myanmar, and merit-making continues to be an integral part of the lives of Bagan’s modern inhabitants and those who make pilgrimages to the ancient capital (Figure 1.6). As a result, new temples and stupas are still being constructed amongst the ancient ones (Stadtner 2013:18, 27), which continues to mark

Bagan’s landscape as a plain of merit (Stadtner 2013).

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This thesis utilizes entanglement theory, as proposed by Ian Hodder (2011a,

2011b, 2012), to assess the various relationships that emerged between settlements. In essence, entanglement theory argues that all humans live within a series of

16 interconnecting, dependent relationships (Hodder 2012:88). Humans depending on things, things depending on things, things depending on humans, and humans depending on humans are all types of relationships that can form entanglements. While these relationships enable humans to be innovative and productive (relationships of dependence), they also have the ability to inhibit and limit the possibilities for necessary change (relationships of dependency). These dependent relationships can be “bundled” together, grouping things and humans together in larger webs of meaning, which allows us to better determine the degrees in which certain humans and things were dependent on one another in order to function. For this thesis, the temples and stupas are perceived to be the core of the bundles, with various entanglements helping to constitute both them and the institutions that maintained them.

This thesis will analyze the temple mural paintings, terracotta plaques, the inscriptions, as well as the Glass Palace Chronicles, a body of literature that recorded the country’s history and composed by Myanmar’s kings and court officials, and frequently comingled historical information with mythological narratives. By using these datasets, alongside the application of entanglement theory, the purpose of this thesis is to determine how state-sponsored monument building, driven by the Buddhist idea of merit- making, influenced the settlement patterns of Bagan’s peri-urban zone. The following questions will be addressed in this thesis:

1) Using the iconographic record and historical literature, what can we learn

about the composition, layout, and overall nature of Bagan’s epicentre, as

well as its peri-urban settlement zone?

2) What kinds of entanglements developed between the Crown and the

Sangha, and how did these entanglements change over time?

3) What aspects of the bundles that constitute the religious monuments were

most entangled with Bagan’s commoner population?

THE PROBLEM FOCUS AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS RESEARCH

Although Bagan is home to a wide range of large and small monumental structures, few studies have focused on the settlement patterns of Bagan’s urban city- scape. This gap in the literature is largely attributed to the country’s history of political instability, which has severely limited archaeological research (Glover 2001:120-121).

From 1948 to 2011, Myanmar was under a military dictatorship that restricted foreign scholars from working in the country (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:226, 238-241,

245). As a result, very few excavations have been conducted in Myanmar, let alone at

Bagan.

In 1975, Bagan was hit with a devastating earthquake, leaving many temples and stupas severely damaged (Hudson 2008:555; Stadtner 2013:13). Many spires and towers on top of monuments collapsed, arches, terraces, and domes of buildings were cracked, and murals and external stucco flaked off (Hudson 2008:555). In the summer of 2016,

Bagan was once again hit by a large earthquake that further destroyed a number of its historical sites (Stubbs and Thomson 2017:186). Although conservation initiatives have been implemented, some of Bagan’s history was irreplaceably lost. As archaeological data remains limited at Bagan, these monuments as well as their associated iconographic data, provide the most insight into the lifeways of ancient Bagan and therefore are a vital dataset for scholars. Furthermore, as Bagan is located in an earthquake-prone region

(Hudson 2008:555), increased archaeological focus should be placed here due to the potential continuous loss of the country’s cultural history.

The studies that have been conducted at Bagan have typically focused on kings and the elites as agents of social change (Hudson 2004:35; Overholtzer 2013:481; Salem-

Gervais and Metro 2012:33). Furthermore, the majority of these studies stem from a historical or art historian perspective, as a result of the lack of archaeological data but abundance of textural, epigraphic, iconographic, and architectural evidence. The aim of this thesis is to use these same datasets and to apply them using archaeological theories, in order to gain greater insight into the settlement patterns and lifeways of not only the elites of Bagan, but also those of its common peoples.

The information gathered from this thesis may be used to further our understanding of the nature of the city-scape, the organization and composition of urban neighbourhoods, and the activities of community members. Once archaeological excavation becomes more prominent in the area, this study can be used to help determine where these peri-urban settlements might be located, and to further our understanding of their organization, and enhance our knowledge of how public and domestic spaces can be identified and interpreted. Bagan’s walled epicentre housed a very small portion of the state’s population, with the majority living in a diverse urban community that extended across the expansive peri-urban zone (Hudson 2004:221; U Kan Hla 1977:21). As it was the common peoples who made up the majority of the population, approximately eighty percent (Ponting 2007:65), their inclusion is therefore integral for reconstructing settlement patterns, as they were the primary inhabitants of Bagan.

IRAW@BAGAN

The Integrated Socio-Ecological History of Residential Patterning, Agricultural

Practices, and Water Management at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar (11th –

14th Centuries) project (IRAW@Bagan), led by Dr. Gyles Iannone (Trent University) and co-directed by Dr. Pyiet Phyo Kyaw (Mandalay University) and Dr. Scott Macrae (Trent

University), seeks to reconstruct the settlements and lifeways of Bagan’s peri-urban population (settlements that lay in the transitional zone between the urban and rural). One of IRAW’s sub-projects involves the study of residential patterning at Bagan and includes the exploration of the location, size, composition, orientation, and activities of peri-urban settlement nodes (Iannone et al. 2018:6). As one of the researchers focusing on integrative mechanisms, my contribution to the project involves reconstructing neighbourhood-level communities via textural and iconographic datasets to determine to what extent the temples and stupas were involved with shaping such settlements. As excavations aimed at studying such residential sites only began in May 2019 (Iannone et al. 2018:9), my thesis will lay the foundations for developing a preliminary understanding of settlement patterning in Bagan.

THESIS OUTLINE

The following chapter, “Chapter 2: Background to Settlement Patterning”, will begin by outlining our current understanding of settlement patterning in Southeast Asia and its relevance to Bagan. This chapter discusses the idea of low-density urbanism and its development in the tropics, including Bagan. This is followed by a summary of the

20 emergence, layout, and function of epicentres in Southeast Asia, as well as our current understanding of the nature of Bagan’s walled epicentre. This chapter highlights the current gaps in the literature and emphasizes the importance of this thesis, as my findings may provide more insight into these neglected areas of discussion.

“Chapter 3: Theory and Methods”, provides a detailed overview of Ian Hodder’s

(2012) entanglement theory and its applicability to this thesis. Following this chapter, is a discussion regarding how my textural and iconographic datasets can be used to reconstruct settlements, analyze entanglements, and identify bundles. The limitations of these datasets will also be addressed in this chapter.

“Chapter 4: A Reconstruction of Bagan’s City and Peri-Urban Settlements”, will use the information provided from the historical literature and iconographic record in order to reconstruct Bagan’s city-scape and its neighbourhoods. Key aspects for consideration include how these settlements were constructed, their layout, the architectural features that were present in them, as well as the types of activities that took place will be discussed.

“Chapter 5: Discussion”, is dedicated to discussing the various entanglements that formed in response to monument building and considers to what degree this affected

Bagan’s settlements. Also included will be an analysis of the degrees of enabling and constraining relationships that the Crown and commoner population developed with these monuments, as well as how these relationships may have changed over time.

Finally, “Chapter 6: Conclusions” addresses the research objectives and subsidiary questions and summarizes the entirety of the thesis and the significance of its findings. Finally, the chapter concludes with a discussion of how the findings from this thesis may be used to contribute to future research.

CONCLUSIONS

The purpose of this chapter has been to provide an introduction to the premise of this thesis: an exploration for how the construction of religious monuments, guided by the

Buddhist idea of merit-making, shaped the peri-urban settlement patterns at Classical

Bagan. A brief overview of Bagan’s geography and historical context was initially presented. This was followed by a discussion of Bagan’s religious framework, as it guided all aspects of ancient Burmese life. Buddhism was not simply a belief system held by individuals, but rather permeated all aspects of the state, guiding the lives of the elite and commoners alike, and emphasized the spiritual benefits of dedicating one’s life to investing resources and labour into constructing religious monuments. This was followed by a discussion of the research objective of this thesis and the supplementary research questions it will address. The chapter concluded by explaining some of the difficulties associated with conducting archaeological research at Bagan, highlighting the value of this thesis for helping to fill in gaps in the literature concerning commoner peoples and their settlements, specifying how this thesis fits with the objectives of the greater

IRAW@Bagan project, and providing an outline for each chapter to follow.

CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND TO SETTLEMENT PATTERNING

Although 2,200 temples and stupas are currently visible at Bagan, no studies have been conducted to assess whether their construction and maintenance played a role in ancient settlement patterning. A preliminary understanding of Bagan’s settlement patterns can be inferred from our current knowledge of the overall trends and patterns noted in other tropical states, as well as through considerations of what has been observed amongst contemporary populations living at Bagan. Currently, the greatest challenge to understanding settlement patterning in Bagan has been the lack of archaeological data and settlement studies conducted in the region, However, by analyzing the historical literature and iconographic record, this thesis will contribute to our knowledge regarding how monument building influenced the organization, features, and activities that were characteristic of settlements of Bagan’s peri-urban zone, questions that have been generally overlooked in previous investigations. This chapter will provide a general summary of our current understanding of settlement patterning in the tropics, particularly the development of low-density urbanism as well as the nature of Southeast Asian epicentres, and consider how this information can be applied in my thesis to better understand the settlement patterns at Bagan.

Low-Density Urbanism in Tropical States

V. Gordon Childe set the tone for defining states, generating a trait list that heavily emphasized urbanism. However, his greatest challenge was defining complex level societies that were apparently not urbanized, such as the tropical Maya. According to Childe (1950:9) “[h]ence the minimum definition of a city, the greatest factor common

23 to the Old World and the New will be substantially reduced and impoverished by the inclusion of the Maya”. Amongst the literature, urbanism itself has been a relatively vague term with no clear consensus on its definition (Cowgill 2004:526; Miksic

2001:92). Some widely recognized characteristics that have been used to identify urban settlements include traits such as being large, dense, and heterogeneous (Chase and Chase

2016:364).

Wheatley (1983:2) argued that urban centres reflected a set of qualities possessed by the centre’s surrounding clusters of settlements in a compact form. It is from this urban centre that institutions that establish and maintain order within the subsystems of the larger society were located, generally being the centre of societal control (Wheatley

1983:2). These centres were characterized as containing higher densities of ritual architecture and religious statuary than their surrounding settlements (Stark 2015:81).

What scholars, such as Childe, have neglected are the unique ecological constraints that led to the development of a different form of urbanism in the tropics. Unlike compact urbanism, which can be recognized by the concentration of people as well as civic and religious complexes within a defined area, tropical states developed a form of dispersed urbanism that Roland Fletcher (2009, 2012) has termed “low-density, agrarian-based urbanism.”

This form of urbanism can be identified by the dispersal of monumental architecture, infrastructure, and elite symbols of authority amongst a broader settlement matrix with communities operating at overall population densities lower than the maximum possible (Fletcher 2009:6, 9, 12, 2012:288; Iannone 2016:186-187; Isendahl and Smith 2013:133; Kim 2013:242). These ancient cities had a centre with a core complex made up of buildings and spaces of elite residential and civic ceremonial

24 functions. Surrounding this epicentre was a network of water management systems and clusters of monuments scattered over an immense area (Fletcher 2009:6). For example, amongst the ancient Khmer of Angkor, the rural and urban were connected through a complex network of water systems that spread across nearly 1,000 km2 of intermeshed urban-rural landscape (Fletcher 2012:300-302). This network was surrounded by a dispersed urban sprawl of residential household groups that clustered around water sources, with large urban sectors that were devoted to agriculture (Barthel and Isendahl

2013:226-227; Isendahl and Smith 2013: 133; Smith 2011:51, 54). In addition to Bagan,

Fletcher (2009, 2012) and other scholars have identified a small group of ancient cities in tropical forest settings that fit under this phenomenon of low-density urbanism, including

Angkor, Anuradhapura, Sukhothai, as well as cities from Mesoamerica (Awe et al. 2014;

Chase and Chase 2016; Drennan 1988; Isendahl and Smith 2013:133).

Low-density, agrarian-based urbanism emphasizes the presence of agricultural lands and green space incorporated into urban settlements, so much so that there is little clear division between the urban and hinterland (Fletcher 2009:4, 7, 14, Iannone

2016:186-187; Isendahl and Smith 2013:133). Houses in low-density urban settlements were arranged into spatial clusters that served as urban neighbourhoods (Isendahl and

Smith 2013:132). Composite household compounds - residential compounds that included family and non-family members - found within these urban neighbourhoods were clustered together with an associated garden space, collectively forming farmsteads or “garden cities”, as larger urban sectors became devoted to agriculture (Barthel and

Isendahl 2013:277). Inhabitants within this low-density urban landscape were bonded to an overarching government through its infrastructure, particularly its religious monuments and water management systems (Fletcher 2012:314). However, these bonds

25 were relatively weak as individuals tended to be more strongly linked to their local fictive kinship groups and community than they were to an overarching political power (Geertz

1980:28, 37, 40, 47, 84); they thus exhibited significant economic autonomy, especially amongst communities located further away from the urban core (i.e., the epicentre)

(Iannone 2015:252; Lieberman 2003:31-33). If low-density urbanism resulted in weaker political control, why then did some states develop this settlement pattern?

The development of low-density urbanism in Mesoamerica and Southeast Asia, while on two separate continents but sharing similar environments, has led to the idea that the adoption of this dispersed settlement pattern was an adaptive response to the environmental conditions of the tropics. While compact urbanism was beneficial in terms of political and economic control over its large population, low-density urbanism increased the resiliency of communities living in an environment that was highly diverse and susceptible to change (Scarborough and Burnside 2010:178). Tropical environments were home to an abundance of diverse life forms (Scarborough and Burnside 2010:176).

However, these species were widely distributed, resulting in the establishment of settlements that mimicked this spatial distribution, as the distribution of resources across the landscape encouraged people to also disperse (Scarborough and Burnside 2010:177-

178).

Low-density urbanism was crucial in preserving the ecological integrity of the landscape, as it not only helped to circumvent the stresses associated with settlement growth, but also increased land fertility and allowed for the exploitation of the wide range of resources available (Barthel and Isendahl 2013:227; Fletcher 1995:99; Isendahl

2012:1116; Scarborough and Burnside 2013:178). The deforestation of large swaths of land needed to support dense urban centres also negatively affected animal biodiversity

(Ewel and Bigelow 1996:113) as well as the water-cycle (Kricher 2011:30), as regions with extensively cleared lands have been observed to experiencing exacerbated widespread drought (Iannone 2014:4).

Low-density urbanism was most importantly an effective strategy to optimize agricultural output. As agricultural lands were limited to clustering around water systems, this discouraged the formation of dense urban centres where access to water would have become increasingly difficult as population densities increased (Heitzman 1987:89). This form of settlement planning improved land-use for urban farming as households were situated adjacent to fields. The intensive agriculture in tropical states meant that there were high labour requirements, a critical resource in the tropics (Andaya and Andaya

2015:4; Lieberman 2003:120, 126). Therefore, by locating agriculturalists closer to their workplace, farmers could reduce the energy expenditure associated with moving between their homestead and their fields (Drennan 1988:285; Scarborough and Burnside

2010:178). This settlement pattern also lessens the energetic costs of transporting large amounts of staple foods, as it is more efficient to locate food production in close geographical proximity to the consumers (Barthel and Isendahl 2013:228). Lastly, the incorporation of green space within urban environments made these communities who practiced intensive agricultural cultivation increasingly resilient (Isendahl and Smith

2013:132-133). Not only did growing crops within cities lessen the social and economic impact of transportation costs, but also allowed for smallholder intensive cultivation, preventing overarching political authorities from governing over a landscape that they may not be familiar with (Isendahl and Smith 2013:133-134; Scarborough and Burnside

2010:178).

Evidence for Low-Density Urbanism at Bagan

As the inscriptions and ethnographic record has informed us that while the majority of Bagan’s temples and stupas were made of brick, its palaces, monasteries, and commoner residences were crafted from organic material, and as a result, have all perished (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:91; U Kan Hla 1977:20; Luce 1969:229;

Oo et al. 2003; Strachan 1989:7). Furthermore, archaeological studies of commoner households are still in preliminary stages. Nonetheless, our knowledge of settlements in the tropics, along with an understanding of Bagan’s environmental landscape in conjecture with observations made from its contemporary communities points to a low- density settlement pattern.

Adhering to the low-density model, contemporary communities at Bagan continue to have agricultural lands interspersed between sprawls of low-density settlements

(Stadtner 2015:56). This is especially prevalent amongst the traditional Burmese settlements that are located further away from the ancient walled epicentre. These communities are surrounded by farm plots (Freestone 1974:9), with each home also containing small gardens that adjoin their dwellings (Brant 1954:5). Although residential structures from the Bagan period have not yet been exposed in the archaeological record, contemporary villages are, in the majority, comprised of commoner households (Ponting

2007:65). Bagan’s current communities are typified by houses that are closely packed together, divided by organic meandering streets, with farm plots surrounding the boundaries of settlements (Freestone 1971:44; Talving-Loza 2017:70; Spate 1945:532).

Individual houses, or house compounds, which grouped houses belonging to the same kin group, are also observed as being enclosed by a wooden wall (Freestone 1974:9).

Contemporary communities who continue to practice traditional lifeways in Bagan

28 typically have homes that are rectangular structures built on piles or stilts, with low slanting roofs, and are made of primarily bamboo and palm thatching (Oo et al. 2003).

These houses can be built within a few days and do not require professional architects or carpenters to construct, as house-building skills are passed down from one generation to the next (Fraser-Lu 1994:83).

As Bagan is situated in Myanmar’s Dry Zone, Bagan’s populace would have experienced ecological pressures that encouraged the formation of low-density settlements. Once again, communities were limited to clustering around water systems.

Ancient water tanks and wells are still in use in contemporary Bagan and rather than creating large water systems that supported dense urban centres, instead multiple water features were built and scattered across the peri-urban zone, thereby removing the incentive to develop into dense urban sprawls (Awe et al. 2014:279; Coe 1961:67; Miksic

2000:107). Rather, as these communities grew, they tended to break down into more nucleated hamlets (Fletcher 2009:9; Awe et al. 2014:275; Christie 1991:24). By living in communities that operated at lower densities, ethnographic studies of Bagan’s contemporary populations have shown that these settlements have continued to be able to access water sources and maintain the ecological diversity as well as the agricultural integrity of the land, allowing these communities to be essentially self-sufficient (Andaya and Andaya 2015:4; Aung-Thwin 1985:162; Aung-Thwin 1990; Brant 1954:5).

While the populations within these communities did not develop into dense urban centres, they likely did develop into neighbourhoods (Smith 2011:65-66). Bagan’s communities were likely arranged into urban neighbourhoods more so than the villages that we see living in contemporary Bagan. Smith (2010) shows that the spatial clusters of residences amongst many tropical states have the same social characteristics as urban

29 neighbourhoods, including traits such as “frequent and regular social interaction among residents; shared social characteristics such as ethnic origin or occupation; an administrative role within the city; [and] a ceremonial focus for social integration” (Smith

2011:65-66).

Amongst the traditional villages of Bali, temples encouraged the creation of segregated communities, as different temples were used by specific occupations and caste levels, attracting people of that specific socio-spiritual status to cluster around (Geerz

1959:993). While the majority of the occupants currently living at Bagan are primarily agriculturalists (Aung-Thwin 1985:71-73, 95; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:49;

Brant 1954:5; Freestone 1974:5), many individuals are also craft specialists whose occupations have been hereditarily passed down over many generations (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:49, 90-91; Fraser-Lu 1994:14; Hudson 2004:212; Iannone et al.

2018:4; U Kan Hla 1977:21; Luce 1969:108, 112, 230-232; Miksic 2001:100). In some communities, these individuals practicing the same occupations are grouped together, forming renowned specialized craft communities, such as the production of pottery, lacquerware, and textiles (Fraser-Lu 1994:14, 245, 271). The findings from the

IRAW@Bagan project (Iannone et al. 2018:4, 6, 9) further supports this idea that certain locales may have been more densely inhabited, as a number of exceptionally dense ceramic scatters were uncovered in Bagan’s peri-urban cityscape (see also Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:79-80; Daw Think Kyi 1966:187; Miksic 2001:100; Stadtner

2012:15, 50, 2017:5; U Kan Hla 1977:21). These divisions within communities suggest that Bagan’s peri-urban settlement zone may have been formally planned on an orthogonal, grid and block system (Iannone et al. 2018:5; U Kan Hla 1977:21).

The Epicentre

From a spatial context, an “epicentre” is an anchoring element for surrounding settlements. While scholars have yet to agree on the exact definition of an epicentre, in general epicentres display the following features: they are a centralized space from which ideas of hierarchy, lasting authority, and institutionalized durability emanate (Kim

2013:222). Defining the boundaries of epicentres can often be problematic as the blurring of the urban-rural landscape in low-density cityscapes makes epicentres appear

“edgeless” (Iannone 2015:253). In Southeast Asia, however, walls and moats have provided a means to delineate where the epicentre ends and the broader peri-urban, or urban-rural settlement zone begins (Iannone 2015:253). Epicentres connected people through ideology, as it was the locus of religious and ritual power and accepted as the superlative centre of the state (Iannone 2015:253; Miksic 2000:107; O’Connor 1983:11;

Shirkey 2015:14).

The organization of socio-political power of the centre and its surrounding settlements follows a “mandala” pattern (Tambiah 1977). “Manda” (core) and “la”

(enclosing element) highlights a state by its epicentre rather than focusing on its borders

(Dellios 2003:1; Tambiah 2013:503). The mandala model was a settlement pattern in which communities had a centre-oriented design with power, typically royal power, radiating from the centre as a set of concentric circles, diffusing outwards to areas ruled by king-appointed governors and princes, to the surrounding tributary states (Tambiah

1977:69, 2013:509). An idea popularized by Stanley J. Tambiah (1977) and O.W Wolters

(1999), this settlement pattern is also comparable to the placement of planets in space.

Similar to planets orbiting around a sun, so too did lesser states gravitate around a powerful centre. Additionally, as distance increased between these lesser states and the

31 centre, the centre’s authoritative power, or gravitational pull, weakened (Lieberman

2009:22; Tambiah 1977:70-72). For states modeled after the mandala pattern, the epicentre was understood as being the starting point for the performance of annual cosmic rites, and rippled with lesser centres who replicated these same rites on a diminishing scale (Tambiah 1977:79-80).

Epicentres in Southeast Asia, such as the Tai, Khmer, and Burmese, typically created their capitals at the confluence of drainage and transportation systems (Stark

2015:83). These epicentres had a penchant for monumentalism in Hindu and/or Buddhist form, often containing secular and religious structures such as walls, roads, water management features, the royal palace, the state treasury, religious structures, and administrative buildings (Aung-Thwin 2012:92-93; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:69; Bentley 1986:284; Dumarcay 1991:1, 5, 7, 41-42; Dumarcay and Smithies

1995:9, 102, 106; Evans et al. 2013:1, 3; Rooney 2008:71; Stark 2015:84, 92). The administrative structures were the settings for activities relating to justice, trade, redistribution, and the maintenance of integrative features, agriculture, and water management systems (Coe 2003:136, 141; Coedès 1963; Dumarcay 1991:41-42;

O’Connor 1983:52; Rooney 2008:28-29). In many cases, the epicentre’s walls, usually made of earth, stone, or brick, were punctuated by gates, and constructed with a surrounding moat, the encompassed the entire epicentre, or at least large parts of it

(Dumarcay and Smithies 1995:9). While some walls were built for defensive purposes, others functioned to separate the secular and sacred parts of the epicentre from the rest of the urban sprawl (Coningham et al. 2007:703). By enclosing structures that were symbolically powerful (temples, elaborate houses, irrigation, etc.), the space within the

32 walled epicentre was distinguished as an important site in contrast to the surrounding peri-urban and rural landscapes (Geertz 1959:1007).

Most epicentres were a place of privilege reserved for the elite stratum of society, with the majority of the population, agriculture, irrigation works, and religious buildings located outside of the epicentre’s walls (Aung-Thwin 2012:69; Dumarcay and Smithies

1995:90; Rooney 2008:29). These epicentres served more regal-ritual functions, containing well-defined administrative and religious districts, and they thus acted as the ritual and political centres for high ranking members of society (Aung-Thwin 2012:69;

Kim 2013:237, 241-242; Miksic 2000:107; Rooney 2008:29; Stark 2015:84). Epicentres were evidently important ritual centres, as they often housed higher densities of ritual architecture and large numbers of religious statuary than that found in surrounding settlements (Stark 2015:79).

According to John Miksic (2000), these types of epicentres could be classified as

“orthogenetic”. Orthogenetic cities were typically found within agrarian heartlands and were associated with stability, partially generated by surplus staple crop production, and ritual, which becomes apparent in monumentality (Aung Aung Hlaing 2011; Miksic

2000:107; Iannone 2015:255; Redfield and Singer 1954). Orthogenetic cities were characterized by a lack of dense population, a characteristic of low-density centres, and they were “large, and usually organized on a spatial layout such as a partial grid, and operated as the locus of ritual state power” (Fletcher 2009:288; Miksic 2000:107, 109).

Orthogenetic cities typically served bureaucratic (e.g., redistributive activities) and/or religious purposes (Miksic 2001:92). In contrast, “heterogenetic” cities were commonly located along ecological edges (e.g., coastal zones) and acted as the hubs of commercialization with an emphasis on manufacturing and free enterprise, they contained

33 few monuments, and had a dense population who engaged in a wide range of economic activities (Iannone 2015:255; Miksic 2001: 92, 95). Dumarcay and Smithies (1995:90) even argue that marketplaces and other exchange centres in Southeast Asian states typically occurred outside the epicentre. Redfield and Singer (1954:55) suggest that urban centres that primarily perform economic functions are a relatively modern phenomenon.

While it is evident that many epicentres served civic-ceremonial functions, little work has been done to understand the economic functions of epicentres (Stark 2015: 79). Although

Bagan is characterized by its numerous religious monuments and low population density, the lack of archaeological evidence makes it difficult to assess whether Bagan was a heterogenetic or an orthogenetic city (Miksic 2001:99, 102), or whether it started off as one type of city and over time transformed into the other (Redfield and Singer 1954:62)?

Exemplary Centres. Geertz (1980) argued that Southeast Asian states were met with the challenge of consolidating power in a landscape that naturally encouraged fragmentation, resulting in low-density settlement patterns. To offset the centrifugal tendencies of the population, kings were required to continuously reinforce their right to rule by enhancing not only their own spiritual potency through rituals, but also that of the epicentre through its layout and embellishment. Epicentres were therefore transformed into exemplary centres, spaces that were imbued with religious and spiritual significance through the representation of cosmos that were combined with messages of the political order (Errington 1989; Geertz 1980:13; Tambiah 1977; Wheatley 1971:436-451). These exemplary centres could gain their potency from events, monuments, and persons considered models of social, political, and spiritual perfection, and were meant to reflect their understanding of the cosmos (Pugh 2003:409). These centres maintained stability

34 for the overarching political body by attracting and grounding surrounding communities to these religious and politically significant spaces (Errington 1989:139).

An exemplary centre was ideologically meant to represent the absolute centre, an embodiment of totality and unification (Tambiah 1977:79). For epicentres in Southeast

Asia, this was achieved by using Hindu and Buddhist traditions from India and incorporating them into the design and layout of their architecture in order to be a reflection of the universe on a microcosmic scale (Geertz 1980:13; Stuart-Fox and Reeve

2011:107-109; Tambiah 1977:79). Many tropical states attempted to imbue their epicentres with both religious and political significance (Rooney 2008:40). The epicentre’s monumentality served as an embodiment of the ruler’s legitimacy, as rulers could use the size and elaboration of structures to display their power, with larger structures reflecting larger resources and labour pools, symbolizing a powerful ruler

(Shirkey 2015:32). By making the connection between the state and the divine, it ensured that the Crown was a promoter of moral and religious governance, bringing success and prosperity for both the ruler and its inhabitants, and allowing the ruler to advance both their political and spiritual agendas (Carl et al. 2000:350; Higham 2000:356; Iannone

2015:254; Stuart-Fox and Reeve 2011:107).

The depiction of cosmological attributes in the epicentre helped strengthen its religious, and therefore, moral authority, justifying the ruler’s divine right to rule

(McCloud 1995:73-75). The spiritual potency imbued in these centres emphasized a collective idea of the divinity of the centre, when the political reality of Southeast Asian states was one of continuous division and segmentation amongst the many politically autonomous communities (Geertz 1980:18-19, 62). As the political system of a state was represented in its religion, the state, in turn, was expressed through ceremonies and rituals

35 that celebrated the idea that the social order was a reflection of the cosmic order (Geertz

1980:105). The centripetal power of exemplary centres lays partly in their importance as venues for performance, especially in the epicentre where spectacles and pageantry involved the rulers and their entourages, thereby merging the church and state (Stark

2015:86, 90).

Exemplary centres amongst Southeast Asian states emerged from monumental architecture that existed at the heart of small communities, who over time grew into larger settlements, developing into more complex centres that stood out from their surrounding settlements, eventually transforming into epicentres (Heitzman 1997:113;

Iannone 2015:253). Amongst the early Chola communities of South India, small settlements of brahmans, merchants and artisans clustered around holy sites (Heitzman

1987:110-111). These holy sites became increasingly flooded with donations, in turn attracting more people to the space around these temples. Over time, this led to the development of large habitation sites around these monuments (Heitzman 1987:111).

Even amongst the ancient Maya, at Tikal, residential densities were high around temple complexes even though the state operated within a low-density settlement pattern

(Fletcher 2009:10). As people became increasingly attracted to the spiritual significance that was imbued into particular spaces, over time, the Chola holy sites transformed into

“temple cities” (Heitzman 1987:91).

These religious edifices, particularly the monumental ones, were beacons on the landscape, whose religious potency and extravagance pulled people towards them (Aung-

Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:89). It was in and around these monuments that the holiest shrines, the most revered monks, sacred relics, and the grandest of religious festivals were located (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:89). As rulers used religious festivals

36 to draw residents from the surrounding landscape to these centres for communal worship, such rituals and performances served the important function of creating social identity

(Geertz 1980:13; Redfield and Singer 1954:60; Stark 2015:88). As these centres grew from the local culture, the surrounding communities more readily accepted this unification, facilitating the Crown’s rule over them (Redfield and Singer 1954:66).

In addition to incorporating religious monuments into their city-scape, many

Southeast Asian states either replicated or evoked ideas of Mount Meru through their architecture, as another means of imbuing their epicentres with spiritual potency (Eck

1987:5). Mount Meru was the heavenly land where gods dwelled. It was believed to be centre of the universe, and surrounded by oceans and mountain ranges (Hudson

2004:222; Tambiah 1977:69). By mimicking the layout of the celestial realm, this equates the epicentre with the center of the universe, a microcosm of the macrocosm (Ashmore

1991:200, Eck 1987:4; Errington 1989:4, 51; Tambiah 1977:69). For example, in

Cambodia at Yasodharapura, the first city of Angkor dated to the 9th century, the capital was built around a mountain with a temple at its summit that an inscription describes as

“equal in beauty to the king of the mounts (Mount Meru)” (Heine-Geldern 1956:4).

As with temple cities and other exemplary centres, as people moved towards these centres, they brought with them their labour, resources, and wealth, flooding these sites with capital. This increased flow of wealth allowed for the greater ornamentation of an exemplary centre’s monuments, architecture, and infrastructure, as well as a greater elaboration of rituals, increasing their spiritual significance and their overall gravitational pull. In turn, people became ever more attracted to these sites, as they were where resources and infrastructure, such as land, irrigation, and capital were concentrated in the form of endowments. This encouraged the development of permanent communities

37 around these temple complexes (Heitzman 1987:107; Aung-Thwin 1985:26, 43-44, 169-

171; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:94; Hudson 2008:555). This mobilization of people was especially significant as it helped the Crown to mobilize its labour, a resource that was arguably to the most important for state development and expansion across

Southeast Asia (Andaya and Andaya 2015:4; Lieberman 2009:764-765, 2011:941). These temple complexes and their surrounding communities were transformed from small bodies into large ritual centres, integrating within their administrative framework the major religious institution and the agrarian resources from local and sometimes distant lands (Heitzman 1987:107). Temple complexes became the spatial and symbolic heart of settlements, whose lifeways were not only deeply integrated with temple functions but also linked their community with other temple cities. Amongst the temple cities of India, these centres were linked to smaller temple communities, creating a large network of temples with communities relying on one another to supply each other with resources that were not readily available to them (Heitzman 1987:85, 99, 103). This created a growing political and commercial network that helped the Crown maintain its rule over a population that was otherwise weakly tied to it (Geertz 1980; Heitzman 1987:83).

Although our knowledge regarding ancient residential neighbourhoods at Bagan is virtually non-existent, in contemporary Bagan village-planning continues to be heavily influenced by Buddhist beliefs, replicating traits of exemplary centres but to a lesser degree in comparison to the epicentre. Temples and monastic complexes served as the spiritual, and sometimes spatial, core of communities. Amongst the contemporary villages at Bagan, the monastic complex associated with each neighbourhood cluster acts as the central hub for the community, and is designed to be symbolically meaningful. All villages in contemporary Bagan are associated with a monastic complex (Freeston

1974:44, 67). It is within the monastic compounds that ritualistic activities are held, important discussions take place, and where villagers congregate periodically. In ancient times, the religious functionaries at these centres also included administrative duties on behalf of the Crown, and the religious complexes also acted as state treasuries, thereby establishing links between the epicentre and these monuments, the former being used by the latter to oversee neighbouring settlements (Aung-Thwin 1981:45, 1990:45; Dumarcay

1991:83; Geertz 1980; Wheatley 1983:16, 181).

Due to their importance, it is not surprising then that the monastic compound typically has the most substantial and elaborate buildings (Spate 1945:531). In ancient times, the monastery within the complex, like the royal palace, was also constructed with a pyatthat, the seven-tiered chandelier-like roof, that was intended to be evocative of

Mount Meru (Moore 2000:21, 24-25). While the monastic complex is a central component to village life, from contemporary observations, they are not always spatially located at the centre of these settlements. For example, the monastic complexes of the village of Hypauk-Seik-Pin and Minnanthu are found along the borders of the village whilst the centre of the village is occupied by residential structures. Regardless of their spatial placement, the monastic complex, temples, and stupas continue to be core components to village life. As Bagan was modelled after the mandala settlement pattern and since temple cities could become central spaces, it brings into question whether

Bagan’s religious monuments were influential enough to become their own cores and compete with the walled epicentre as an exemplary centre, pulling people towards them, or whether instead they continued to act as lesser states, further helping link the surrounding communities with the epicentre, thereby facilitating the Crown’s rule.

Bagan’s Epicentre

Bagan’s epicentre is defined by the kingdom’s walled and moated enclosure

(Figure 2.1). The walls surrounding Bagan’s epicentre were punctuated by twelve gates, four main ones facing the cardinal directions with two minor ones flanking each of the main gates (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:81). This walled epicentre was roughly

1.5 km2 (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:78) and primarily served as the residential space for the royal family, monks, noblemen, and their attendants (Aung-Thwin 1985:50-

51, 1987:88; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:78; Daw Thin Kyi 1966:187; Hudson

2004:221-222). The royal palaces of Bagan were rectangular planned sites and, like the epicentre, were enclosed by walls (U Kan Hla 1979:98-99). The space between the epicentre’s walls and the palace walls were used to house minor buildings and structures

(U Kan Hla 1979:99), including living quarters, monasteries, ordination halls, water management features, roads, temples, stupas, and libraries (Aung-Thwin 1985:50-52,

1986: 237, 1987:89-91; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:81; Daw Thin Kyi

1966:179; Hudson 2004:220).

When the epicentre was first constructed, there appears to have been two main roads, one that was north-south oriented and another that went from east to west (Daw

Thin Kyi 1966:180). These two roads currently intersect just outside of the Atwin Zigon stupa (Figure 2.1) and roughly divide the city into four quadrants. Daw Thin Kyi

(1966:179) has also argued that the epicenter was enclosed by four walls; however, the western wall along with at least one-third of the city has been completely washed away by the Ayeyarwaddy River. Bagan may have originally had a square layout, especially since Burmese traditional city planning involved the construction of square settlements, with nearly ten different cities being built in similar fashions (Aung-Thwin 1986:237; U

Kan Hla 1978:94-95, 1979). The epicentre’s placement along the Ayeyarwaddy River made it an ideal location for trading activities (Christie 1995:249) and also enabled the epicentre to act as a redistributive centre, where tax and tribute were collected and eventually moved back into the landscape, largely in the form of endowments to the

Sangha (Coedès 1968:17; O’Reilly 2007:40; Wisseman 1995:241).

PAGAN

IP~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Atwin Zigon 4~~~~an - ~~~~~~~~~~~n 9 - - PagoANGIdILAG

-h bod

t win 19on~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~/ \\-~~

/Steameer,

Limt ote peset ettemnaaT. ml ~ 30 9 30 69 90 l00ter M3n Mot.Foo Pah. ~ Shwequg~~qL awdaw PCIin ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ bac. ,,ii Wl. iypB uf

Figure 2.1. Map of the walled epicentre of Bagan (modified from Daw Thin Kyi 1966:182).

Bagan’s epicentre was also a civic-ceremonial or regal-ritual complex, whose architecture and city-planning was imbued with cosmological significance which power

(political, religious, and cultural) emanated from, transforming the epicentre into an

This content downloaded from 192.12.12.101 on Thu, 6 Feb 2014 13:48:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

41 exemplary centre (Aung-Thwin 1986:237; Cowgill 2004:527; Iannone 2017a:3; Isendahl

2012:113; Smith 2010:138). Although the epicentre’s wall along the western edge of the

Bagan epicenter is believed to have been eroded away by the Ayeyarwaddy River (Daw

Thin Kyi 1966:180), the parallels between the gates that lined the epicentre’s walls along the cardinal directions, as well as the moat surrounding the royal palace, are evocative of the four lesser peaks and ocean surrounding Mount Meru (Srinurak and Mishima

2017:14; Stuart-Fox and Reeve 2011:109, 113; Wheatley 1971:437). As the walls and moats surrounding the epicentre were not built for defensive purposes (Aung-Thwin and

Aung-Thwin 2012:80-82; U Kan Hla 1977:19; Daw Thin Kyi 1966:187), it has been suggested that they were built to serve ideological functions, replicating the spatial organization of Mount Meru (Hudson 2004:264). As mentioned above, the royal palace was constructed with a pyatthat, a seven-tiered chandelier-like roof structure that represented the peak of Mount Meru (Aung-Thwin 1981:53; Hudson 2004:222).

Bagan’s epicentre was also organized based upon the “mandala” or “galactic” model. Within the epicentre, the royal palace, a central entity, is believed to have been surrounded by temples and monasteries, which in turn were surrounded by elite residences with commoners residing along the peripheries (Aung-Thwin 1981:53). While the epicentre was initially intended to function as the main residence of the Crown and its royal court, its “exemplary” status as a religious and political centre would have eventually attracted people to move closer towards this space, as determined by the mandala model. However, no investigations have been conducted to try to understand how this movement of people may have transformed the settlement patterns and the function of the epicentre.

DISCUSSION

The Buddhist idea of merit-making was responsible for the construction of an estimated 4,000 religious monuments in Bagan’s peri-urban zone (Aung-Thwin

1985:175; U Kan Hla 1977:15). As discussed in Chapter 1, merit-making was a Buddhist ideal that guided all aspects of Burmese life, as it was responsible for determining both the current and future status of an individual (Aung-Thwin 1985:164; Aung-Thwin

1987:89; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:83-84). The distribution of merit primarily took the form of donating Crown resources, capital, and most importantly, people, to the

Sangha. These donations were then used for the construction of temples and stupas

(Aung-Thwin 1985:26, 43-44, 169-171; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:94;

Duroiselle 1921; Frasch 2014; Stadtner 2013:18). The movement of people away from state control, and ultimately state taxation (Aung-Thwin 1985:184), was especially meritous, as people were the most valuable resource amongst tropical societies. Although tropical states, Bagan included, had an abundance of raw materials, they lacked the workforce, let alone the concentrated workforce, needed to utilize these raw materials

(Andaya and Andaya 2015:4; Lieberman 2009:764-765).

The sponsorship of temples, stupas, and monasteries, by the Crown, resulted in the displacement of the state’s capital and people towards these religious monuments to facilitate not only their construction but also their maintenance. The practice of individuals entering into the service of the Sangha has been well documented in the historical record. Bondage, or kywanship, was the norm in ancient Bagan, as all individuals and institutions in Bagan participated in some form of patron-client relationship that was ultimately connected to either the Crown or the Sangha. Bonded

43 peoples (kyon), individuals who entered into legal contracts with nobles, or more often, to either the Crown or the Sangha (Iannone 2017b:2), worked primarily as indentured labourers, and could either be voluntarily or involuntarily placed into these contracts

(Aung-Thwin 1985:77; Win Than Tun 2002:58). This patron-client system developed from the idea that individuals were encouraged to find a niche within the established order, a niche that could be found through bondage (Aung-Thwin 1985:76). Bondage, or kywanship, promised social security, economic opportunity, family stability, as well as social, political, and spiritual status (Aung-Thwin 1985:76).

Figure 2.2. The patron-client relationship (exploitation and paternalism) is not always symbiotic. This figure also provides examples as to why individuals, communities, or institutions enter into these relationships.

Many inscriptions from the Bagan period record people and resources being donated to religious monuments. Whether individuals were permanently moved to the religious monuments that they were working on or whether they were relocated after accomplishing their task remains unclear, especially since, as previously discussed,

44 residential structures could be quickly built by anyone in the community, allowing these populations to be fairly mobile. These relationships were not exclusively symbiotic as they were not always mutually beneficial nor were they always sustainable (Figure 2.2).

Nevertheless, this patron-client system was responsible for the movement of people and resources towards either the Crown or the Sangha. Whilst the construction of such a large amount of religious monuments is testament to the Crown’s ability to have been able to concentrate its workforce, a task, as we have discussed, made difficult due to the low- density nature of Bagan’s populations, no investigations have been conducted regarding how the Crown-Sangha relationship, guided by the idea of merit-making, influenced

Bagan’s peri-urban settlements.

As no archaeological settlement studies have been conducted at Bagan, our assumptions regarding its settlement patterns are mostly extrapolated from our understanding of other tropical states, as well as ethnoarchaeological and ethnographic observations of contemporary communities living in and around Bagan. Whilst we know that large amounts of labour went into constructing the thousands of monuments in

Bagan’s peri-urban zone, it remains unclear whether the gravitational pull that resulted from these monuments was strong enough to result in the establishment of a relatively concentrated population.

Within a contemporary context, the spiritual potency of monuments has the ability to attract people towards them to varying degrees. Beyond the largest monumental temples and stupas at Bagan (Ananda, Shwezigon, Dhammayazika, etc.), which attract thousands of visitors each year (Hudson et al. 2001:48; Stadtner 2013:43), many of

Bagan’s religious monuments are still components of an extensive pilgrimage initiative that brings donations and offerings to various communities surrounding the old epicentre

(Stadtner 2013:43). This demonstrates the gravitational forces that these monuments can still exert. Whilst the epicentre is identified as an exemplary space, South Asian and

Southeast Asian states were unique in that exemplary centres did not necessarily indicate the presence of one singular site, but rather multiple exemplary centres could exist with varying degrees of potency (Eck 1987:9). At Bagan, the exemplary centre was not solely limited to the epicentre, but rather smaller and slightly less potent exemplary centres may have emerged alongside the various religious monuments. The findings from this thesis will determine if there is greater evidence to support the presence of a dispersed, low- density settlement pattern in Bagan’s peri-urban zone, but to also explore if the various religious monuments were able to attract people and resources, thereby encouraging the formation of neighbourhood clusters and communities that were highly entangled with the temples and stupas and the religious personal who ministered from them.

From the limited literature concerning Bagan’s settlement patterning, it is evident that our understanding of the neighbourhoods in its peri-urban zone is even more so lacking in substance. Once again, the lack of archaeological evidence is the main culprit behind this gap in our knowledge. This forces scholars to rely on ethnographic data and case studies from other tropical states to supplement the missing data. Even with the available data, very little has been documented with regard to how Bagan’s ancient neighbourhoods might have been organized. Further investigations will be required in order to better determine the layout of these settlements. While neighbourhoods may have arisen in response to a concentration of craft specialists, it has also been argued that

Bagan’s peri-urban zone was not designed on either a gridded or orthogonal plan

(Iannone 2015:195, 198). Rather its low-density dispersed urban centre may have resulted

46 in the formation of a quasi-orthogonal city-scape (Iannone 2015:195, 198; Iannone et al.

2018:5; Moore et al. 2016:302).

While we know that both environmental and ideological factors likely played a role as to where settlements were established, the types of features these communities contained and how these features were organized remains unclear. Furthermore, the extent of our knowledge regarding the types of activities that occurred in these communities remains limited to conceiving of these settlements as having been inhabited by agriculturalists of commoner status, with some individuals who, based on the ethnographic records, were also working in specialized activities. This thesis will attempt to go beyond this narrow view of ancient urban life at Bagan, by providing some insights into commoner lifeways, by positing the types of craft specialization that may have existed, and especially by examining how these communities and their inhabitants were potentially influenced by the religious monuments and attendant monks that surrounded them.

CONCLUSIONS

The settlement patterns of the tropics were strongly influenced by the difficult and unique environmental conditions, an environment that encouraged a dispersed population, resulting in the development of low-density urban cities (Fletcher 2009, 2012). At the core of these cities lay the epicentre. The epicentre was the locus of administration and religion, becoming the gravitational centre for the surrounding areas, drawing people to it as a source of power and identity (O’Connor 1983:51).

While the epicentre has typically been at the centre of scholarly focus, much less is known about the communities that surrounded the epicentre. The lack of archaeological data has led to settlement studies being largely neglected in the literature and has resulted in the creation of generalized assumptions regarding the settlement patterns and lifeways of ancient neighbourhoods and communities. What is evident is that Bagan’s religious monuments exerted a gravitational force comparable to the epicentre. Through merit- making, individuals were pulled to these sites. However, how these monuments influenced settlement patterning at Bagan needs to be further explored. This gap, therefore, becomes the focus of my thesis, with the goal of generating new knowledge regarding the nature of both the walled epicentre as well as the settlements that occupied

Bagan’s peri-urban zone. The next chapter will present the theoretical and methodological framework that this thesis will use in order to assess these research objectives.

CHAPTER 3: THEORY AND METHODS

The first part of this chapter will present the theoretical framework upon which this thesis is based. Entanglement theory, as proposed by Ian Hodder (2011a, 2011b,

2012, 2014, 2016a, 2016b), looks at human-human (H-H), human-thing (H-T), thing- human (T-H), and thing-thing (T-T) relationships in terms of how they foster

“dependence” (pl. dependences), which is enabling, or create “dependency” (pl. dependencies), which is constraining (Hodder 2012:17-18). This dependence-dependency continuum can be used to analyze the broader implications of myriad relationships within larger networks of entanglements. Of particular interest for this thesis are the dependences and dependencies that developed as part of the triadic relationship between

Bagan’s commoner population, the Crown, and the Sangha, especially in terms of how these were manifested as a result of merit-making through monument building and its influence on settlement patterning throughout the peri-urban zone, or “plain of merit”

(Stadtner 2013).

The second part of this chapter will be dedicated to explaining the research methods of this thesis. A brief overview regarding the context of the datasets that will be used will be provided along with how they will be used to reconstruct settlement patterning. Lastly, this chapter will evaluate the methodological approach and datasets of this thesis and discuss the limitations of the study.

ENTANGLEMENT THEORY

All humans live within a series of interconnecting, dependent relationships.

Whether these relationships are between other humans or with things, it is impossible to imagine an isolated human. These relationships not only help with our day-to-day activities, but they also define us. As much as humans are dependent beings, so too are

“things” dependent entities. Such relationships are what forms the basis of Ian Hodder’s

(2011a, 2011b, 2012, 2014, 2016) entanglement theory. While these relationships enable humans to be innovative and productive, they also have the ability to inhibit and limit the possibilities for change.

Things and Agency

Hodder (2012:7) defines “things” as discrete entities that are contained and definable. Apart from material beings, his definition also includes entities such as words, thoughts, institutions, and events, for even they exist within a short temporal moment. A thing is something that endures, whether it is something with a very short temporality, such as a sound, or something with a much longer temporality, such as the earth (Hodder

2012:5). Things are not inert nor are they isolated. Like humans, they involve other things or people in their existence (Hodder 2012:7). Most importantly, things have the capability of exerting agency; keeping in mind that while intentionality or conscious agency are traits of human agency, thing agency is not conscious or intentional but still impactful, and it has the ability to enable or constrain the actions of humans and other things (Sillar

2009:367).

Timothy Pauketat (2013:28) and Ian Hodder (2012:2, 16-17, 65, 86) argue that too much emphasis is placed on humans when attempting to understand stability and societal change. Humans are understood as the only entities possessing agency, as it is only humans that are able to act intentionally, while other things cannot (Bauer and

Kosiba 2016:117; Hornborg 2017:98; Jackson and Wright 2014:118; Knappett and

Malafouris 2008). This perspective on humans acting intentionally is primarily interested in understanding human motivation and focuses in how subjects alter social affairs because they seek self-aggrandizement or as an adaptation for a better life (Smith

2001:157-158; Thomas 2000:148). However, the problem with studying societies based on human intentionality is that much of what people do is done unintentionally, without strategic or meaningful reasons (Pauketat 2013:28). Even when people give explanations for motives and reasons for their decisions and actions, this is often done retrospectively, without people noticing their retrospective nature (Inomata 2016:41). Furthermore, changes in relationships and societies are constantly occurring even without human involvement (e.g., natural disasters). Agency itself must therefore be analyzed by its effects rather than its intentions.

By definition, agents must cause events to happen (Pauketat 2013:29). If one phenomenon is able to alter the trajectory of another, it has exercised agency. By this definition, agency is not limited to just humans, and as Brück (2001:655) argues, “agency is located not simply within bounded human bodies but within the wider set of social relationships that make up the person.” Hornborg (2017:98-99) has disagreed with the notion of things or objects possessing agency, due to their lack of intentionality.

However, he does acknowledge that things have the ability to constrain and prompt responses from humans, as well as be delegated specific functions by humans (Hornborg

2017:98-99). These are in essence characteristics belonging to agents. The argument that non-human things are attributed agency by humans stems from western ideas of agency.

To the non-westerner, things such as sacred items may appear to be exerting true agency rather than one attributed by humans. Conflicts emerge when humans and things are distinguished between entities of action and entities of behaviour. Humans often act with intention while things behave according to predictable structural and chemical properties

(Bauer and Kosiba 2016:117; Latour 2005:61). From this perspective, things are secondary. They are instruments for and props of culturally-informed intentions, desires, and actions (Bauer and Kosiba 2016:117).

However, things can have primary agency, not due to intention, but by having direct impacts on human lives (Brown 2001:4; Hodder 2012:68). For example, things, substances, and intangible qualities can in fact produce phenomenal effects that influence humans. The massive overcasting body and piercing eyes of a Buddha statue have the ability to emit feelings of divinity, prompting some individuals to worship in response.

Apart from evoking feelings of spirituality, the statue’s placement within a temple contains the statue’s agency within a designated spatial context (Pauketat 2013:38). The statue’s placement at the centre of a temple emphasizes its spiritual importance whilst also confining its symbolic meaning within the temple building. The agency of things emerges out of the dynamic process of human interaction with them (Sillar 2009:368).

Things in this context engage in emotions and evoke memories, ideas, and meaning, and in our minds gives them “social life”, with agency being achieved by how people perceive and engage with things through their conscious agency (Joyce 2003:105-109;

Looper 2012; Sillar 2009:368; Urcid 2011:114-123). Even though the temple compounds of Southeast Asia – including those at Bagan – were structurally complete entities in

52 themselves, they needed people to draw out their full meaning and functionality, bringing people and the monuments into a reciprocal relationship (Haendel 2012:205).

Materials have the ability to reflect cultural values and social organization, communicating ideas about that particular society to the viewer (Bauer and Kosiba

2016:117). They can also illicit a response from both humans and other things, such as the environment, at various stages in their lifespan, from their creation, to their use and reproduction, and finally to their disposal (Hodder 2012:54; Miller 1998:3). Gell (1998) and Gosden (2005) argue that things use people in order to function, emphasizing the active agency that things can exert whilst humans are secondary agents in these scenarios.

As things are tools for human agency, they become embedded in a web of complex interdependent relationships with humans. Though things lack volition or intentionality, they can still have an effect on other people that is independent of the original maker’s intentions (Sillar 2009:368). How things, because of their relationship to other things, or their signifying properties, structure the social life of humans will be a topic that will be further elaborated upon later in this chapter.

Humans, Things, and Bundles

From a strictly material perspective, a bundle is composed of two or more items intentionally held together so that they may influence one another in order to serve a greater function (Zedeño 2008:362). Archaeological bundles, however, are far more than a collection of objects. Bundling, according to Timothy Pauketat (2013:34), is the process of positioning things in certain spaces. Bundles have the ability to reconfigure or transform entire webs of relationships (Pauketat 2013:34). Keane (2003:414, 421) suggests that people, things, and particular material qualities tend to be bundled together

53 in forms that embody, index, and objectify social affairs, and they thus have the ability to incite and modify human behaviour. Hence, a temple, because of its durable features and its static spatial position, can take on a meaningful social role as an enduring object that authenticates authoritative speech and validates ritual. Furthermore, their location and visibility can be used to organize the broader space surrounding them (Heitzman

1997:82-142; Iannone 2015:258).

Studying bundles involves analyzing the relationships and the grouping of things.

These groupings often include ideas regarding societal concepts and practices, and understanding the principles that guide these relationships can be used to better understand societal worldviews (Zedeño 2008:363, 376). The dependences and dependencies between humans and things can be represented in webs of meaning that are often embedded within a set of practices and experiences (Hodder 2012:97). Bundles are created within these webs and it is these bundles that string together things that both enable and constrain. Whilst one of the appeals of entanglement theory is its broad nature, which allows for its application in a wide variety of systems, this broadness can also be a limitation, as relationships between things and humans can become lost in such large networks. Bundles are therefore useful when applied alongside entanglement theory as they provide spatial boundaries that allow for the study of entanglements within a more defined space (Pauketat 2013:27).

Of concern to this thesis are the religious monuments of Bagan and the bundles that formed in and around them, creating a meshwork of things and people interacting and entangling with one and other (Iannone 2017b:4, 2017c:5; Ingold 2010:3, 2015:3).

These monuments were nodal features in Bagan’s landscape that wove together economic, environmental, social, religious, and even political entanglements into agentic

“bundles” (Iannone 2017b:4, 2017c:5; Pauketat 2013:34, 130). In other words, these entanglements were significant as they imbued the temples with agency (Pauketat

2013:41), transforming them into meaningful places for people (Haendel 2012:203).

These bundles were made up of concentrated relationships that extended outwards and articulated with other bundles creating a landscape of entanglements in which the various bundles had the potential to be tightly or loosely bound together. Of interest to this thesis are those aspects of the temple bundles that were most entangled with Bagan’s commoner population, the Sangha, and the Crown, as these would have potentially influenced

Bagan’s peri-urban settlement patterns.

Human – Thing Entanglements (H-T)

Amongst the most basic relationships in existence are those that arise between humans and things. Humans cannot be separated from things, as things are always involved in some project that we undertake. As a result, humans become dependent on things but often the use of things is short-sighted as we are not always able to perceive how this dependence will affect the future and how relationships of dependence

(enabling) may in turn transform into dependencies (constraining) (Hodder 2012:17).

Humans are surrounded by things, and bundles of things, that all function together in order to complete a task. This deeply ingrained relationship of human dependence on things provides us with a source of identity and even empowerment. However, as much as the relationship is enabling, the dependence can also be constraining, as human dependence is transformed into dependency. The more deeply entangled the human-thing dependence becomes, the more difficult it is for humans to separate themselves from the things that they rely on for their survival and identity.

When a single component of a bundles of things breaks down, the relationships that existed within these bundles becomes much more apparent, especially when the dysfunction of this one thing limits us from a variety of other actions that we may have been unaware of (Hodder 2012:28). Whilst humans seek out stability from thing- dependence, they are sometimes also forced to try and escape from such relationships, as path-dependencies will eventually result in a vulnerability that arises with ephemeral or shifting things.

Humans and things are constantly and inherently reacting and changing with respect to one another. Humans are involved with making and repairing things, and in turn we move closer towards them as they become increasingly dependent on us.

However, just as we move closer to some things, other things have the ability to push us further away from them (Hodder 2012:38). Things that we find dangerous, undesirable, or useless are things that we distance ourselves from. In the same way that humans may be attracted to high rainfall regions for the benefit of increased crop production, they distance themselves when the rains turn to floods.

Thing – Thing Entanglements (T-T)

As stated previously, things are neither isolated nor static. They are constantly transforming and being transformed by other things (Hodder 2012:41). The use of things also brings them into contact with more things (Figure 3.1) (Hodder 2012:43). A

Buddhist temple needs a Buddha statue if it is to be used. This Buddha statue can only be properly worshipped if it has an altar with a place to put offerings. Then there are the bricks and plaster that were used to construct the temple the Buddha is housed in. This

56 interaction between things develops into functional relationships where things are dependent on other things to serve their function.

Figure 3.1. Some of the tools and things involved with bricks and the thing-thing dependences that form between them (modified from Hodder 2012:Figure 3.2).

All things share the commonality of undergoing life cycles. However, the length of the stages within each life cycle varies with each thing. The life cycle begins with the thing’s production or reproduction and ends with the discard of the thing (Hodder

2012:42). As temples rely on the individual bricks for their formation, so too do these bricks depend on clay and kilns to be made and reproduced. While things depend on things, so too are humans involved with the process as they are the ones digging the clay, firing the kilns, and plastering the bricks that will eventually lead to a temple being made.

Hodder (2012) elaborates further on the life cycles of things and how this results in another type of thing dependence, the “behavioural chain”. The behavioural chain represents the stages in which a thing is formed, used, and eventually discarded (Hodder

2012:56). Each stage involves the actions of humans who work alongside the interaction of things. As humans are also dependent on things, they therefore become involved in thing-thing co-dependents.

The construction and function of a temple at Bagan involves the incorporation of numerous components and systems. Building materials were transported from various parts of the empire and Buddhism itself was an idea and institution originally brought from India. These things participated in various transport systems, trade systems, and overarching governing systems. On most occasions the goal of the archaeologist is to learn as much as possible about the form and material of a thing (Hodder 2012:50). Its function can sometimes be interpreted through use wear, residue analysis, and the context of its discovery. However, understanding the networks of which a thing was part, the broader connections with other things, is often neglected or ignored due to the difficulty of finding these invisible links (Hodder 2012:48). These links are essential as they shed light onto how various things came to be and why other things become undone.

All thing-thing relationships, as well as other types of relationships, experience unequal degrees of dependencies. There are no mutual relationships in which both parties equally benefit, but rather one thing may eventually limit or constrain the future functionality of another (Hodder 2012:51). One example is the ploughing of agricultural fields. The initial deep ploughing of fields allows for an increase in crop production

(dependence) as more nutrients are drawn to the surface. However, repeated deep ploughing eventually leads to relationships of dependency. The declining nutrient content because of the deep ploughing calls for more expensive and time-consuming practices.

Agriculturalists are forced to place more resources and time into strategies such as fertilization, or allow their fields to fallow, halting production for a number of years, as a

58 means of promoting regeneration. Therefore, while deep ploughing is initially enabling of higher productivity, it can eventually be constraining in terms of diminishing returns and greater labour investments. As more energy is inputted into the crop production, this relationship is transformed into one that is constraining.

Thing – Human Entanglements (T-H)

The behavioural chain, the life cycle of things, has humans involved at every stage. Therefore, things are dependent on humans who are responsible for making, using, repairing, and discarding them (Hodder 2012:64). Tools are made by humans who extract and shape the necessary resources, but also organic things such as plants and animals rely on humans in a similar fashion. The domestication of plants and animals has led to strong dependencies forming with humans, as humans are now essential for not only their reproduction but also for their survival, leaving little flexibility within this animal-human relationship.

Regardless of how permanent a thing seems, things are not inert. All things transform, grow, change, die, or run out (Hodder 2012:64). The temples and monasteries that were built during the Bagan period and continue to withstand the test of time seem very stable and long lasting. However, even at the microscopic level the particles that make up the foundations and bricks will eventually transform, split, and decay. In recent years, these religious monuments formed dependencies with humans with respect to the repairs that were required after the earthquakes of 1975 and 2016.

These earthquakes seriously damaged a number of temples and stupas. These monuments then had to depend on humans for renovations and repairs as new fixtures were needed to replace those that fell off or to those that were damaged. The proper

59 maintenance and rebuilding of these structures depends on those with the appropriate training and experience, a skilled craftsperson who has access to suitable materials and resources. In order to be able to continue to worship at these temples, humans become invested in maintaining these buildings. Therefore, as things create dependencies with humans, so too do humans get drawn into greater labour and into a variety of specific responses and behaviours in order to maintain these things in certain ways (Hodder

2012:72).

Understanding how things can influence responses on humans incorporates human behavioural ecology into archaeology (Hodder 2012:80). This theory seeks to understand how human behaviour makes use of resources differently in different conditions and assumes that humans will exploit resources with the highest rate of return

(Hodder 2012:80-81). However, Hodder (2012:84) also makes note of the importance of identifying the differences between immediate and delayed return systems with regards to thing-human relationships. While small-scale hunter-gatherer societies usually live within a temporal world of quick returns, agrarian-based societies tend to experience delayed returns. These agrarian societies exploit resources that are initially energetically costly.

An agriculturalist must first plough and irrigate their fields, then further wait for their crops to ripen before harvesting them. However, these initial time and energy investments allow for greater returns in the future.

Human – Human Entanglements (H-H)

Humans are essentially a type of thing, and like things they are also not isolated or inert. Humans depend on and are transformed by other humans. Humans depend on each other for the making and operation of things that help humans to function, survive,

60 propagate, and prosper. As with their relationships with things, humans can form both equal and unequal relationships with other humans (Hodder 2012:26). Unequal relationships between humans are more typical from a broader societal perspective, but more mutually beneficial relationships typically form within smaller scale relationships.

It is within these mutualistic relationships that groups of people are able to ensure that things can continue to work and function to meet our everyday needs. This is especially notable when humans work together in order to maintain things that are communally used. For example, access to temples for worship is provided for all members of the society currently living in and around Bagan’s monument zone. This requires a multitude of people for not only temple upkeep, but it is also necessary that all people abide by a general code of conduct to maintain the space for its intended purpose.

Discussion

Entanglement = (HT) + (TT) + (TH) + (HH)

The four types entanglements previously discussed (human-thing, thing-thing, thing-human, and human-human) can be input into the equation above as a way to determine entanglements. All entanglements involve both humans and things either directly or indirectly, even amongst the human-human and thing-thing relationships. As a result of this close relationship between humans and things, inevitably humans become caught in a double bind (Hodder 2012:88, 112), with humans depending on things that depend on them. Humans eventually become entrapped within these relationships.

Relationships that are increasingly dependent on one another can eventually lead to the creation of entrapments. Entrapments that stem from human-thing relationships can be

61 further amplified with the added entanglement of things depending on other things

(Hodder 2012:79, 89).

Entanglements with things can constrain innovation (dependency) and limit the possibilities for change for humans, especially when humans and things live in different temporalities. Things tend to have longer lifespans than humans, making it difficult for humans to assess the long-term consequences of their dependence (Hodder 2012:100).

This inability to predict future outcomes can lead humans into path dependencies, entrapping humans and leaving very few options for adaption during periods of change

(Hodder 2012:112; Ingold 2010:3). Entanglements can be strong, weak, concentrated, integrated, and dispersed (Hodder 2012:107). Some entangled systems might still function even when other components of it are missing or non-functioning. However, a highly integrated system may require all aspects to function correctly in order for it to work, and it is in these systems that societies are vulnerable to collapse and/or reorganization (Cowgill 1988:257; Hodder 2012:106).

METHODS

The findings from this thesis will help broaden our understanding of settlement patterning in Bagan with a particular focus on how religious monuments – a by-product of merit-making – were influential in the establishment and lifeways of settlements. In order to accomplish this, I will reconstruct two settlement levels (the epicentre and the neighbourhood) using the information collected from the historical literature and iconographic records. These two datasets can be used to provide evidence for the presence of low-density urbanism, help identify lifeways and settlement features, as well

62 as aid in the determination of the socio-religious bundles that were present in Bagan’s peri-urban zone. Through merit-making and merit-distribution, the Crown bonded resources and more importantly people to the Sangha for temple, stupa, and monastery building projects. As a result, the Sangha became dependent on the Crown’s endowments for the maintenance of its infrastructure and institutions. In addition, people could also voluntarily bond themselves to the Sangha for economic and spiritual benefits. Because of monument building, the Crown, Sangha, and commoner population became entangled with one another, thus shaping the settlement patterns of the city and its broader city- scape. The nature of these entanglements will be discussed in Chapter 5. This discussion will draw upon the data collected from the historical literature and iconographic records alongside findings from ethnographic observations as well as general trends seen amongst other tropical states. Whilst these historical datasets do have their limitations, due to the lack of corroborating archaeological evidence, they are currently the best source of evidence available for discussing settlement patterning in Bagan.

An Overview of the Historical Literature: Inscriptions and Chronicles

Almost unparalleled elsewhere in Southeast Asia, Myanmar has a long and extensive collection of ancient epigraphic records as well as an abundance of textural data

(Chain 2015:19). These records were used to archive histories, religious doctrines, kingship duties, ceremonies and rituals, and to record donations as a means of documenting the amount of merit an individual had accumulated. These texts provide insight into settlements and settlement-life, and the iconographic record can supplement any missing information from this dataset in order to create a better understanding of

Bagan’s peri-urban settlement zone.

The Chronicles. Chronicling was prevalent throughout Myanmar’s history, and it was used by kings as a way to document the country’s dynastic past (Hudson 2004:23).

Whilst a number of chronicles exist, the Glass Palace Chronicles are the most translated chronicles available for the English-speaking scholar, and it will, therefore, be the primary chronicles used for this thesis (Hudson 2004:24). The Chronicles were a compilation of inscriptions as well as other historical texts and were produced in the early nineteenth century by King Bagydaw (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:ix). King Bagydaw commissioned various learned monks and scholars to produce a history of Myanmar’s kings from as early as the time of the Buddha (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:9).

The primary motivation behind the compilation of these chronicles was to legitimize the current king, as the Chronicles traced his lineage back to the great kings of

Myanmar (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:xv; Tainturier 2014:238). The Chronicles, apart from listing lines of succession, also contained detailed descriptions of religious ceremonies, kingly duties, relationships between gods and people, the ascension of kings, as well as notable deaths (Hudson 2004:24; Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923). Underlying these narratives, the Chronicles emphasized the importance of merit accumulation as a way to promote and sustain Buddhism (Chain 2015:24; Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923).

Building and renovating shrines (i.e., temples and stupas), the making of images of the

Buddha, the copying of religious texts, the promotion of Buddhist teachings, the funding of monasteries, and providing food and other basic necessities to monks were all ideals that the Chronicles advocated for and documented (Chain 2015:24). This thesis will also include secondary commentary from English-speaking scholars who have presented relevant passages from additional chronicles.

The Inscriptions. Inscriptions are commonly found on carved stela monuments associated with temples and stupas. They tend to provide information regarding endowments made to a specific religious monument. As part of merit building these inscriptions kept track of an individual’s donations. As a result, they contain information pertaining to donor names, types of resources and amounts donated, and additional information such as whether the donation was made on the behalf of others. This thesis will draw upon a list of inscriptions that were translated into English and were compiled in 1921 by the historian and archaeologist Charles Duroiselle. This dataset includes inscriptions found throughout Myanmar and provides information such as the date of the inscription, its locality, the name of the inscription’s dedicator, as well as a brief summary of the contents of the inscription. Although this data source is extensive, its summaries of the inscriptions often lack important information that is relevant to this thesis. Therefore, I will also be using the epigraphic database created by Tilman Frasch

(2014) in order to augment any missing information. Frasch (2014) has compiled and translated 808 known inscriptions specific to the Bagan region. This epigraphic database contains information pertaining to the date of the inscription, the name of the donor, the contents of the inscription, and where the inscription was found. Most importantly, this data source often includes the specific quantities of particular resources that were donated, providing insight into the scale in which people and goods were moved to the

Sangha.

Limitations of Historical Literature. Burmese scholars and government agents view the Chronicles as a legitimate source of information regarding Myanmar’s history

(Hudson 2004:23; Salem-Gervais and Metro 2012:33, 47-48). However, these were histories written by later kings attempting to propagate their own authority. Furthermore,

65 the Chronicles often combined possible historical events with mythical elements. For example, the Glass Palace Chronicles documents the ascension of King Pyuminhti (167

– 242 CE). According to the Chronicles, his military contained “…eight thousand subalterns, sixteen thousand captains, …six million cavalry, six million fighting elephants…” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:41). As Bagan was plagued by the endemic problem of a labour shortage (Andaya and Andaya 2015:4), this would have been an impossibly large army. As these were retrospective histories, it is not surprising that there are a number of discrepancies and inaccuracies regarding the dates of various events

(Hudson 2004:26; Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:x).

Historical texts can also be biased sources of evidence because they were written by the elite for the elite. As it was the dominating and powerful few who created and controlled the literature, subjected groups, such as the commoner population, tend to be underrepresented in the historical record. In many cases, the elites would also overstate their historical importance whilst undervaluing the contribution of others (Overholtzer

2013:482). The narratives were written based on the experiences of the elite who had little to no vested interest in or lacked the knowledge to document the history of the common peoples (Overholtzer 2013:489). The Chronicles, in particular, were written to provide legitimacy to the kings by tracing their ancestry and emphasizing their accomplishments. In doing so, the Chronicles neglected the commoner populations as agents of societal change and silenced the histories of the majority of the population, overlooking the more complex and entangled elements that were present in their society

(Overholtzer 2013:481).

An Overview of the Iconographic Data: Temple Mural Paintings and Terracotta Plaques

The Golden Age of art in Myanmar coincided with the temple-building frenzy of the Bagan period (Munsterberg 1970:218-219). The art of Bagan was deeply entwined with Buddhism. Wall paintings and stone relief carvings decorated the inner and outer walls of temples, monasteries, and stupas and depicted images of the Buddha, his past lives, as well as his subsequent disciples (Bautze-Picron 2003:6; Brown and Stadtner

2015; Green 2006:1).

Although the Buddha and related Buddhist stories are the focal narratives presented in these art pieces, their backgrounds and landscapes often depict elements from daily life at Bagan, although over a fairly wide time span, as many murals are post-

Bagan (Bautze-Picron 2014:1; Pyiet Phyo Kyaw 2017). These include, but were not limited to trees, animals, water features, architectural features and monuments, and individuals performing a variety of activities. These depictions, therefore, provide insights into the lifeways and the composition of settlements in ancient Myanmar. For the purposes of this study, this thesis will primarily draw its data from temple murals and terracotta plaques due to the extensive amount of well-preserved materials available.

Temple Mural Paintings. The murals of Bagan’s temples focused primarily on depicting Buddhist themes (Bautze-Picron 2003:6; Brown and Stadtner 2015; Green

2002). During the early Bagan period (1044 – 1113 CE), mural art was of subsidiary importance compared to sculptural art, which was actively involved in worship rituals

(Stadtner 2015:63; Strachan 1989:21). Therefore, during this period, mural paintings tend to be relatively simple in content, filling the empty spaces with religious motifs such as lotuses (Bautze-Picron and Bautze 2003:6; Stadtner 2015:63; U Kyaing Aung 2010:i).

However, by the late Bagan period (1174 – 1300 CE), there was a shift in Buddhist art

67 and more emphasis was placed on using the temple walls as a religious device and an extension of the Buddha statues (Stadtner 2015:63). The temple walls became a new medium upon which a combination of historical facts with legendary characters from

Buddhist literature and the Chronicles could be depicted (Stadtner 2015:63). Whilst the

Buddha was still the main element depicted in the foreground, the background and accompanying mural panels contained panoramic and scenic views of communities, ceremonial events held in the royal court, and people performing a variety of activities (U

Kyaing Aung 2010:1). This thesis will primarily draw upon mural paintings from this later period.

In addition to analyzing the temple mural paintings of the Bagan period, this thesis also draws upon mural paintings dating to the later Konbaung period (1752-1885

CE). By the Konbaung era, Burmese art had drastically changed in style and subject as a result of increasing global contact (Bailey 1978:43; Green 2006:1). Although Buddhist iconography was still the primary theme in Burmese art, more secular elements began to penetrate into temple mural paintings, which were now characterized by an increasing level of detail concerning the depiction of ancient lifeways of both the laity and elite alike, thus providing a rich source of data for this thesis (Tan et al. 2014:557). Although this thesis analyzes mural paintings from a later period, these mural paintings likely continue to reflect the lifeways of Bagan’s ancient settlements. From the research conducted by the IRAW@Bagan team (see Talving-Loza 2017) studying the traditional houses at Bagan, parallels can be drawn between the houses depicted in the Konbaung period (18th century CE) mural paintings along with these contemporary traditional homes. While this thesis does assume a level of cultural continuity between the peoples of the Bagan period and those belonging to the later Konbaung period, from the

68 ethnographic record, it is apparent that some aspects of Bagan’s settlements, especially those pertaining to the construction and layout of the home, have persisted over centuries, in large part due to individuals from both time periods having access to similar resources as well as constructing their homes to combat similar needs (i.e., flood and heat resistant homes). Therefore, the settlements depicted in Konbaung period murals may also provide insight into the settlements of ancient Bagan as well. When possible, this thesis will provide the date of the mural. While many of Bagan’s temples and stupas have been dated, these dates do not necessarily correlate with the mural paintings that they may contain. As many of Bagan’s monuments were revisited throughout the centuries, these monuments and their murals have been altered throughout time. Temple mural paintings have been known to be re-plastered or whitewashed, with newer paintings added on top

(Hudson 2008:556; Stadtner 2013:87). For example, the Ananda temple, which was recorded as being constructed in 1105 CE, experienced endless refurbishing, including the whitewashing of its frescos and numerous re-application of paint to its exterior

(Stadtner 2013:96). The murals from the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery, according to a caption on the front of the sanctum wall, were finished in 1786 CE (Stadtner 2013:119).

Paintings belonging to the Sulamani’s time of construction in 1183 CE can mainly be found in the temple’s vaulted ceilings. However, the murals used for this thesis were taken from the walls, with the originals having been whitewashed and painted over by multiple donors during the 18th century (Stadtner 2013:254). The style of the mural painting has also helped to date them. The eastern Indian influence, such as the infant

Buddha depicted to be standing on a row of pots, found on the Lokatheikpan’s murals have led scholars to argue that they were painted at the time of the temple’s construction, as the incorporation of Indian elements was unique to the early Bagan period (1044 –

1113 CE) (Stadtner 2013:239). If the date of the mural is unknown, the date of the monument will be provided. The sole exception being the use of murals from the Pitakat

Hpaya temple. While this temple was likely constructed sometime during the Bagan period, its appearance was completely altered in the late 18th century, making it currently impossible to determine a more precise date (Stadtner 2013:126). As emphasized, paintings from other periods not belonging to the Bagan era are still relevant for this thesis, as there is a degree of continuity with regard to the structures and activities that were present amongst Bagan’s settlements.

Terracotta (Jataka) Plaques. The jatakas were a body of literature originating in

India that recorded the previous lives of the Buddha, and they encompassed 550 stories that were represented on terracotta plaques (Rao 2013:8; Stadtner 2013:36). These plaques were a popular art medium that was used to adorn the inner and outer walls of temples, monasteries, and stupas (Rao 2013:6). Individual jataka stories are represented, in abbreviated forms, typically by depicting only the principal figures and symbols, and they thus lacked expressive or dramatic elements (Galloway 2006:281; Rawson

1967:197; Stadtner 2015:62). Some jataka plaques include a brief inscription describing which story is being presented, whilst others can be identified from the key elements that are depicted, which help to determine the intended meaning of the piece and more accurately analyze it.

Limitations of the Iconographic Data. As with the historical literature, the iconographies are also an elite-biased dataset. These murals and plaques were often commissioned by the elite and kings in order to fulfill their own agendas. Even the depiction of commoner lifeways is likely an idealized rendition promoting the wealth and stability of the Crown’s rule. It is important to note, however, that court culture was never

70 completely separated from the rest of the population. Therefore, these court customs eventually percolated into the customs of the common people (Tarling 1999:282). The reverse was also possible, in that it was inevitable that the court was also influenced by the popular culture that emerged from the majority of the population. Therefore, while this type of evidence may only provide a very limited glimpse into the lives of the people of Bagan, in reality, these “elite-biased” datasets are not to be disregarded, as their representation of the commoner population may be more accurate than previously believed (Overholtzer 2013:482). These visual representations of ancient Burmese life can also include various elements that would not necessarily be mentioned in textual sources, as the information may have been perceived as unnecessary or redundant by the

Crown. When analyzing the jataka plaques, it is also important to note that these plaques were intended to represent the lives of the Buddha and therefore may not necessarily reflect scenes from daily life, especially in terms of the representation of occupations at

Bagan. However, they are still a valuable source of information as it is likely there was overlap between the representation of the Buddha’s life and every day commoner lifeways. Artisans likely drew inspiration from their own life that they then incorporated into these plaques. Even though this thesis relies heavily on these biased datasets, it is currently the most extensive data available concerning settlement patterns due to the lack of archaeological evidence, which may eventually provide a more comprehensive understanding of Bagan and its peri-urban support population.

Methods of Interpreting the Data

Throughout this thesis, I have argued that the greatest challenge to studying settlement patterning at Bagan has been the lack of archaeological excavations conducted

71 in the region. This has resulted in the formation of overgeneralized assumptions regarding ancient Burmese lifeways, with supporting evidence coming from ethnographic studies and case studies from other tropical societies. This thesis attempts to provide more insight into Bagan’s peri-urban settlements by augmenting this missing archaeological evidence with evidence from the iconographic record and the historical literature. This dataset not only originates from Bagan but also primarily coincides with the same times period being studied. These datasets will provide more substantial evidence for broadening our understanding of the layout, features, and overall nature of Bagan’s settlements.

In order to understand the settlement patterns of Bagan, this thesis will use ancient texts and the iconographic record to reconstruct Bagan’s epicentral court complex, as well as the neighbourhood settlements in its peri-urban zone. To understand the epicentre,

I use the Glass Palace Chronicles as it contains passages describing the founding of

Bagan. It also emphasizes certain features and buildings in the city, which I interpret as being significant to city-life. Furthermore, I also use temple mural paintings to determine the appearance of these structures and their spatial organization. As I define Bagan’s epicentre as being a walled enclosure, I am able to identify scenes depicting the epicentre by the presence of a brick enclosure, although because such enclosures also surround many religious complexes, other elements were also sought out to isolate portrayals of the epicentre. Specifically, the presence of the royal palace, a largely ornamented structure with a seven-tiered roof and the depiction of the king, who could be identified by his three-pronged crown, were used to identify murals depicting scenes from the walled epicentre, and to differentiate them from the enclosures surrounding religious complexes.

As discussed in Chapter 2, the epicentre was originally intended to primarily serve as the residential space for the king, his royal court, and the abbot, in addition to being a

Buddhist ritual centre (Aung-Thwin 1985:50-51, 1987:88; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:78; Daw Thin Kyi 1966:187; Hudson 2004:221-222). Chapter 2 also presented the idea of the epicentre as constituting an “exemplary” space, which would have increased its gravitational pull, thus attracting people and resources to it. In order to determine whether the epicentre served a function beyond a civic-ceremonial one, I analyzed the iconographic record to determine the activities that occurred within murals depicting this space. If the epicentre did increase its gravitational pull, I expected to see depictions of the walled city as being densely occupied by people and buildings, with a lack of open spaces, as well as individuals practicing activities beyond ritualistic performances. I also observed scenes that occurred immediately outside the city walls to determine how this space was used. Whether it exhibited similar qualities as the walled epicentre, helped to further formulate ideas about the nature of the city core.

While preliminary work conducted by Hudson (2004:245) suggests that the clustering of religious monuments is evidence of associated settlements, no conclusive evidence for this has been presented. Therefore, I use the temple mural paintings to determine the spatial relationship between the religious monuments and settlements. This thesis also uses the Chronicles to help determine where religious monuments were located, as some passages from the Glass Palace Chronicles describes where certain religious features were built in relation to settlements. Whether temples and stupas were built in close proximity to neighbourhood clusters, or far away from settlements, will provide a greater sense of whether the clustering of monuments might be indicative of residential occupation. However, without archaeological evidence, determining the exact

73 locations of settlements in the peri-urban zone goes beyond the scope of this thesis.

Instead, this thesis is explicitly interested in how these settlements were used and organized, and who inhabited them.

The iconographic record is also used to augment data and supply additional information to the historical literature, providing a visual reconstruction of the settlements. Similar to their use for interpreting city life, temple mural paintings and the terracotta plaques provide a detailed reconstruction of the types of buildings, infrastructure, and amenities that were present at Bagan. They are especially useful for this thesis as they include the depiction of non-monumental and secular features, such as water management features, enclosures, pavilions, transport vessels, and residential structures, and provide some indication as to where these elements were located amongst the settlements.

Based on our understanding of other tropical societies, Bagan’s settlement pattern likely followed the low-density urban model. This thesis will, therefore, explore the evidence to determine whether low-density urban settlements are represented. In order to do so, I use the same method of analyzing spatial occupation that was used for analyzing the epicentre. This entails observing the spaces between buildings. Nevertheless, due to the constrained way of depicting depth and distance in Burmese art, the spatial relationships between buildings and other architectural features are likely not an accurate representation (Bailey 1978:42; Green 2002:70, 74; Raymond 2012:135). Nonetheless, it is still worthwhile to make note of whether buildings were closely spaced or not.

Furthermore, the frequency in which trees and other vegetation are depicted as occupying the spaces between buildings, as well as the frequency in which donation records mention the endowment of trees and agricultural lands to religious monuments will be noted. This

74 information will provide insight as to whether these settlements had lots of green space, or whether they were densely occupied.

Current knowledge surrounding ancient Burmese commoners is limited. This thesis is interested in further exploring their ancient lifeway. An effort is therefore made to document the activities being performed by the laity in the iconographic record, and observations are made concerning the types of occupations that were donated to the

Sangha. From the donation records, I also note the variability in pay each labourer was given based on their occupation. I also examine the differences in house styles and ornamentation depicted in both the mural paintings and terracotta plaques. Although residential structures in the iconographic record can be relatively simplistic, their simplicity is beneficial for studying structures, as they clearly outline variations in form.

Studying the range of occupations and residential structures helps us to understand whether there was evidence for varying degrees of social stratification amongst those of non-elite status.

Through the use of my data analysis, I also attempt to find evidence that shows whether or not settlements could be organized based on occupation, status, and or ethnicity. While understanding ethnicity in the past is both difficult to determine and highly subjective (Trigger 1990:516), for this thesis, I do not attempt to determine the various ethnicities that were present in Bagan through theoretical systems, but rather I am solely presenting the positions and ethnic groups that have been identified by others in the literature. By analyzing Bagan’s ancient texts, I explore whether certain groups of people were bonded to certain religious monuments and gauge whether the number of people that were donated was sizeable enough to lead to the formation of distinct neighbourhoods or districts within the broader city-scape. Determining whether certain

75 groups were bonded to religious monuments also allows me to assess the types of people that were bundled with Bagan’s monuments.

One of the main objectives of this thesis is to identify the bundles that emerged in relation to Bagan’s religious monuments. This thesis therefore examines the iconographic record to generate ideas about the organization of Bagan’s peri-urban settlements, to determine whether residential buildings, agricultural lands, water management features, and people were depicted together with the religious monuments, as well as to assess to what degree the inhabitants of these settlements were dependent on the amenities made available by the monuments, in order to evaluate how tightly bundled daily life was with respect to these religious monuments and their associated institutions.

In Chapter 2, I discussed how monastic complexes and religious monuments are central hubs within the contemporary villages of Bagan. Therefore, in addition to studying the iconographic data, I also analyze the donation records taken from Frasch’s

(2014) and Duroiselle’s (1921) epigraphic databases, taking note of the types of buildings, resources, features, and land that may have also been present in Bagan’s settlements, with particular emphasis on that which was bundled with the temples, stupas, and monasteries. Lastly, in addition to assessing the bundles that formed in and around these religious monuments, I also explore how these bundles change over time. This is primarily achieved by analyzing the donation records and by observing any significant changes in the number of people and land being donated over time, changes in the status of the donors, and changes in the size of the monuments being sponsored.

CONCLUSIONS

This chapter presented the theoretical and methodological framework for this thesis. The first part of this chapter was dedicated to explaining entanglement theory and the process of bundling. Regardless of intentionality, both things and humans are able to generate a response between themselves and between each other. It is within these responses that things and humans become entangled in relationships of dependence

(enabling) and dependency (constraining). This thesis is interested in analyzing the entanglements that formed as a result of temple-building and how these entanglements affected the settlement patterns of the peri-urban zone. Overall, these entanglements would have influenced the Crown, Sangha, and commoner population whose activities and lifeways became bundled with these religious monuments, which should be reflected in their settlement patterns.

The second half of this chapter provided an overview of the datasets that this thesis employs. This includes an assessment of their relevance for this thesis as well as a discussion of some of the limitations associated with them. This chapter concluded by outlining how the historical literature and iconographic record will be used to reconstruct

Bagan’s city-scape and the settlements that were located in its peri-urban zone. Once I reconstruct the layout, organization, and overall nature of these settlements, it is possible to make an assessment regarding the economic, environmental, social, political, and religious entanglements that emerged between the settlements and the religious monuments that, together, shared a landscape. Using these theories and methods together allows for an effective inquiry into the entanglements associated with temple-building at

Bagan and facilitates a thorough assessment of how the commoner population, under the

77 influence of the Crown and Sangha, created the city’s settlement pattern. The following chapter uses the historical literature and iconographic data described above in order to provide a reconstruction of Bagan’s city and neighbourhood lifeways, and in doing so, determines the organization, features, and activities, that characterized these settlements.

CHAPTER 4: A RECONSTRUCTION OF BAGAN’S EPICENTRE AND PERI- URBAN NEIGHBOURHOODS

Using the data collected from the historical literature and iconographic sources, this chapter reconstructs two settlement components of Bagan: the city and the peri-urban

(mixed urban-rural) neighbourhood. This thesis utilizes Bagan’s ancient texts from the inscriptions and the Chronicles in combination with the iconographic records from

Bagan’s temple mural paintings and terracotta (jataka) plaques. Together these datasets can be used to analyze the formation of settlements and to determine their composition, organization, and the types of activities that took place in them, overall allowing us to assess the entanglements and bundles that were present in these settlements. How

Bagan’s religious monuments became entangled with the Crown, Sangha, and commoner population as well as the elements that became bundled with them, will be briefly touched upon here, but will be further elaborated upon in the concluding chapter when addressing my subsidiary research questions.

THE EPICENTRE

The Elements and Organization of Features within the Epicentre

According to the Glass Palace Chronicles, Bagan’s walled epicentre was founded by the legendary King Pyinbya (r. 846 – 878 CE) in 849 CE as a small fortified town constructed in a land overrun by Chinese legions (U Kan Hla 1977:15; Pe Maung Tin and

Luce 1923:55). The Chronicle states that the epicentre emerged as a result of the unification of nineteen adjacent Pyu villages (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:25).

However, limited archaeological studies have yet to determine whether it was the Pyus,

Mons, or another ethnic group that was responsible for the epicentre’s construction (U

Kan Hla 1977:15; Stadtner 2013:22). According to the inscriptional evidence, Bagan’s earliest monuments began to appear during the 11th century and were constructed along the Ayeyarwaddy, from the Kyauk-ku-umin temple all the way down to the Loka-nanda stupa (Hudson 2004:245) (Figure 4.1).

During the initial phases of construction, the first elements of the epicentre that were built were the royal palace and the city-moat (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:15).

According to the Chronicles, the epicentre was built within seven days (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:15). Although the epicentre was likely not constructed within a week, it is possible that its main elements were nonetheless built relatively quickly, as monuments were known to have been constructed within months (Nyunt Nyunt Shwe 2011:26).

One passage from the Chronicles lists the “things needful for a city” (Pe Maung

Tin and Luce 1923:14). These “things” included elements such as gates with graduated roofs, walls with turrets, moats, and towers (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:14). The murals depicted in the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery and in the Sulamani temple showcase the turreted walls in the background, as well as a brick gate in the foreground

(Figure 4.2 and 4.3). The gate depicted in the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery supports a small housing shelter on its roof, from which individuals could keep watch from above, restricting the movement of people entering the epicentre. While these outlook structures are no longer present, the remnants of the epicentre’s walls, as well as the eastern gate, can still be seen today (Figure 4.4 and 4.5).

252 80

Kyauk-ku-uminKyauk-ku-umin

Tho-kha-mauk-hpayaTho-kha-mauk-hpayaTho-kha-mauk-hpaya Shwe-zedi-hpayaShwe-zedi-hpaya Shwe-zigonShwe-zigon Shwe-zedi-hpayaShwe-zedi-hpaya Hsutaung-pyi-hpayaHsutaung-pyi-hpaya

Tawa-guTawa-guTawa-gu

Bu-hpayaBu-hpaya Gu-bi-za-gyiGu-bi-za-gyi Min-o-chan-taMin-o-chan-ta groupgroup Pebin-kyaung-pathoPebin-kyaung-patho Min-o-chan-taMin-o-chan-ta groupgroup Legend """Kyanzittha"Kyanzittha" palacepalace Pitakat-taikPitakat-taik City wall ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! """Kyanzittha"Kyanzittha" palacepalace ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 1,6061,6061,606 Nga-kywe-na-daungNga-kywe-na-daung Moat Nat-hlaung-kyaungNat-hlaung-kyaung Bank of Ayeyarwady River Myin-pya-guMyin-pya-gu Myin-pya-guMyin-pya-gu Intermittent streams Patho-hta-myaPatho-hta-mya Patho-hta-myaPatho-hta-mya Shwe-hsan-dawShwe-hsan-daw Otein Taung east Tanks

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Hpet-leikHpet-leik (west)(west) Hpet-leikHpet-leik (east)(east) Mya-kanMya-kan stonestone librarylibrary Loka-nandaLoka-nandaLoka-nanda Tuyin-taung-zediTuyin-taung-zediTuyin-taung-zedi Paw-daw-muPaw-daw-mu 0 1 2 kilometres Pottery mound

th Figure 4.1. Bagan: Location and identification of the major temples and stupas of the 11 century. The Kyauk-ku-umin temple and Lokananda stupa are outlined in red (modified Figure 156 Bagan: location and identification of buildings linked to the 11th century. from Hudson 2004: Figure 156).

Figure 4.2. Depiction of the bustling life inside and outside the epicentre. The epicentre’s walls and gates, residential structures, market activities and rest-houses (top left corner) are depicted, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE).

From the inscriptions and the surviving monuments in Bagan, the epicentre’s walls enclosed a number of buildings including ordination halls, libraries, monasteries, preaching halls, temples, and the royal palace (Aung-Thwin 1985:50-52, 1987: 89-91;

Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:81; Duroiselle 1921; Frasch 2014; Hudson

2004:220). The walls and the gates of the epicentre, its surrounding moat, as well as the various civic and religious monuments and buildings that were contained within this urban centre, became essential elements that were bundled into the epicentre. As previously discussed in Chapter 2, numerous other epicentres in Myanmar’s history were built with these same traits (Aung-Thwin 1986:237), indicating their importance in promoting the epicentre as an exemplary space.

A mural painting from the Leimyethna temple, dating to approximately 1223 CE, provides a very general layout of the epicentre (Figure 4.6). According to this mural, and

82 further supported by the archaeological excavations of the palace remains conducted by

Hudson (2004:224-227), the epicentre was made up of a double enclosure. The royal palace was built within the innermost enclosure and was surrounded by religious, administrative, and residential buildings, which were enclosed by the outer wall (Aung-

Thwin 1981:53; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:78; Aung Aung Hlaing 2011:126;

Hudson 2004:236).

Figure 4.3. Depiction of the epicentre’s gates and walls, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century).

Figure 4.4. Remnants of Bagan’s eastern epicentre wall (right), and its associated moat feature. Some renovations and additions are dated to more contemporary periods.

Figure 4.5. Tharabar gate, the main gate of Bagan’s eastern epicentre wall. It is the last surviving gate from the Bagan period.

Figure 4.6. Depiction of the layout of the epicentre, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, mural date unknown).

Rahu Venus Sun (Mythical planet) 1. Mogallana 1. Rahula 1. Gwamapathi 2. Mole 2. Mythical Bird 2. Tuskless elephant Galon

Kate (Mythical planet) Jupiter 1. Buddha Moon 1. Ananda 2. Pinsayuba 1. Kodanna 2. Rat (“Animal of Five 2. Tiger Beauties”)

Saturn Mercury Mars 1. Upali 1. Sariputtha 1. Revata 2. Naga-dragon 2. Elephant 2. Lion

Figure 4.7. Buddhist beliefs regarding the layout of the cosmos. Each of the nine planets corresponds with a cardinal direction, a disciple of the Buddha (1) and an animal (2). Their position within this magic square resembles the square epicentre of Bagan (modified from U Kan Hla 1978:93).

As discussed in Chapter 2, the walled epicentre was built to be a microcosmic reflection of the macrocosmic universe, as a way for kings to imbue this politically important space with spiritual potency. The mural paintings from the Leimyethna temple

(Figure 4.6), further illustrates this idea, as the square layout of the epicentre coincides with many Burmese beliefs surrounding the popular cult of the planets (Figure 4.7).

According to Burmese astrology, there are nine planets that are closely connected with the cardinal directions, days of the week, sacred animals, and Buddha’s disciples (U Kan

Hla 1978:92). Each of the nine planets is located within a 3x3 square grid (U Kan Hla

1978:93), a layout which also resembles the plan of the square epicenter. At the center of this square was the mythical planet Kate, the planet that was associated with the Buddha, considered to be the most important planet and believed to be surrounded by lesser

85 planets (U Kan Hla 1978:93). Similar to the idea that the most important planet was surrounded by lesser ones, the mural from the Leimyethna temple (1223 CE) depicts the epicentre plan with the palace highlighted as the central institution surrounded by residential structures, drawing parallels to the mandala model that was discussed in

Chapter 2.

Figure 4.8. Depiction of the royal palace, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002: Figure 7.7).

Although knowledge regarding the location of the royal palaces is fairly limited, one ancient inscription (kyauksa), found near the Tharabar gate and dating to 1102 CE, does describe a king’s palace as being built at the centermost point of the walled epicentre (Luce 1969: 64-65; U Kan Hla 1977:20). This inscription was further verified in the archaeological record during the 2001-2002 excavation of King Pinbya’s palace

(Hudson 2004:223). Mural paintings have depicted the palaces as being comprised of highly ornamented wooden buildings (Figure 4.8 and 4.9). Also discussed in Chapter 2 was how the most striking element of the palace was its pyatthat, a multi-staged wooden roof with an odd number of tiers, usually ranging from three to nine, intended to represent

86 the mythical Mount Meru (Aung-Thwin 1981:53; Hudson 2004:222; U Kan Hla

1977:20). Apart from the innermost enclosure of the epicentre containing the royal palace, the presence of trees depicted in the mural paintings from the Leimyethna temple

(Figure 4.6) and the Lokatheikpan temple (Figure 4.10) suggests that the royal palace was surrounded by green space, a characteristic not seen within the epicentre’s outermost wall.

Figure 4.9. Depiction of the royal palace, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Dumarçay 1987:43).

Figure 4.10. Depiction of the royal courtyard, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from Di Crocco 2000:157).

Apart from the palaces, the murals also depict a variety of other residential buildings inside the epicentre. These were both stilted as well as non-stilted wooden structures that lack the elaborate multi-tiered roofs, differentiating them from the palatial and religious monuments. As shown in murals from the Ananda Oakkyaung and the

Sulamani temple (Figure 4.2 and 4.11), residential buildings within the epicentre were portrayed as elongated structures that were sometimes built with an adjoining wooden balcony. The epicentre appears to have been densely occupied, as murals from the

Sulamani temple (Figure 4.12) showcase a large number of people participating in a variety of activities, as well as structures built in close proximity to one another. These buildings were so densely packed together, that unlike the palatial space within the inner walls of the epicentre, there was little to no green space, as evident by the lack of vegetation depicted in the murals. Luce (1969:65, 233) argues that fires were not uncommon at Bagan, and would have been exacerbated by the close proximity of these wooden houses. This may also explain why monasteries and temples were enclosed by walls, adding additional safety precautions to these sacred spaces.

Figure 4.11. Residential structures within the city, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century).

Figure 4.12. Murals a), b), and c), depicting the highly populated and densely packed buildings within the epicentre, Sulamani temple (murals dated to the 18th century).

From the murals, it appears that the roofs of these buildings were made from strips of wood (Figure 4.13). However, some murals (e.g. Figure 4.14) appear to depict the use of roof tiles. Whilst it is possible that these tiles were constructed from planks of wood, surface finds at archaeological sites have produced terracotta roof tiles (Figure

4.15 and 4.16). These terracotta roof tiles may have belonged to elite houses, as findings from other Southeast Asian communities have demonstrated the use of ceramic roof tiles amongst houses belonging to the elite stratum of that society (Aung-Thwin and Aung-

Thwin 2012:91; Kim 2013:229). As not all the elements of the epicentre’s structures were constructed solely of wood, it is possible that some features were made of sandstone or brick. Apart from roof tiles, other elements made of more durable materials included staircases and their attached foundations to buildings (Figure 4.17), and the epicentre’s gates (Figure 4.2).

Figure 4.13. Roof constructed with long strips of wood, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.14. Depiction of scalloped shaped roof tiles, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5).

Figure 4.15. Glazed terracotta roof tiles from the Shinarahan monastery, Bagan Archaeological Museum.

Figure 4.16. Terracotta roof tiles found along the surface near the Phaya Thon Zu temple.

Figure 4.17. The sub-structural foundation and staircase of this structure are made from stone, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE).

Figure 4.18. Depiction of weaving activities occurring inside a structure within the walled epicentre, Ananda Oakkyaung Monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:135).

Figure 4.19. Street vendors in the epicentre, Ananda Oaakyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE).

From the current literature, Bagan’s epicentre was believed to have been primarily a civic-ceremonial centre. However, the Glass Palace Chronicles described the epicentre as a centre of economic activity, resulting in an increasing number of common people becoming bundled to the epicentre. According to one passage, prior to the founding of the epicentre, the Lord Buddha visited the site where the walled epicentre would eventually be constructed and prophesized that the epicentre’s occupants “shall not till the land but shall live by merchandise, selling and buying” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:29).

Furthermore, the mural paintings portray the epicentre as a metropolis, with many individuals participating in a wide variety of economic activities. For example, one mural from the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery shows a woman weaving within the epicentre

(Figure 4.18), whilst another mural (Figure 4.19) shows individuals in the midst of performing an exchange. The wooden shelter from the Ananda Oakkyaung mural (Figure

4.19), is reminiscent of the temporary stilted teak structures that are found in the markets of contemporary Bagan (Figure 4.20). From the mural paintings, it is clear that Bagan became a congregation site where individuals could exchange their goods. As the epicentre experienced an influx of people, more buildings were constructed within its

93 walls. Eventually, the 1.5 km2 epicentre reached the maximum housing space that it could support. By the 13th century, the walled epicentre had become so overcrowded with buildings and people that the inhabitants began to spill over to the outside of the walls (U

Kan Hla 1977:18).

Figure 4.20. Market stalls in the contemporary village of Myinkaba, Old Bagan.

Elements Outside the Walled Epicentre

Although the space within the walled epicentre shows little evidence of containing significance green space, agricultural lands were still bundled to the epicentre and played the important role of supplying the epicentre’s growing population with essential resources. The area immediately outside the walls were much less densely occupied, with mural paintings (e.g. Figure 4.21), depicting more vegetation and open spaces. Another mural from the Myatheintan Hpaya temple (Figure 4.22) shows trees being restricted to the outside of the epicentre’s walls. Another mural from this same temple (Figure 4.23) further depicts a social gathering as well as agricultural activities occurring immediately

94 outside the city-walls, further supporting the idea that this space was much less densely occupied in comparison to the civic-ceremonial core and that crops were not exclusively imported from other communities. It is also possible that this representation may be more figurative than literal, with farming activities not occurring immediately outside the walled epicentre. However, based on observations at contemporary Bagan, agricultural lands can be found relatively close to the ancient walled epicentre. Nonetheless, this mural emphasizes the epicentre as a civic-ceremonial core, whilst its surrounding lands served more agricultural functions.

Figure 4.21. Depiction of life outside the epicentre’s walls, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.7).

Figure 4.22. The depiction of dense vegetation that is surrounded by a moat (outlined in red) outside the epicentre’s walls, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.23. Activities occurring outside the city walls, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.24. Rest house in contemporary Bagan.

Whilst Bagan’s civic-ceremonial complex was also a centre for trading, it appears that the settlements outside its walls were built to help facilitate the movement of people into the epicentre. Rest houses, similar to the one seen on the outskirts of the wall in the

Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (Figure 4.3), are a common sight throughout

96 contemporary Bagan (Figure 4.24) and can be identified by their three-sided open concept appearance. The structure is relatively simple in design. It is a stilted structure with walls made of plant fibres or wood, and roofs constructed with thatching. As their name implies, these houses were built to allow travellers a place to take a short rest near the epicentre. Rest houses thus denote an area where merchants and travellers congregated to exchange goods and participate in rituals.

The depiction of transportation vessels in close proximity to the epicentre provides further evidence that the walled civic-ceremonial complex was a hub which resources and people moved into and away from. A boat can be seen docked in the background in the mural from the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (Figure 4.21), whilst the mural from the Sulamani temple (Figure 4.25) depicts boats moving away from the epicentre. Boats are found relatively frequently in the iconography and are depicted with varying degrees of elaboration. One jataka plaque (Figure 4.26) depicts three individuals navigating a very simple canoe-like vessel. In comparison, other murals (Figure 4.27 and

4.28) shows vessels that were constructed with an ornamented hull. Chariots were another important transport device and are commonly found in scenes depicting city-life.

For example, the mural from the Myatheintan Hpaya temple (Figure 4.22) and Ananda

Oakkyaung monastery (Figure 4.29) illustrates elaborate chariots within or leaving the walled epicentre. The chariots belonging to the elite displayed a high degree of ornamentation and, like their homes, were sometimes built with multi-tiered roof-like structures. Even their depiction in the terracotta plaques showcases a high degree of ornamentation in comparison to their counterparts, the ox-carts, which are more synonymous with the laity and evocative of rural life (Figure 4.30 and 4.31).

Figure 4.25. Depiction of a variety of boat types moving away from the city, Sulamani temple (mural dated to the 18th century).

Figure 4.26. Depiction of a boat with three passengers, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

Figure 4.27. Depiction of a larger boat, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:134).

Figure 4.28. Depiction of a boat with an elaborate hull, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Pichard 2002:133).

Figure 4.29. Depiction of an elite chariot within the walled epicentre, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.7).

Figure 4.30. Nandiviśāla jataka. This cart shows a complex design along its front side, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

Figure 4.31. Takkala jataka. A simple designed cart pulled by an ox, East Hpet Leik temple (11th century CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 251).

100

THE NEIGHBOURHOOD CLUSTERS OF BAGAN’S PERI-URBAN ZONE

The Religious Monuments and Monastic Compounds

In contemporary Bagan, monastic compounds are tightly bundled together with villages, as each village is associated with its own monastery and temples (Pfanner and

Ingersoll 1962:343; Spate 1945:531). Temples, stupas, and monasteries were integral components of the neighbourhood clusters in ancient Bagan. In effect, they acted as an extension of the Crown’s political, religious, and cultural authority, serving as a link between the epicentre and the support population inhabiting its adjacent peri-urban

(mixed urban-rural) settlement zone. Until it is verified archaeologically, we are left to presume that this peri-urban zone exhibited a dispersed low-density, agrarian character

(Fletcher 2012). As discussed in Chapter 2, distinctive clusters of monuments have been found in Bagan, which Hudson (2004:245) has argued may represent neighbourhoods.

These clusters are found around the Shwezigon pagoda, the area south of the epicentre’s walls, in close proximity to the Lokananda temple, north of Minnanthu village, and around Myinkaba village (Figure 4.32) (Hudson 2004:245).

After the 13th century, the construction of religious monuments continued to be concentrated around the walled epicentre and along the Ayeyarwaddy River, but their distribution also began to move eastwards, towards what is now Minnanthu village, and into the area around the Dhammayazika stupa (Hudson 2004:245). A map of Bagan’s monuments (Figure 4.32) shows the dense clustering of temples and stupas surrounding these two areas. Unfortunately, little work has been done to assess the spatial relationship between settlements and religious monuments at Bagan, and it remains unclear whether

101 or not clusters of religious monuments are indicative of the presence of residential neighbourhoods.

Figure 4.32. The distribution of monuments over time. a) 11th century; b) 11th – 12th century, clusters of monuments begin to emerge; c) 13th century, monument density increases, and several new clusters begin to form, particularly eastwards (modified from Hudson et al. 2001: Fig. 2).

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An inscription on the Myazedi pillar, dating to 1113 CE, discusses the gifting and ownership of various “slave” communities (kyon rwālum) (Duroiselle and Taw Sein Ko

1923:25-26, 51-52, 56-57, 63-64). These communities were comprised of multigenerational labourers (Duroiselle and Taw Sein Ko 1919:26). Another inscription (1097

CE) records King Kyansittha (r. 1084 – 1112 CE) dedicating lands as well as the settlement of Ngamyange to the Minhmyaw Yaza pagoda (Duroiselle 1921:7). An inscription dated to 1223 CE by Minister Anantasura defines the duties of these bonded people:

To go on forever doing the necessary repairs (at the establishment); to sweep the compound; to go on serving the Lord and the Law without intermission with rice food, oil lamps, betel and flowers; to go on serving the patient reverend monks with the flowers of rice food on behalf of the loving couple (Minister Anantasura and his wife) (Than Tun 1958:46).

Another inscription from 1255 CE by Minister Mahasman further defines their duties:

These slaves are to fetch the water for the monks to wash their feet, hands and bodies, and water to drink. They are (also) to cook the rice food and to sweep and remove the refuse (Than Tun 1958:46).

In order to efficiently fulfill their duties, these “slave” communities were likely established within close proximity to the religious monument that they were bonded to, becoming bundled to them and being responsible for their upkeep. As previously discussed, ethnographic observation suggests that Buddhist monastic complexes were built adjacent to villages (Talving-Loza 2017:74). One passage from the Chronicles further supports this idea: “Near the monastery was a market, and not very far from the latter was a settlement” (Luce 1969:23).

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Figure 4.33. Depiction of a neighbourhood cluster, Kubyauk-gyi temple (monument dated to 1113 CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Stadtner 2013:173).

The iconographic record also has the potential to show how settlements were organized relative to these monuments. A mural painting from the Kubyauk-gyi temple portrays a monastic compound incorporated within a residential neighbourhood, as the preaching hall is situated near residential structures and along the edges of the settlement

(Figure 4.33). One terracotta plaque from the Mingalazedi pagoda (Figure 4.34) depicts the Duddada jataka. According to this Buddhist story, a group of ascetics were collecting alms along the outskirts of a settlement (Cowell 1895:59), which may indicate that almshouses, which were part of the monastic compound, could be located along a settlement border. In contrast, a mural painting from the Lokatheikpan temple (Figure

4.35) does not depict the monastery along the edge of the community, but rather surrounded by other residential structures. Another panel from this temple (Figure 4.36) also shows a clustering of stupas in the background of the scene, away from many of the structures and people that are present in the foreground, perhaps indicating that religious

104 monuments were also located nearby, but not adjacent to, habitation areas. The iconographic record therefore suggests that there is no specific guideline to determine where monuments were constructed in relation to a neighbourhood cluster, although they appear to be situated inside or very close to the residential area.

Figure 4.34. Duddada jataka. A settlement is represented by the presence of two small house structures, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011: Plate 163).

Figure 4.35. The depiction of various residential structures surrounding a temple, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:244).

Figure 4.36. The depiction of a settlement with stupas shown in the background (highlighted in red), Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:243).

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In addition to monasteries and religious monuments being present in residential neighbourhoods, so too were nat shrines bundled into communities (Aung-Thwin

1985:52; Bamford 2012:4). Incorporated into Burmese belief systems was the worshipping of nats. Nats were spirits belonging to individuals who died a violent death.

These spirits then acted as guardians for families or entire communities and were worshiped in shrines. A passage from the Chronicles provides more insight into where nat shrines were located, “[n]orth of the town, he [King Nawrahta] built a spirit-house for the people to worship” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:97). This inscription may suggest that whilst Buddhist monuments were constructed in various parts of the community, nat shrines may have been restricted to being built along the peripheries of the settlement, a trend that continues to be seen amongst the contemporary villages in Bagan (Talving-

Loza 2017:71).

Figure 4.37. Chariots moving between settlements, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.38. Depiction of a settlement constructed near a larger river, Myatheintan Hpaya temple (monument dated to 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

While religious monuments appear to have been built in arbitrary locations, choosing where to build them may have been guided by belief systems that were based on the idea of sacred landscapes. According to the Chronicles, the first stage of monument building, and potentially by extension, settlement construction, was choosing an area of land that contained “auspicious markers”. For example, one passage from the Chronicles describes the building of the Shwezigon pagoda. According to this legend, the Shwezigon pagoda was built on the site where Sawmunhla, the daughter of a king, dropped her earring containing a relic, which then began to float in the sky (Pe Maung Tin and Luce

1923:84). Other factors affecting monument and community location include transportation. Given the distribution and clustering of monuments (Figure 4.32), as well as evidence from the iconographic record, it appears that settlements were often located

107 along major roads (Figure 4.37) and river systems (Figure 4.38 and Figure 4.39).

Regardless of the decision-making concerning location, once an area was selected, the first monument to be erected was either a temple or stupa (Luce 1969:250). The monastery was the next monument to be built, in order to provide accommodations for the monks, as well as to have a designated space where worshipers could assemble (Luce

1969:250). Last to be constructed were the residential spaces where the bonded population resided. It is also possible that monuments were also built into existing communities, especially once early communities had developed into larger more permanent settlements. Depending on whether settlements emerged after the construction of a monument or monuments were built into an already existing community may have resulted in different settlement patterns. If monuments preceded their surrounding community, based on the mandala model, it would be expected that they occupied a central space. This is further supported by the idea that monasteries were also meant to be a reflection of Mount Meru. As monasteries were built with a pyatthat (chandelier-like roof), as well as enclosed by a wall, it evokes ideas of the mythical mountain and the ocean surrounding it (Srinurak and Mishima 2017:14; Moore 2000:21, 24-25; Stuart-Fox and Reeve 2011:109, 113). As Mount Meru was intended to be located at the centre of the universe (Hudson 2004:222; Tambiah 1977:69), it is possible that monuments, particularly the monastery, was initially built and then followed by the construction of a community that surrounded it. Observed amongst contemporary villages in Bagan, monasteries are often located north along the edges of the village, within close proximity to reservoirs (Talving-Loza 2017: 74). Perhaps the construction of temples and monasteries along neighbourhood peripheries reflects communities who built these monuments into their already existing settlements. However, without the supporting

108 archaeological evidence, ideas surrounding monument building and its effects on settlement patterning remains mostly speculative.

Figure 4.39. Depiction of a settlement constructed near a large river, Lokatheikpan temple (mural dated to 1125 CE) (modified from U Aung Kyaing 2010:243).

One mural from the Leimyethna temple depicts a monastic compound and its walled enclosure (Figure 4.40). However, this depiction omits a number of important architectural features that would typically be present. This missing information can be ascertained by consulting the epigraphic record. According to donation lists, the types of buildings that were built, and therefore bundled to the religious compound, included temples, monasteries, ordination halls, wells and water reservoirs, libraries, preaching halls, rest-houses, almshouses, and storehouses (Duroiselle 1921; Frasch 2014). An inscription from the Chronicles also provides insight into the types of facilities that were built as part of the monastic complex. According to the inscription, these facilities were also available for the common people to use:

Outside the monastery within a fine enclosure-wall, I [Anantasura] built a large and pleasant tazaung (buildings with chandelier-like roofs) magnificent with all manner of figures, where pious people coming from the four quarters may be at liberty to stay or sleep or stand. Behind it also I built a zayat (rest-house), of solid brick, where pious people, wishing to give alms, may give their alms. At the entering…I made a storehouse, built solidly of brick, for the comfort of the Three Gems [the Buddha, the Sandha, and the Dharma – teachings of the Buddha] in this my monastery; and I have left there also many attendants (Luce 1969:255).

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Another inscription dating to 1223 CE regarding and discussing the building of a monastic compound also details the elements it housed:

At this place [around] the tank called Amana [Minnanthu], [we] planted a monastery enclosure which is full of toddy palms. [We] then enclosed it in two lines of walls all made of brick and within [these] walls upon a fine platform…[we] constructed a hollow-pagoda…Where the congregation of those who would listen to the Law might assemble, [we] made a pleasant hall of the Law built of stone bricks…A large and pleasant monastery – the residence of our Lord the Elder also was made, where all good people desiring nirvana might receive instructions. In the surrounding place outside the inner wall [we] also made a row of monasteries where our Lords practicing piety out of love for the Religion might abide. That our noble Lords might be at ease for water, a well also was dug and built of bricks. A square tank built of bricks was also [made]…Outside the monastery within a fine enclosure [we] made a large and pleasant tanchon [rest house]…where all good people coming from the four quarters might be at liberty to stay, to sleep or to stand. West of it [we] also made a permanent carap [alms house] of bricks…In order that all the people coming from the quarters might fulfill their wants, [we] also dug a well solidly of brick (Than Tun 1959:74-75).

In addition to making donations for the construction of religious monuments, key economic resources were also donated by the Crown to the Sangha. Land was commonly donated, and the types of lands donated to the Sangha could be very specific. These lands included: cultivated lands, paddy fields, gardens, vacant lands, and non-agriculturally productive lands (Win Than Tun 2002:76). Other donations included cattle, rice, palm trees, sugar palms, coconut trees, and areca palms (Aung-Thwin 1985:26, 43-44, 169-

171; Duroiselle 1921; Frasch 2014; Stadtner 2013:18; Than Tun 1959). Although the exact locations of donated lands are not made explicitly clear in the historical record, one passage from the Chronicles describes donated lands being located immediately beside a temple: “He [King Anawrahtaminsaw] offered one thousand ta of land adjoining the pagoda built by queen Sawmunhla” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:85).

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Figure 4.40. Depiction of a monastic compound, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Some inscriptions also describe the dedication of paddy lands outside the productive rice-growing regions of the Kyaukse, Minbu, and Mu Valleys. Monuments such as the Shwezigon pagoda (Duroiselle 1921:118), the Myauk Guni temple

(Duroiselle 1921:39), and the Letputkan pagoda (Duroiselle 1921:48) all include endowments of paddy lands, even though they were almost 100 km away from Minbu, the nearest rice producing region to Bagan. Although the Chronicles suggests that settlements had the ability to irrigate some of their lands, such as in the story of King

Kyanzittha and his followers flooding a garden where crops became plentiful (Pe Maung

Tin and Luce 1923:69), the large amount of rice that was donated to temples implies that these monuments were not entirely self-sufficient, implying that they relied on the import of rice from outside sources. For example, one inscription lists the endowment of 1867.5 baskets of rice and another including the donation of 2309.5 baskets (Than Tun 1959:76), with one basket weighing approximately 46 pounds (Aung-Thwin 1990:38).

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Elements and Nature of the Neighbourhood Cluster

Unlike the depiction of the epicentre in the temple mural paintings, murals depicting neighbourhood clusters demonstrate that they were much more spacious, with palm trees appearing much more frequently. There are also more depictions of large water features throughout the settlement. Apart from sponsoring the construction of religious monuments as part of merit-making, the Crown also oversaw the construction of various features and amenities that accompanied these monuments. These were also available for use by the surrounding populations, becoming an essential element bundled to the community, and served as another means of distributing the King’s merit.

Then going throughout all parts of Burma he [King Anawrahta] built in every quarter pagodas, gu, monasteries, tazaung, and rest-houses…Moreover, throughout all parts of Burma, where so ever they were needed, he made dams, channels, reservoirs, and canals (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:96).

Burmese kings were responsible for supporting the construction of wells, lakes, canals, and reservoirs/tanks. The Glass Palace Chronicles recounted King Kyanzittha rerouting a waterway from the bottom of Mt. Tuywin and creating a great lake that was built “for the benefit of all men, all classes of animals and winged birds” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:156). Another story tells of the aristocrat Anantasura (Toe Hla 2017:5), discussing how he “built a square tank entirely of brick. To the east of this [he] dug two big tanks at [higher] levels; and in order that water might enter, [he] made it beautiful with pipes and basins. And all around the tanks [he] planted a garden” (Luce 1969:256).

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Figure 4.41. Paduma jataka. An artificially constructed palatial bath, East Hpet Leik temple (11th century CE) (modified from Rao 2001:Plate 181).

Figure 4.42. Nalapana jataka. According to the jataka story, this plaque depicts a lake surrounded by a thick forest. The lake was occupied by an ogre that lured animals into it to be eaten. Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

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Both artificial and natural water features were incorporated into Bagan’s neighbourhood settlements and these are represented in the iconographic record.

Differentiating between these two types of water features is problematic when analyzing the terracotta plaques, as they are depicted in similar styles (Figure 4.41 and 4.42).

However, in the temple mural paintings, the geometric shapes of the artificial water systems (Figure 4.43) are very distinct from the irregular shape of the natural ones

(Figure 4.44). The mural from the Kubyauk-gyi temple (Figure 4.43) depicts artificial water tanks in close proximity to temples and monasteries, a layout still seen in contemporary Bagan (Figure 4.45).

Figure 4.43. Presence of two water tanks (outlined in red) in close proximity to a temple, Kubyauk-gyi temple (monument dated to 1113 CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Stadtner 2013:169).

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Figure 4.44. Depiction of a natural pond, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5).

Figure 4.45. A small water tank constructed within the Leimyethna temple compound (1223 CE).

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Figure 4.46. Two agriculturalists in the midst of working in the fields, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

Figure 4.47. Nandiviśāla jataka. Agriculturalist using an ox-cart, West Phet Leik (11th century CE).

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Figure 4.48. Agriculturalist using an ox-plough, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE).

From the historical literature and iconographic evidence, it appears that a variety of specialized occupations existed at Bagan. These occupations could be divided into four broad categories: agriculturalists, food suppliers, entertainers, and craftsmen. Agriculture was the primary occupation of the majority of the population (Brant 1954:5), and this activity is identified in the iconographic record by individuals working in the fields and or using ox-carts (Figure 4.46 – 4.48). Food suppliers included occupations such as cooks, bird catchers (Figure 4.49), hunters (Figure 4.50), and fishermen (Figure 4.51).

Entertainers (Figure 4.52) such as flutists (Figure 4.53), harpists (Figure 4.54), violinist

(Figure 4.55), drummers (Figure 4.56), and dancers (Figure 4.57) are also frequently

117 found in the iconographic record. Specialized craftsmen and artisans are referenced in the inscriptions as masons, blacksmiths, brickmakers, painters, and carpenters. Evidence from the literature suggests that these craft specializations could be fairly task-specific.

One inscription provides a detailed list of the types of occupations that were needed in order to construct a temple. This inscription differentiates between wall-painters, painters who specialized in Buddhist imagery, and shrine painters, all of whom were paid different wages depending on the amount of merit their works produced (Than Tun

1959:77-79). Another inscription from the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery also lists the names of three master masons who participated in building the monastery. These masons were all brothers, indicating that craft occupations may have been hereditary (Stadtner

2013:119).

Figure 4.49. Vattaka jataka. Bird catchers, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

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Figure 4.50. Sāma jataka. Hunters using bows (note the trees surrounding the house feature), West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

Figure 4.51. Scene depicting fishermen, Temple No. 1026 (monument dated to the 12th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.52. Procession of entertainers, Nagayon temple (monument dated to the 12th century CE, date of the murals is unknown).

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Figure 4.53. Flutist depicted on the left, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 368).

Figure 4.54. Depiction of a harpist on the right, Kyauk-ku Umin temple (monument dated to the 13th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.55. Violinist, Kamma Kyaung Oo temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.56. Drummer, Abeyadana temple (monument date to the 11th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.57. Dancer, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE).

In addition to documenting the types of occupational specialists that lived in

Bagan’s neighbourhoods, the literary sources also provide evidence for the existence of specialized and even status-specific communities. The inscriptions imply that the entire commoner population was to some degree organized in a cellular nature, in which one’s occupational specialty, social-spiritual status, and ethnicity determined where and with whom one lived (Aung-Thwin 1985:74, 91-96; Hudson 2004:212; Iannone 2017c:2).

This “cellular” pattern did not only dictate the character of different settlements across the peri-urban zone, but was also the organizational structure of specific neighbourhoods, creating specialized neighbourhoods within communities that were guild-like in nature

(Aung-Thwin 1985:74,91).

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Groups with similar occupations resided together within the same neighbourhood.

Drummers lived in Cañ Sañ Village (i.e., neighbourhood), Panthyan Village was for masons, and Pumnā Village was for Brahmans (Aung-Thwin 1985:91). Some of these specialized neighbourhoods were even named after their particular craft. For example, cowherds lived in Nwā Thin (cowherd) Village, whilst goatherds lived in Chip Thin

(goatherd) Village (Aung-Thwin 1985:91). “Earth diggers” (i.e., construction workers) lived in Mle Tū (“earth digging”) Village, and potters lived at Uiw Thin (potter) Village

(Aung-Thwin 1985:91).

Figure 4.58. The depiction of a neighbourhood community, and includes the presence of a pottery-making site as well as a small enclosed garden space, Ananda Oakkyaung monastery (mural dated to 1786 CE) (modified from Di Crocco 2000:159).

One narrative from the Glass Palace Chronicles recounts the story of two brothers, Mahapon and Sulapon, who came from Lekaing, a very well-known neighbourhood of merchants (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:6). Another inscription also mentions Kalasapura, the “City of Pots”, a settlement dating to the earlier Pyu period

123 located near the southern coastal regions between the Ayeyarwady and Salween Rivers, which may have been a pottery production site (Gutman 2002:108-109). A temple mural painting from the Ananda Oakkyaung monastery also shows evidence of a pottery- producing neighbourhood (Figure 4.58). This painting shows a large quantity of ceramic pots stacked on top of one another in the background, whilst in the foreground, two figures holding ceramics and a scale are evidently in the process of making an exchange.

Furthermore, at the bottom right corner of this mural panel are two individuals in the process of making more ceramic vessels.

Apart from having specialized production sites, the data suggests that status and ethnic-specific neighbourhoods existed at Bagan. This thesis has already discussed the presence of “slave” communities, entire settlements of bonded-status people dedicated to the Sangha to serve as labourers. Some inscriptions also mention klon kywan rwā, communities of monastery slaves, and wat khlak rwā, rice cooking bonded settlements

(Than Tun 1958:43). Crown workers appear to have also been organized into specialized groups who lived together in their own neighbourhoods based on their duties (Aung-

Thwin 1985:92). Individuals in the military appear to have inhabited in communities with the word mran or “horse” in it: Mran Pagan, Mran Khuntuin, and Pak Lak Mran (Aung-

Thwin 1985:92).

Ethnic communities, specifically Indian neighbourhoods also existed at Bagan.

The inscriptions compiled by Duroiselle (1921:11, 13, 65, 85, 87) show that a number of endowments were made for the construction of kalakyaungs, Indian monasteries.

Furthermore, the inscriptions collected by Frasch (2014) demonstrate that Indian people were bonded to a variety of temple complexes. One inscription, dated to approximately

1196 CE, regarding the construction of the Dhammayazika stupa, states that of the 1,000

124 slaves donated by King Narapatisithu, 500 were of Indian origin (Frasch 2014:51-52).

Another inscription, from the 12th century, mentions the community of Kulā Mañ, which translates to “village of dark-skinned Indians” (Aung-Thwin 1985:92). Lastly, a passage from the Glass Palace Chronicles also shows the presence of Indian districts within some neighbourhoods:

At the time of his anointing [1086 CE], the king’s generals brought him Kyi-kala prisoners (Tamil peoples) saying ‘We have conquered the Kala [Indian] country’. And he made the Kalas live in quarters at Singu (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:106).

Apart from the presence of Indian communities, other neighbourhoods named after their ethnic inhabitants included Mon Village, Pon Lon (Palaung) Village, Talop

(Chinese) Village, and Lawa Village (Aung-Thwin 1985:92). The degree of ethnic segregation within and between neighbourhoods can only be better interpreted once archaeological research produces artifacts that can be used to distinguish between different cultural groups.

Residences within the Neighbourhoods

Similar to the royal palaces, no obvious evidence for commoner housing units has survived in the archaeological record (U Kan Hla 1977:20). Whilst the ancient texts and iconographic records provide some insight into the homes belonging to the laity, this evidence is fairly limited. In the iconographic record, homes belonging to the commoner population are depicted as being simple structures that can be either stilted (Figure 4.59 and 4.60) or non-stilted (Figure 4.61 and 4.62). The empty spaces beneath stilted homes can be utilized for either extra storage space or for housing animals (Figure 4.63). Other

125 depictions show the presence of storage units that were separate from the house (Figure

4.64 and 4.65). Whilst the main structure of the home appears to be relatively simple, there is a high degree of variability in roof types. Apart from the flat (Figure 4.66) or peaked roofs (Figure 4.67), the iconographic record also depicts multi-tiered roofs

(Figure 4.68-4.70) as well as a range of irregularly shaped roofs (Figure 4.71-4.75).

Figure 4.59. Depiction of a stilted residential structure, Abeyadana temple (monument date to the 11th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.60. Depiction of a stilted residential structure, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

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Figure 4.61. Depiction of a non-stilted residential structure, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.62. Depiction of a non-stilted residential structure, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

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Figure 4.63. A stilted home using the area below the home as an animal pen (note the number of trees immediately surrounding the house), Pitakat Hpaya temple (monument date unknown, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.64. Depiction of a storage structure, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

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Figure 4.65. Sāma jataka. According to this jataka story, the main structures are residential huts. A storage structure (outlined in red) is also depicted, Shwe Kyaung U temple (monument dated to the 18th century CE, date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Green 2002:Figure 7.5).

Figure 4.66. Depiction of flat-roofed homes, Thetkyamuni temple (monument dated to the 13th century CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.67. Depiction of a peaked-roof home, West Hpet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

Figure 4.68. Depiction of a two-tiered roof, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.69. Depiction of a two-tiered roof, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

Figure 4.70. Depiction of a two-tiered roof (left), Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE).

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Figure 4.71. Depiction of a domed-shaped roof, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

Figure 4.72. Irregular shaped roof, Dhammayazika pagoda (1196 CE).

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Figure 4.73. Structure with an inverted trapezoidal shaped roof, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE).

Figure 4.74. Structure with an inverted trapezoidal shaped roof, Leimyethna temple (monument dated to 1223 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.75. This structure incorporates a domed ceiling with the peaked roof, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

Figure 4.76. Depiction of a more complex home. A smaller and flat-roofed room makes up the entrance of the building leading into a larger room with high ceilings and a peaked roof, Shwezigon pagoda (1102 CE).

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The homes belonging to the laity could also show variability in their size and composition. The jataka plaques (Figures 4.76-4.78) show examples of more elaborate house types, as they are large and or multi-roomed structures. Huts, in contrast, were much simpler in design (Figure 4.79). These huts would have most likely been made of teak, bamboo, timber, or palm leaves with thatched roofing (U Kan Hla 1977:20; Oo et al. 2003), and according to Buddhist stories, such structures were occupied by hermits

(Rao 2011a:190).

Figure 4.77. Depiction of a multi-roomed home, West Phet Leik pagoda (11th century CE).

Figure 4.78. Another example of a multi-roomed home, Ananda temple (monument dated to 1105 CE, date of the mural is unknown).

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Figure 4.79. Kapi jataka. A simple hut inhabited by a Bodhisattva and his son living as hermits, Mingalazedi pagoda (1277 CE) (modified from Rao 2011b:Plate 178).

Based on narratives from the Chronicles, some homes and farm plots could be relatively isolated from community life: “He [King Theinhko] rode abroad for sport in the forest, and being hungry he plucked and ate a cucumber in a farmer’s plantation” (Pe

Maung Tin and Luce 1923:58). Ethnographic observations of agricultural lands as well as depictions of farming enclosures (ex. Figure 4.58) provides evidence that these farming plots were enclosed by a wooden fence, and when staked into the ground perhaps appearing to be a “fence of thorns” as the Chronicles suggests (Pe Maung Tin and Luce

1923:103). The small size of the enclosure and the presence of multiple architectural features nearby differentiates such gardens from agricultural fields. Hudson (2004:245) has also argued that some homes likely did not “belong” to any large community. For example, those residing near the Kyauk-ku-umin, along the northeastern border of the

Ayeyarwaddy, were located in a region that was described as an “almost unapproachable ravine” (Forchhammer 1964:1). This would have made it fairly difficult for larger

136 settlements to form that could be governed by the Crown. Even amongst some contemporary homes, houses belonging to agriculturalists were noted to be surrounded by dense vegetation and built near natural creeks (Figure 4.80).

Figure 4.80. Home of an agriculturalist in contemporary Bagan.

CONCLUSIONS

With the use of the historical literature and iconographic record, this chapter was able to provide a reconstruction of the epicentre and the peri-urban neighbourhood clusters at classical Bagan, bringing new insight into its settlement patterns, moving beyond the general speculations common in previous studies. The walled epicentre was initially built to serve as the main residence of the Crown and members of the Sangha.

However, with time, it became a dense urban core, incorporating economic, social,

137 political, and religious functions that its inhabitants not only participated in but which was also reflected in the epicentre’s architecture and layout. The epicentre’s walls, gates, moat, religious structures, and civic buildings, were bundled tightly with the epicentre, becoming essential traits for the construction of later epicentres. While initially, the majority of people bundled to the epicentre were of elite status, over time, an increasing number of commoner people were woven into the economic activities of this civic- ceremonial complex. Even with the epicentre’s increasing population, agricultural lands were still part of the epicentre, as the iconographic record shows evidence for green space being present outside the dense urban centre. With the movement of people and goods into and out of the epicenter, transportation and its associated infrastructure became increasingly bundled to this centre as well.

In contrast, the neighbourhood clusters of Bagan’s peri-urban zone were more dispersed amongst the city’s agricultural and green zones, and comparatively much less densely occupied. These settlements and their lifeways were intricately bundled to the surrounding temples and stupas, even being built in close proximity to them. Merit- making not only helped build these monuments but also resulted in the construction of a variety of amenities that were integral to community life. Peri-urban neighbourhoods were diverse in nature, and their inhabitants performed a number of activities, beyond simply agricultural duties, and lived in a variety of residential structures. Peri-urban neighbourhoods could also be relatively distinct from one another, as communities were bundled together based on socio-spiritual status, occupation, familial connections, and ethnicity, further demonstrating how economics, kingship, religion, and identity permeated into Bagan’s settlement patterning. By understanding the composition of these settlements, one is able to begin to analyze the relationships that existed within and

138 between these settlements. The following chapter will discuss these relationships further to determine the agentic power of the temples and the processes of constructing them, how they influenced settlement patterns, and the entanglements that emerged in response to the construction of these religious monuments.

139

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION

Using evidence from the historical literature and iconographic record, the previous chapter was dedicated to reconstructing Bagan’s epicentre and its peri-urban neighbourhoods. The walled epicentre was originally intended to serve a civic-ceremonial function. It was here that the king and his royal court resided, ritualistic performances were held, and administrative authority for the Burmese empire emanated. However, as this space became increasingly “exemplary”, it attracted more people, and by extension, economic capital. The epicentre was therefore transformed into a dense urban neighbourhood that also served social and economic functions, in addition to regal-ritual ones. This chapter will explore further how monument building may have encouraged changes to the function and role of the epicentre.

In contrast to the densely occupied epicentre, the dispersed neighbourhoods of

Bagan’s peri-urban zone exemplified a low-density urban nature. While the inscriptions do provide some evidence to suggest that settlements emerged from monument building, in this chapter I explore further how these monuments, like the epicentre, were imbued with their own gravitational force that allowed them to attract people to settle around them. Communities that emerged from the construction of these monuments initially formed enabling dependences with them because they were necessary to support their livelihoods. Even monuments that were built into already established communities became an integral part of community life, as they provided new economic avenues and socio-spiritual identities for individuals as well as resources in the form of endowments.

While Bagan’s neighbourhood clusters were spread throughout the peri-urban zone, they were still connected to the epicentre, and often to each other, through the

140 institutions focused on the temples and stupas, which created a vast network of a range of entanglements. These religious monuments resulted in the formation of economic, environmental, social, political, and religious entanglements that influenced not only the

Crown but also the lifeways of the commoner population. As settlement systems are the product of many factors, from economic realities to environmental conditions, to the political landscape (Casana 2007:197), the purpose of this chapter is to address the principle research objective and subsidiary questions that were posed in Chapter 1. This chapter will, therefore, discuss the entanglements that emerged from monument-building, their impacts on communities and settlement patterning, as well as their effects on the triadic relationship between the Crown, the Sangha, and the commoner population.

Though the data in certain areas are more robust and less speculative than others, each of these elements can be discussed to some extent and used to assess the complexity of these relationships, the degree of entanglements, and their broader implications.

ECONOMIC ENTANGLEMENTS

Commoner Entanglements: How Local Economies became Dependent on Monument Building

Dated to around 1196 CE, one inscription records King Narapatisithu donating

44,027 ticals of silver (approximately 718.961 kilograms) as wages for his workmen

(number of workmen unknown) for the construction of the Dhammyazika stupa. In addition, once the monument was completed, he also donated approximately 36 acres of land along with 1,000 slaves who were responsible for farming the lands and maintaining the stupa (Frasch 2014:52). This inscription demonstrates how the construction of

141 monuments as well as their maintenance became essential for supporting the livelihoods of many individuals and even entire communities. For example, on the Myazedi inscription (1112 CE), Prince Rajakumar, the son of King Kyanzittha (r. 1084 – 1112

CE) donated three communities to the Sangha (Frasch 2014:25). Another inscription from 1248 CE dedicated 1250 people to the Acaw Kyun temple, a sizable community who became bonded to this monument (Frasch 2014:105).

From the inscriptions listing the dedication of labourers to the Sangha, as well as the representation of occupations in the iconographic record, it is evident that not only were many people economically dependent on these monuments, but also monument building encouraged the development of a wide range of specialized occupations. One inscription from 1242 CE includes the endowment of sculptors, painters, masons, cowherds, goldsmiths, gardeners, and launderers to a temple (Bellwood and Glover

2004:369), whilst another inscription from 1190 CE lists the donation of drummers, trumpeters, violinists, singers, and dancers (Bellwood and Glover 2004:369). The presence of occupations such as potters, farmers, carpenters, entertainers, fishermen, and weavers was also discussed in the previous chapter. While some of these individuals were bonded to the Sangha, others continued to be bonded to the Crown. Those that were bonded to the Crown were paid by the king to perform their service for a temple or monastery (Aung-Thwin 1985:85, 173). For example, one inscription, dated to 1204 CE, dedicates 21musicians to work at the Let-hsaung temple (Frasch 2014:56), and another inscription, dated to 1236 CE, describes the payment of “30 lower garments and waist- cloths given to the 30 carpenters” (Aung-Thwin 1985:174). Therefore, the livelihoods of

Bagan’s commoner population were frequently supported by either the Sangha or the

Crown as part of their pursuit of merit. The high degree of occupational specialization

142 supports the idea that Bagan had a diversified and complex economy. The presence of a diversified economy further suggests that Bagan had a dense and large labour pool from which it could draw (Miksic and Goh 2017:369). As it was determined that Bagan’s peri- urban zone was of the low-density urban variety, this large support population may have been scattered amongst a myriad of dispersed neighbourhood clusters, rather than concentrated around the walled epicentre itself.

The occupations listed in these inscriptions illustrate how the construction of the brick monuments did not simply lead to an increase in the unskilled workforce. Apart from those who were employed to lay bricks and to transport the necessary building materials, monument-building led to the development of intensively practiced, skilled labour (Higham 2001:134). Skilled craftspeople specified in the inscriptions included: painters, stucco workers, and woodcarvers, who were specialists trained in religious art and tasked with decorating the temples, stupas, and monasteries (Than Tun 1959:78). The construction of multi-storey temples with large inner spaces also entailed complex knowledge of load-bearing walls, supporting vaults, and arches, indicating that Bagan had a mass of expert architects and labourers who could properly construct these monuments (Kyaw Lat 2018:38).

In addition to needing skilled craftspeople to construct the monuments, skilled workers were also needed to build some of the amenities that were constructed alongside the temples, stupas, and monasteries. As noted in Chapter 4, water management features were bundled to religious monuments, as they were frequently mentioned in the endowment records as well as depicted alongside monuments in the iconographic record

(Andaya 2016, Boomgaard 2007:6; Hudson et al. 2001:58, Shubhangi and Shireesh

2015). Analysis of ancient Bagan’s irrigation systems has revealed that those who

143 constructed them were highly skilled labourers who had an excellent understanding of the science of irrigation and the nature of the landscape (Moore et al. 2016; Stargardt

1968:360-363). They were not simply unskilled workers employed by the Crown to build these features haphazardly (Aung-Thwin 1990:15-16).

In response to the development of skilled trades, evidence from the iconographic record suggests that Bagan also likely established specialized production sites and or neighbourhoods to satisfy the growing demands of the Sangha and their monument- building agenda. For example, a mural painting (Figure 4.59) depicts pottery-producing activities occurring within a neighbourhood cluster, a specialized spatial organization made possible by the low-density nature of Bagan’s peri-urban settlement zone. Amongst contemporary Burmese communities, pottery production occurs within village districts

(Reith 1997:46, 48), and requires a relatively large amount of space for both their production and storage (Reith 1997:61-62). This suggests that, amongst ancient populations, pottery production could not occur in the densely populated settlements that arose inside and around the walled epicentre but instead took place in the spacious peri- urban zone with finished products being imported into the epicentre. The presence of pottery production sites can be verified in the archaeological record. Excavated between

1999 and 2001, at the Otein Taung Mounds (“Pottery Hill”), located approximately 3 km southeast of the walled epicentre (Hudson et al. 2001:54), were identified as an earthenware production site spanning the entire Bagan period and dating to as early as the

9th century CE (Hudson et al. 2001:53). The high frequency of ceramics found suggests that Otein Taung may have provided a large group of settlements with a multitude of ceramic wares, likely supplying items for both religious and secular functions. Temples and stupas would have constantly depended on such craft specialist communities to

144 produce the ceramics necessary for Buddhist rituals, one example being the sprinkler pot, or kendi (Figure 5.1). These libation vessels were typical of medieval Buddhist sites in

Myanmar (Hudson et al. 2001:58), and they may have been intended for single, ritual use

(Hudson et al. 2001:58).

Figure 5.1. Bagan-period wall painting illustrating a ritual sprinkler pot, kendi (date of the mural is unknown) (modified from Hudson et al. 2001: Figure 7).

Whilst not depicted in the iconography, brick-producing neighbourhoods must have also arisen in response to the millions of bricks needed to meet the demands of the

Sangha. As bricks were bulky, and immense quantities were needed for the construction of a monument such as a stupa, transportation of these bricks was uneconomical over great distances (Moore and U Aung Myint 1991:81). Even today, bricks continue to be fired locally at Bagan (Stadtner 2013:46). Bricks were likely to have been supplied by the various communities that surrounded the monument under construction (Moore and U

Aung Myint 1991:81). Therefore, surrounding Bagan’s largest monuments (e.g.,

145

Dhammayan-gyi temple), as well as the clusters of monuments found south of the city walls and around Myinkaba village (Hudson 2004:245), must have been a number of settlements that were used to supply these monuments with their large orders of bricks.

Even during Bagan’s pre-modern period, the Sangha continued to stimulate the brick making economy, for according to an inscription dated to the 18th century, 7,000 labourers were employed to produce bricks for temples along the banks of the

Ayeyarwaddy River (Stadtner 2013:46). Along with the brick producing market, temples also encouraged the formation of subsidiary economies, such as the transportation industry, as individuals were employed to move a variety of resources, including bricks and timber. One inscription, dated to 1236 CE, lists the payment of six ticals of silver

(approximately 97.9 grams) to hire a cart in order to move the timber necessary for building a temple (Than Tun 1959:79).

Even after a monument had been constructed many individuals from the commoner population continued to depend on these religious structures to ensure their economic livelihoods. Once a monument had been established the Sangha would have still needed to employ various clerical people and support staff of varying kinds (Aung-

Thwin 1985:175). Clerks and scribes were employed to copy damaged or worn religious manuscripts, accountants were needed to manage incoming endowment funds, those belonging to the service industry cleaned and maintained the temples while others prepared food, and labourers were needed to continue to work on donated lands (Aung-

Thwin 1985:175), indicating that a support population was still necessary after a monument’s construction. The laity further depended on the Sangha as the tax-free lands that the Crown donated to the monkhood provided a place for farmers to cultivate, which resulted in an increase in returns compared to working on taxable state lands (Aung-

146

Thwin 1985:174-175; Lieberman and Buckley 2012:1070-1071). These Crown donated lands in effect shifted some of the state’s capital into the peri-urban zone, and such fields became a structural part of the economy for many local communities.

In summary, it is evident that occupations and entire settlements had developed economies that were highly dependent on the Crown donating large amounts of their capital to the Sangha. The program of monument building, occurring as it did at such an immense scale – in terms of both quantity and quality – coupled with the occupations that were needed to ensure the daily operations of each monument, meant that many individuals were guaranteed employment from either the Crown or the Sangha to first build and then maintain these temples and stupas. However, although the Crown continued to make investments in the form of endowments to the Sangha, by the late 12th century these investments were no longer be profitable, as by this time only limited amounts of wealth trickled back into the coffers of the state (Aung-Thwin 1985:183;

Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:103; Lieberman 2003:113,120).

Crown Entanglements: How Economic Growth Shaped the Epicentre

Although the sponsorship of the construction and maintenance of religious monuments by the Crown meant that a large fraction of the state’s capital and people were moved into the control of the Sangha, the Crown, at least prior to Bagan’s decline, still economically benefitted from this patron-client relationship. As individuals could donate their capital to the Sangha in lieu of tax payments (Hall 2011:204), this suggests that the Crown somehow benefited from this movement of wealth away from the state’s treasury and into these religious monuments. The allocation of people and resources to the Sangha was no small endeavor by the Crown, as it is evident from the inscriptions

147 that these donations could be fairly substantial. One inscription, dating to 1058 CE, documents King Anawrahta (r. 1044 – 1077 CE) donating 2055 pay of land to the Yan- aung-myint and Lak-saññ-rhaññ temples (Frash 2014:21), an amount equating to approximately 3,596 acres (1 pay = 1.75-1.77 acres; Aung-Thwin 1990:38). Another inscription, from 1241 CE, lists the bonding of 178 serfs to the Myauk Guni temple

(Frasch 2014:96).

Not only were kings and the elite responsible for sponsoring the construction of temples and stupas, but they were also tasked with ensuring their maintenance. An inscription from the 12th century records a court lady who donated cattle, rice fields, and slaves specifically for the purpose of maintaining a temple and its associated monastery, water supply, and gardens: “whoever not conserves them but leaves them defective or in ruin, though they be my children or grandchildren, may the rice and curry they eat, the water they drink, the house they live in, become poison…like as they would see a snake and want to kill it, may they be killed themselves” (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1960:255).

This passage from the Glass Palace Chronicles demonstrates the multi-generational nature that endowments could take, showing the constant movement of capital away from the Crown.

First and foremost, the primary purpose of temples was to fulfill religious functions. However, as previously discussed, temple institutions also had the added benefit of stimulating the economy by creating specialized occupations and increased the demands for manufactured products. Therefore, comparable to making an investment, it was in the Crown’s best interest to continue moving resources to the Sangha in the form of endowments. Another way in which the Crown benefited from this relationship was through their endowments of land. From the inscriptions, it appears that the Crown was

148 not limited to donating only agricultural lands but was also recorded making large donations of uncultivated land (Win Than Tun 2002:76). For example, an inscription from 1240 CE records the donation of 300 pay (approximate 525 acres) of jungle land

(Frasch 2014:95). The Crown provided tax incentives for the laity, both Crown and

Sangha-bonded, to colonize and improve these lands, which ultimately encouraged economic growth, generating more capital for the Crown, and provided space for a growing population of agriculturalists that emerged as a result of this newfound economic prosperity (Aung-Thwin 1998:64; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:103; Lieberman

2003:119-120; Ricklefs 1967:411-420).

As the act of monument-building and monument maintenance helped boost local economies by providing the laity with employment that was bonded to either the Crown or the Sangha, this, in turn, would have generated an increase in tax revenues for the

Crown. This increase in state wealth is made evident by the monument-building frenzy of the 13th century (Table 5.1), coinciding with the emergence of monuments appearing immediately outside the epicentre’s walls (U Kan Hla 1977:18; Hudson 2004:237). The appearance of these monuments, and by extension settlements, in close proximity to the walled epicentre, was likely the result of individuals being attracted to the wealth of the

Crown. Although the walled epicentre was originally intended to primarily house the king and the elite (Daw Thin Kyi 1966:179), the economic success allowed for the Crown to further increase its gravitational pull by investing more into embellishing its buildings and ritualistic performances (Aung-Thwin 1985:164). As the epicentre was intended to be a reflection of the cosmos (Carl et al. 2000:350; Cowgill 2004:527; Higham 2000:356;

O’Connor 1983:4; Stuart-Fox and Reeve 2011:109, 113), its prosperity was directly connected to the legitimacy of the Crown, which further increased its gravitational pull

149 amongst the surrounding population, who brought with them their labour and resources that could be transformed into capital.

Century 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 16th Number of Structures 44 215 2,076 277 14 11

Table 5.1. Number of structures constructed in each century at Bagan, according to the Inventory of Monuments (Pichard 1992-2002; modified from Hudson 2004:Table 11).

Eventually, this influx of wealth transformed the epicentre from a lavish residence into a hub of trading and economic activity. From the evidence presented in the previous chapter, it appears that within the walled epicentre trading activities were concentrated and organized, debunking the argument presented in Chapter 2 positing that exchange centres in Southeast Asian states typically occurred outside the epicentre (Dumarcay and

Smithies 1995:90). This influx of people and resources into the epicentre would have facilitated the Crown’s ability to access its taxable population and may have played a crucial role in allowing the Crown to continue making endowments to the Sangha. This created a positive feedback loop that was based upon the Crown becoming dependent on its populace to generate enough taxable revenue which could then be utilized by the

Crown to construct more monuments, which further helped enhance the economy of the local populations dependent on these monuments.

While goods were moved towards the walled epicentre as a result of tax, trading, and tribute (Luce 1969:64; Miksic 2001:100), through the use of the religious monuments, essential resources that the laity depended on were moved out of the epicentre and redistributed back into the peri-urban zone. Although most communities were essentially self-sufficient, as most crops were locally produced in family gardens

(Aung-Thwin 1990:3; Brant 1954:5; Hall 2011:204; Gutman 2002:109), and inhabitants

150 participated in local trading, the movement of resources between individuals differed greatly in neighbourhoods in comparison to the exchanges that took place in the epicentre. In the epicentre, there appears to have been designated spaces that were organized for exchanging more specialized and less locally available goods (Figure 4.19).

This use of space differs from the neighbourhood mural painting from the Ananda

Oakkyaung (Figure 4.58), which depicts an exchange occurring at a much smaller scale, with goods being sold near the production site, rather than brought to a designated market. While neighbourhood settlements provided the opportunity to acquire local goods, these settlements still depended on resources being moved from the epicentre in order to acquire goods that would otherwise not be readily accessible.

Monuments became redistributive mechanisms that enabled those living in the peri-urban zone to obtain the resources that were collected and concentrated in the epicentre, as large amounts of these resources were moved towards these temples in the form of merit-making. Not only was a large amount of capital moved to these monuments in the form of endowments, but these donations also took on forms that were usable for the commoner population. Donations such as baskets of rice, fruit-bearing and timber producing trees, cattle, water reservoirs, and agriculturally productive land (Duroiselle

1921; Frasch 2014: Than Tun 1959:76-79), would have been especially attractive to the laity who, in response, gravitated towards these monuments and settled around them.

Accessing rice, a staple crop in Myanmar, was especially important amongst Bagan’s population. Besides the 80 km2 of peri-urban land under the control of the Crown (Grave and Barbetti 2001:75; Hudson 2004:237; Hudson et al. 2001:48; Moore et al. 2016:294;

Stadtner 2013:8), the Crown also had control of more extensive irrigated rice-paddy fields which totaled more than 2684 km2 (Aung-Thwin 1990:52), an amount that could

151 feed a population of over one million people a year (Aung-Thwin 1990:57). Although rice was relatively abundant at Bagan, it was not readily accessible by all peoples. As mentioned in Chapter 1, rice was primarily grown in the Kyaukse, Minbu, and Mu valley regions (Aung-Thwin 1987:94; Aung-Thwin 1990:2, 8, 12-13; Aung-Thwin and Aung-

Thwin 2012:38; Hudson 2004:183-184; Lieberman 1987:171, 2003:91, 96, 2011:942-

943; Moore and U Win Maung 2006:9; Stadtner 2013:12), areas that were anywhere from

20 to 100 km away from the epicentre. Therefore, rice was likely imported into the epicentre, where it was then redistributed partly in the form of endowments to the

Sangha, where it could eventually be recirculated into the peri-urban zone within Bagan’s neighbourhood clusters. For example, one inscription explains that for the construction of a monastery’s enclosure, the workers were to be paid 182 baskets of rice (Than Tun

1959:77).

Since some of the donations made to a monument could be relatively large, and possibly made in perpetuity, monuments, especially the largest ones, were likely built along major transport routes. This facilitated the continual movement of resources from the epicentre, who could move resources via its two major intersecting roads, or using the

Ayeyarwaddy River. From the iconographic record, it is evident that numerous types and styles of water vessels (Figure 4.25 – 4.28), as well as carts (e.g., Figure 4.29 – 4.31), were present, indicating a well-established transport system in Bagan. Peri-urban neighbourhoods that were built near these monuments would have also been linked to the epicentre through these water and roadways, which would have also facilitated the

Crown’s duty of collecting taxes from its populace. The city’s two major roads connected the epicentre with its eastern and southern regions (Daw Thin Kyi 1966:188), accounting for the clustering of monuments, and potential neighbourhoods, seen around

152 contemporary Myinkaba village and the Dhammayazika pagoda (Figure 4.32). Given the high frequency of monuments clustered eastwards around the contemporary village of

Minnanthu and near the Dhammayazika, there would probably have been a major road, comparable to the roads that connect Minnanthu to the walled epicentre today, that would have facilitated the movement of resources. Such a road would have allowed for these monuments to be built relatively quickly, thus easing the process of moving endowments from the state’s treasury into the monuments, giving the surrounding communities increased access to the epicentre. In Angkor, the emergence of road and canal systems also resulted in the development of higher density settlement nodes interspersed within the broader settlement matrix that continued to be low density in character (Iannone

2016:195). Therefore, it is possible that the settlements that were built along these transport routes experienced higher population densities than those located further away from the epicentre. It is also likely that other neighbourhoods, especially those that mass- produced specialized goods, such as the ceramics of Otein Taung mound located in close proximity to Minnanthu, would have been established along these major roads and alongside the Ayeyarwaddy River in order to facilitate the movement of goods. The epicentre was, therefore, able to act as a redistributive centre, using a system of roads and rivers that connected the religious monuments that needed to be supplied through endowments, and this also enhanced the connections with settlements that were established in close proximity to these monuments.

Given that monuments were scattered across Bagan’s peri-urban zone – and beyond – meant that Crown’s endowments to these monuments were dispersed amongst the landscape, as opposed to it being solely concentrated in the royal palace’s treasury.

The Sangha’s temples therefore also served as treasuries called kathaungmyaung taik,

153 which functioned as investment centres that were comparable to banks (Aung-Thwin

1990:45; Hudson 2004:125; Lieberman 2003:113; Wicks 1992:131-142). It has been estimated that Bagan’s kings, stimulated by the desire for merit-making, were responsible for over twenty percent of the total donative expenditures for some nearly 3,000 Buddhist monuments at Bagan (Hall 2011:204). This merit-making thus served to disperse the state’s wealth throughout the peri-urban landscape, and beyond. Such donations to the

Sangha resulted in settlements forming increasing dependencies with their nearby monuments in order to obtain certain Crown donated resources.

The Economic Collapse of the Crown: The Constraining Nature of Merit-Making

By the mid-14th century, the Crown had reached the peak of its economic success.

During this period the act of merit-making via temple donations, once a cornerstone in the development of the Crown’s power, transformed into a massive economic strain on the Crown’s treasury (Aung-Thwin 1985:184, 186-193; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin

2012:103-106). The Sangha had become so engorged with wealth that they are estimated to have had ownership of somewhere between a third and two-thirds of Upper

Myanmar’s total cultivable land (Lieberman 2003:113). Agricultural lands also became increasingly scarce during this period (Lieberman 2009:17, 2011:942-943; Fletcher

2012:306). This decline in available usable land placed increasing stress on the Crown, which was bound to make some of its donations in perpetuity (Aung-Thwin 1985:185,

194), whilst also needing enough lands to support its own bonded populace. In combination with suffering from a shortage of agriculturally productive lands, the Crown also experienced a decline in available labourers. From the inscriptions collected by

Frasch (2014), by the late 13th century the endowment records show a decrease in the

154 frequency of medium to large scale donations of bonded labourers (serfs) to the Sangha

(Table 5.2). For example, between 1213 CE and 1260 CE, ten dedications of serfs were made to the Mahabodhi temple, ranging between nine and twenty-four serfs donated

(Frasch 2014: 61, 62, 77, 91, 92, 101, 105, 113, 114, 117). However, after 1261 CE, only five inscriptions list individuals donating to this temple, none of whom donated serfs

(Frasch 2014:121, 125, 134, 138, 146). Furthermore, the largest single donation of serfs during this later period was 68 serfs in 1269 CE (Frasch 2014:128). In comparison, the largest donation during the early to mid 13th century, were 178 serfs in 1241 CE (Frasch

2014:96). In addition to a decrease in the donation of labourers, there appears to have also been a decline in the donation of lands that also coincided with the end of the 13th century. Between 1193 CE and 1261 CE, the inscriptions show that multiple individuals had made donations of land to the Dhammayazika and the temples surrounding it, with donations ranging between 50 pay and 1000 pay of land (Frasch 2014:47-48, 53-54, 58,

80, 86, 119). However, after 1261 CE, the endowment of land to this area completely stopped (Frasch 2014).

Period 1-10 Serfs 11-20 Serfs 21-50 Serfs 50+ Serfs Donated Donated Donated Donated 1200 – 1230 CE 34 9 6 2 1231 – 1260 CE 43 12 5 8 1261 – 1300 CE 16 3 1 3 Table 5.2. The frequency of inscriptions including the specific number of serfs dedicated to a religious monument (using inscription data presented by Frasch 2014).

Not only was the Sangha becoming increasingly wealthy from the Crown’s endowments, but it also procured a large quantity of their wealth from donations made by both the elite and commoner population (Aung-Thwin 1990:44; Frasch 2014:23, 56, 65,

94, 126). While the Crown recognized that its power was being challenged by the monkhood, convincing the populace to cease making donations to the Sangha was

155 virtually impossible. Given that the Sangha offered a more promising future and eventually enlightenment for the more pious and generous members of society, both the laity and elite saw their donations as a spiritual investment rather than an economic one

(Aung-Thwin 1985:185; Spiro 1966). To regain some of its wealth, the Crown at times enacted the sasana reform, a purification of the monkhood, as well as the return of any donated materials back to the Crown (Aung-Thwin 1985:165). However, this reform simply slowed the outflow of capital to the Sangha, as the overall system did not really change. With time, as donations continued to fill the Sangha’s treasury, the “purified”

Sangha became much like its predecessor that had been reformed (Aung-Thwin and

Aung-Thwin 104). The Crown was, therefore, ultimately unsuccessful in stopping the flow of capital to the Sangha. Prestige and the control of labour and resources had been initially equated with power and legitimacy (Wheatley 1983:282). However, the need for increasing economic surplus to maintain power caused the Crown to become caught in a double bind. Although the empire’s economic prosperity eventually resulted in an increase in population density, this came with all of the pressures associated with managing a large population (Wheatley 1983:282), including the deterioration of the environment – which will be discussed further below – and eventually a decrease in yields, surplus, and ultimately legitimacy.

The drastic decline in the population during the 14th century may have been the result of the failing economic power of the Crown (Fletcher 2012:310). As the Crown was having difficulties sponsoring the construction of religious monuments, many specialized sites and communities, whose economies were dependent on these monuments, would have likely felt the stress of this sudden decline in demand.

Nonetheless, the commoner population did not suffer a complete economic collapse

156 following the Crown’s decline and the Sangha remained a wealthy and powerful institution (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:104). Though Bagan no longer constructed religious buildings of the large and monumental scale at the frequency it once had, small and medium-sized structures continued to be built (Hudson 2004:237).

While Crown-owned lands became increasingly sparse (Aung-Thwin 1990:42, 89;

Lieberman 2003:120, 126), the commoner population became evermore enticed by the

Sangha’s tax-exempt lands. Since a significant portion of the Crown’s population was bonded to the Sangha, the Crown no longer benefitted from the economic surplus generated from the monument-building frenzy, as much of this capital went to the Sangha instead. The loss of a large taxable population effectively destabilized the Crown and it could no longer maintain itself economically, struggling to support its own bonded populace. As the economic health of the state was an indicator of religious legitimacy, this situation further destabilized the Crown’s authority. Their inability to contribute to the religion was perceived as a spiritual and moral failing by the population (Aung-Thwin

1985:192, 194; Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:103-105). In response, more of the laity sought the morally sound authoritative rule of the Sangha until a leader who had accumulated enough merit emerged (Aung-Thwin 1985:65, 193). The loss of land and commoner population also meant that the Crown was unable to continue gifting to their loyal supporters, resulting in the loss of political support from the elites and community headmen, and increasing factionalism within the royal court (Lieberman and Buckley

2012:1071). Lastly, the Crown did not have the funds to sustain a militaristic presence against invading groups (Lieberman 1987:171, 2003:120, 2009:56).

157

ENVIRONMENTAL ENTANGLEMENTS

Commoner Entanglements: Why a Low-Density Settlement Pattern was Optimal for Peri-Urban Communities and Monument Building

Amongst tropical societies, water played a pivotal role in communities and it was, therefore, a determining factor for where settlements were located (Hendrickson

2012:82). Water and water management were necessary for sustaining Bagan’s agricultural economy, the productivity of which was directly related to the Crown’s ability to provide the necessary infrastructure to support its agrarian communities, which it achieved as part of its merit-making responsibilities (Fletcher 1995:189). Not only was water management necessary to sustain agricultural lifeways in the peri-urban zone, but it was also necessary for performing a variety of Buddhist rituals (Andaya 2016;

Boomgaard 2007:6; Hudson et al. 2001:58; Shubhangi and Shireesh 2015)

Since Bagan was located in the Dry Zone, it experienced significantly less rainfall and had comparatively poorer soils than the coastal regions (Aung-Thwin 1990:6, 12;

Lieberman 1987:171, 2011:942-943). Therefore, it is likely that early settlements would have clustered around natural water sources (Brant 1954:5; Freestone 1974:9; Spate

1945:523), especially since the rivers that surrounded Bagan were perennial (Aung-

Thwin 1990:62). However, as Bagan’s population began to increase as a result of improving climatic conditions and greater economic prosperity (Lieberman 2003:103,

106-108; Lieberman and Buckley 2012:1064), the Crown began to expand its investments in water-management projects, which were essential for community and monastic life, and would have allowed more flexibility for where settlements could be established. As discussed previously, Bagan had a relatively sophisticated water management system that likely extended over much of the peri-urban settlement zone

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(Iannone et al. 2019:26; Moore et al. 2016; Win Kyaing 2016), suggesting the presence of a strong centralizing government that played a pivotal role in maintaining these water systems (e.g., Scarborough 1998:143).

From the iconographic record, it is apparent that some settlements were built in close proximity to rivers and ponds. However, the murals also suggest that neighbourhood clusters may not have been strictly limited to settling in close proximity to natural water features. Rather, an understanding of water management techniques eventually gave these communities the flexibility to establish themselves further inland, away from the river. One example comes from a passage from the Chronicles which tells of King Kyansittha (r. 1084 – 1112 CE), who “dammed the water falling from the foot of

Mt. Tuywin and made a great lake…Near the lake he laid out many tā of cultivated fields; it is said he ate [produced] three crops a year” (Iannone et al. 2019:17; Pe Maung

Tin and Luce 1923:156). This suggests that the people of Bagan may have utilized the water runoff that flowed from the western side of Mt. Tuywin (Iannone et al. 2019:7, 17) in order to help establish permanent settlements in that area. As much of Bagan’s support population was integrated by the agricultural and water management systems, they were thus concentrated some distance from the epicentre, especially in places like the Kyaukse, encouraging their low-density settlement pattern (Iannone 2016:194).

The control of water for the use of domestic, agricultural, and religious purposes within the peri-urban landscape was very much dependent on the Crown who funded the water management systems (Scarborough 1998:153) as part of its pursuit of merit. As discussed previously, many passages in the Glass Palace Chronicles included details of kings and other officials building water-related features. For example, one story tells of a king who built “wells, ponds, dams and ditches, fields and canals” (Pe Maung Tin and

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Luce 1923:65), in order to share merit with his brother. In addition, the inscriptions frequently list the dedication of a variety of water features such as lakes, wells, and water tanks to accompany religious monuments and monastic compounds (e.g. Duroiselle

1921:12, 29, 58, 99; Frasch 2014:34, 47, 52, 69, 89, 100). Observations of contemporary villages in Bagan have also noted that monasteries were always found in close proximity to water features, with distances ranging between 70 and 190 metres (Talzing-Loza

2017:74).

In relation to how monuments were responsible for the establishment of new neighbourhood clusters, one question introduced in Chapter 2 was whether or not the communities nearby monuments were permanent settlements. As homes, and the majority of settlement structures, were made of organic materials, and building residential structures was relatively quick to complete and a skill that many people possessed

(Fraser-Lu 1994:83; Oo et al. 2003), communities could be relatively mobile. On the other hand, not only did the water management features that accompanied the religious monuments become gravitational forces, attracting people to settle around them, but the dependences that emerged as a result meant that these settlements were permanently bound to these hydrological features in order to support their livelihoods.

Whilst water tanks were a staple component of the monastic compound, such as those depicted in the Kubyauk-gyi temple (e.g., Figure 4.44), based on the contemporary evidence and the surviving water tanks dating to the Bagan period, these water features could vary considerably in size. Smaller monastic water tanks (Figure 4.46) were likely used for performing water rituals (Andaya 2016:243; Hudson 2004:209) and tending to the daily needs of the monks, such as washing and cooking. These smaller tanks are typically found in close proximity to the locations for community activities. In contrast,

160 the larger water reservoirs that are needed for sustaining agricultural activities, due to their size, are often located along the neighbourhood cluster peripheries (Figure 5.2). This suggests that while the Crown might dedicate a variety of water features to a specific temple, stupa, or monastery, this did not necessarily indicate that they build these in the immediate vicinity of the monument.

Figure 5.2. A large water reservoir used by the local villagers along the peripheries of Minnathu village (the photo was taken at the height of the dry season).

These monuments not only provided religious fulfillment but also helped meet the everyday water demands of both the support population and cadre of religious personnel.

From the iconographic as well as ethnographic evidence, many households in Bagan’s peri-urban neighbourhoods appear to have practiced small-scale farming, with some even tending to family gardens. As people gravitated towards the myriad of religious monuments, there was a necessary clustering of composite household compounds with associated garden and even some agricultural space in between residences (Barthel and

Isendahl 2012:227; Isendahl and Smith 2013:133), and allowed for the maintenance of large tracts of cultivable land between distinct neighbourhood clusters, each with its own

161 principle monuments. Therefore, instead of building a large number of water features to help sustain an otherwise very dispersed population, the Crown was able to concentrate its resources into building fewer but more efficient water systems in association with these monuments and adjacent neighbourhood clusters amongst these low-density settlements. In this manner, it facilitated population growth and economic expansion without compromising agricultural productivity, which would have occurred had the city developed into a compact urban form.

Apart from forming dependences with these Crown-donated water management features, neighbourhood clusters were also dependent on their environment for access to wood. The majority of Bagan’s structures were built of wood, including teak and bamboo

(U Kan Hla 1977:20; Oo et al. 2003). In considering the iconographic record, it is apparent that many occupations were also dependent on this resource to function.

Farmers needed wood to construct their ox-carts and ploughing tools. Other occupations depended on wood to construct instruments, looms, fishing boats, and hunting weapons.

Even the brick monuments depended on wood, as wood was used during the preliminary stages of temple-building to create the frame of the structure (Stadtner 2013:57). The use of wood to fuel kilns meant that brick and ceramic production sites were also heavily dependent on wood. The construction of the thousands of brick monuments in Bagan would have significantly altered the local environment.

Given its volume, the Dhammayazika stupa alone required an estimated six million bricks to complete (Stadtner 2013:46). Based on ethnographic records as well as the lack of archaeological discoveries of brick kilns, it is suggested that the bricks were produced using above-ground kilns and were not fired in vaulted chambers, but rather large solid stacks using palm trunks, bamboo, timber, and driftwood for fuel (Stadtner

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2013:46). The large amounts of timber needed to sustain Bagan’s support population once again indicates that peri-urban settlements were best organized based on a low- density patterns, with green space being maintained within the landscape of agricultural fields and neighbourhood clusters. This allowed for individuals to maintain immediate access the wood resources needed to perform their day-to-day activities, without placing an excessive amount of stress on the surrounding environment. From the mural paintings depicting community life, we can see how these neighbourhood clusters were surrounded by a large number of trees, in contrast to the complete lack of vegetation within the densely populated epicentre.

From Dependence to Dependency: Decline of the Brick Industry

As previously discussed, Bagan’s brick industry would have required tremendous amounts of fuel in order to produce the large supply of bricks needed for monument construction. I also argued that the movement of bricks over large distances was uneconomical. However, there appears to be evidence to suggest that not all the bricks used for a monument were fired locally (Luce 1969:232). The presence of these non-local bricks may have been a response to the lack of resources, particularly wood, that became increasingly problematic by the late Bagan period (1174 – 1300 CE). The rapid speed in which Bagan’s temples were constructed (Nyunt Nyunt Shwe 2011:26) would have resulted in the clearance and deforestation of huge swaths of land in a relatively short period of time, likely depleting lumber supplies faster than they could be regenerated

(Iannone 2017c:6). The inability of brick production sites to keep up with the demands of the Sangha is evident, as some bricks found in temples were noted to have insignias from not only a variety of different manufacturing sites, but also from very distant sites,

163 distances that were not economically advantageous (Hudson 2004:192, 197, 248;

Stadtner 2013:46). As the trees closest to the kilns became increasingly scarce, the Crown who funded these temple building projects may have been forced to import bricks from sites further and further away. The growing costs associated the construction of brick monuments and brick-lined water features, meant that funds were being increasingly drawn away from the coffers of the Crown, yet the construction of these features were necessary for the Crown to maintain its political authority (Iannone 2016:199). This movement of bricks over long distances is evidence of the Crown’s dependency on this resource. Bricks are not only bulky, but they are also not very useful as individual pieces, meaning that one requires a large quantity to complete a project (Moore and U Aung

Myint 1991:81). This is what makes their transportation over great distances uneconomical. To assess the degree of deforestation more archaeological work needs to be conducted, including dating and matching the insignias of brick production sites to determine the distance that these bricks travelled.

SOCIAL ENTANGLEMENTS

Commoner Entanglements: How Monument Building Created Social Identity and Hierarchy

Individuals involved in building Bagan’s religious monuments would have also been entangled by the social ties that these monuments represented (Yaeger 2000:132-

133). Completed temples and the construction projects that created them had the ability to define social and cultural identities (Carballo and Fortenberry 2015:15; Scarborough and

Lucero 2010:193; Smith 2007:36; Yaeger 2000:131), which was a necessary tool for the

Crown, whose empire incorporated a variety of ethnic and cultural groups. The

164 inscriptions and ancient texts makes it apparent that apart from the Burmese majority,

Bagan had a population comprised of Pyus, Mons, Indians, Palaung, Lawa, and Chinese

(Aung-Thwin 1985:92; Frasch 2014:52, 106, 118, 145; Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:31,

84; Stadtner 2013:21-22). The Great Chronicle (Mahayawaingyi) written by U Kala, a court official of the late 17th century (Hla Pe 1985:38), also demonstrates the inclusiveness of King Anawrahta’s domains by highlighting the inclusion of Muslims within the ranks of his court (Goh 2015:120). Unlike other states, such as the Khmer, who simply drove off minority groups (Safman 2007:56), Bagan needed the workforce that these groups could provide (Andaya and Andaya 2015:4; Lieberman 2009:764-765).

Therefore, apart from needing to unify a dispersed population, the Crown faced the additional challenge of peacefully blending these groups together, a goal achieved through temple building.

Monument building was a collective task, with the work serving to enable individuals to create, foster, and demonstrate long-term commitments within a group of people (Smith 2010:174). The construction of Bagan’s monuments, therefore, emphasized group identity creation (Yaeger 2000:131; Wheatley 1983:18; Wolters

1999:28), with all individuals not only sharing the collective goal of completing these projects, but also acquiring more merit as an incentive for their participation. In some

Southeast Asians states, once a monument was built, all individuals who participated in its construction were invited to celebrate its completion, further emphasizing a sense of community amongst the labourers and the donors who sponsored the project (Dumarcay

1991:83). In the previous chapter, I noted how distinctive clusters of monuments were found in Bagan, which Hudson (2004:245) argues represented neighbourhoods. Even within the iconographic record (e.g., Figure 4.33 and Figure 4.35), it appears that the

165 areas surrounding the religious monuments were densely populated. Constructing monuments was encouraged by the Crown to draw communities closer together, and it promoted social cohesion under a central authority (Hudson 2004:245). Since communities were often built around these monuments, areas with densely concentrated monuments should show evidence for the presence of adjacent neighbourhood clusters.

According to the Glass Palace Chronicles, it appears that certain monuments were built with the intention that pilgrims from afar were to visit and pay homage to them. For example, two inscriptions recorded in Chapter 4 discuss monasteries that were built with a tanchon (rest house), which was intended to be used by travellers, or “pious people coming from the four quarters” (Than Tun 1959:74-75; Luce 1969:255), where they were at “liberty to stay or sleep or stand” (Than Tun 1959:74-75; Luce 1969:255).

Since these monuments were built with the expectation that pilgrims would visit them, it can be assumed that these religious monuments were built along major road and river systems to facilitate their accessibility. This ease of access would have encouraged people to congregate around these pilgrimage sites, which helped to link communities from across the empire to one another. The inscriptions from Frasch’s (2014:23, 56, 65, 94,

126, 150) epigraphic database show that groups of individuals could collectively make donations to the Sangha to sponsor the construction of a temple. Even amongst contemporary Buddhist traditions, merit-making within the village can be a communal affair (Keyes 1983:857). This sharing of merit promotes solidarity of the community, with individuals coming to the aid of one another and further encouraging unity within groups.

As discussed in Chapter 4, the inscriptional evidence implies that Bagan’s settlements developed a cellular character in which socio-spiritual status, occupation, and

166 ethnicity determined where and with whom one lived with (Aung-Thwin 1985:74, 91-96;

Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:91; Geertz 1959:991; Hudson 2004:212; Iannone

2017c:2-3; U Kan Hla 1977:21). Perhaps this way of organizing people into settlements can explain the depiction of clusters of buildings in the walled epicentre being enclosed by wooden fences (Figure 4.11). These fences may have demarcated kin groups, individuals of similar socio-spiritual status, and or specialized occupations. These social divisions would have been especially prominent in the epicentre, as it was not only the residential area for Bagan’s elites, but was also later occupied by those of the lower stratum in society. In contrast, mural paintings of neighbourhood clusters rarely depict the presence of walls or fences, with the exception being the monastery’s enclosure, perhaps implying that social divisions within neighbourhoods were less rigid in comparison to that of the epicentre, or that entire neighbourhoods shared similar socio- spiritual status, occupation, and/or ethnicity, as is documented in the Chronicles.

Amongst contemporary village settlements in Bagan, members of the same family, as well as members of the same occupation, often reside within the same space (Figure 5.3)

(Fraser-Lu 1994:14, 245). Chase and Chase (2016) have also suggested that how individuals moved within settlements reflects social divisions amongst communities.

According to their findings from the Maya subarea, as settlements went from “walking” neighbourhoods to ones that required transportation to effectively move between them, there was an increase in separation of work and home amongst the different social classes, resulting in the overall decrease in heterogeneity amongst the entire settlement zone (Chase and Chase 2016:365). Although Bagan’s settlements did invest in transportation infrastructure, and its neighbourhood clusters were dispersed in nature, our current understanding of the size of these communities remains poorly developed.

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While information regarding whether the layout of neighbourhood clusters reflected social divisions amongst ancient Bagan’s populations remains speculative, there is evidence to suggest that social inequality was present and that it materialized in terms of how individual homes were built and decorated. As individuals become wealthier, there is evidence of increasing investments into houses as individuals began to expend more resources in the construction, embellishment, and quality of their residence (De

Lucia and Overholtzer 2014:450). From the broad range of house and roof styles depicted in the jataka plaques, it is evident that social inequality was present amongst Bagan’s commoner population, with houses ranging from large multi-roomed structures with elaborate roof styles to simply constructed huts with peaked roofs. This diversity in commoner house types may have been a reflection of the variability in wealth that arose in response to the temple-building process, debunking the idea that all commoners were the same. Instead, “commoner” was an umbrella term that included a wide variety of non- elites who possessed differing degrees of status and wealth.

Temples created new opportunities for both elites and non-elites to increase or decrease their status. As discussed, temples created specialized occupations. Otherwise

“unskilled” labourers could transform their skills and instead make a living through engaging in transportation, serving monks, and becoming specialized in certain craft skills (Smith 2010:171). As temples needed a wide array of specialized skills, this left room for the laity to engage in new activities that could ultimately increase their status

(Yaeger 2000:132-133).

According to the inscriptions that documented the payment of its labourers, temple workers were paid varying amounts. For example, an inscription dating to 1236

CE includes a detailed account of the wages that the labourers were paid. According to

168 this inscription, the woodcarvers were paid 30 ticals of silver whilst the blacksmiths were paid 4 ticals of silver (Than Tun 1959:77-78). This variability in payment may have been determined depending on the amount of merit that their skill was considered to produce

(Rawson 1967:192). In the same inscription, 2 ticals of silver were paid to the labourer who painted the temple’s walls, whereas a painter who was responsible for painting

Buddhist images was paid 20 ticals of silver (Than Tun 1959:77). Even amongst the

“slave” communities, which were multigenerational settlements, the inhabitants developed their own governing systems, with various social hierarchies present. Such communities were overseen by their own selected headman (sukrī), officers who supervised cultivation (kumtham), as well as a group of community elders (sankrī) (Than

Tun 1958:47). Rank stratification was not limited to Bagan. For instance, inscriptions indicate that Khmer society also had a highly stratified and bonded population with several grades of knum (“bound person”) who were distinguished according to their ethnicity, assigned task, and the institution that they were bound too (Bentley 1986:280).

The new avenues for increased social status resulting from monument construction have led Hudson (2004:245) to argue that the increase in frequency of smaller temples seen during the later Bagan period was not only the result of dwindling economic and environmental resources, but also caused by an growing middle class who gained their wealth during the monument boom of the early 13th century. With the rise of a middle class, I would expect to see an increase in house and roof style variability during the early 14th century. As more individuals and groups of people had the economic means to sponsor the construction of a temple, Bagan experienced a proliferation of small-scale monument construction throughout its landscape. During the initial monument construction boom of the late 12th and early 13th century, neighbourhoods were likely

169 constructed around these early monument clusters, which tended to be large in scale. This would indicate that the smaller to medium-sized monuments that emerged during the 14th century were more likely to be constructed along the peripheries of existing neighbourhoods, where space was still available, or adjacent to newly established neighbourhoods. As a growing number of people were able to support the construction of religious monuments through donations, the Sangha was no longer heavily dependent on the Crown for its revenues, but rather could rely on its bonded population for financial support. Even after the collapse of the Crown authority, the Sangha continued to be an economically powerful institution that could maintain the status quo by continuing to reinforce the social stratification that arose with the occupational specialization associated with monument building.

Figure 5.3. A son and his family reside in the house on the right, whilst his parents occupy the house on the left, West Pwa Saw village (Photo credited to Talis Talving- Loza).

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POLITICAL ENTANGLEMENTS

Crown and Commoner Entanglements: How Religious Monuments Extended Political Authority

As the majority of Bagan’s citizens inhabited the area outside the walled epicentre, the Crown had secure political control over these areas, and it did so through efficient administration and diplomacy. These endeavors were largely achieved by depending on the Sangha and its religious monuments to act as an extension of the

Crown’s political authority (e.g., Childe 1950:12; Jackson and Wright 2014; Trigger

1990:125).

The Crown depended on the religious monuments that they constructed as they were a tangible representation of their religious piety, and by extension, symbols of their legitimacy. Monuments were therefore strategically built in areas that best showcased the large investments that the Crown had contributed. At first glance, Bagan’s monuments seem to be haphazardly placed. However, upon closer inspection, the largest monuments

(Shwezigon, Mingalazedi, Shwesandaw, Sittanagyi, Dhammayazika, Gawdawpalin,

Ananda, Sulamani, Thatbyinnyu, Htilominlo, and the Dhammayangyi) actually served a compositional purpose within the landscape that ultimately benefitted the Crown (Figure

5.4). The Shwezigon and Sittanagyi demarcate the northern and southern borders of the urban zone (respectively) whilst the Thatbyinyu, with its massive and unusual size, serves as the centre (U Kan Hla 1977:22). The other religious monuments of Bagan can be loosely organized by size, with the largest monuments being closer to the epicentre and the river, and the smaller ones situated in the peri-urban zone, further away from the river. The monuments are also not organized by shape as cubic, bell-shaped, and

171 pyramidal monuments are all mixed with one another. Although the inscriptions indicate somewhat random site selections, as donors needed to find an “auspicious” marker, some degree of city-scape planning was utilized by Bagan’s architects.

Medium and small-sized monuments were built surrounding the monumental sized temples. These monumental temples were also built staggered from one another (U

Kan Hla 1977:23). In this way, the large monuments seldom blocked the view of one another (U Kan Hla 1977:23). Many temples were also equipped with special viewing platforms on temple roofs, or circular walkways on the stepped bases of the stupas.

Today, these platforms offer an excellent view of the most important religious monuments. Bagan’s architects appear to have strategically placed temples so that when viewed from platforms, along hilltops, or when visiting by road, the central groups of major temples can be easily seen (U Kan Hla 1977:28). The low-density settlement pattern also allowed for these monuments to remain focal points in the landscape, providing viewers with an unobstructed and undistracted view of the monumental city- scape.

The monuments of Bagan are enduring structures that embody a set of practices and are ongoing reminders of the individuals and events that surrounded their construction (Bradley 1993:3-6). Monuments temporally orient individuals, serving to materialize memory, and providing a way of connecting the present with past traditions, practices, and messages (Jackson and Wright 2014:132). Bagan’s monuments were symbols of power, an embodiment of the significant amounts of human energy needed to build these features. In a society where human labour was the most valuable resource

(Andaya and Andaya 2015:4; Lieberman 2009:764-765), they symbolized the ability of those in power to effectively control this resource (Trigger 1990:125). The temples that

172 disseminated such messages of state power and wealth would have been appreciated by the laity who travelled along the roads of Bagan or who stopped on a hilltop to take in their surroundings, at which point they would have been greeted by what appeared to be a landscape with endless temples and stupas.

Bagan's Monuments

Legend

Shwezigon Pagoda Sittanagyi Pagoda Mingalazedi Pagoda Shwesandaw Pagoda Dhammayazika Pagoda Gawdawpalin Temple Ananda Temple Sulamani Temple Thatbyinnyu Phaya Htilominlo Temple Dhammayangyi Temple

Figure 5.4. Google Earth image showing the locations of Bagan’s largest monuments.

The religious monuments were the primary means of linking the epicentre with its settlements and support population. These monuments became an immediately

173 recognizable marker of political and religious affiliation (Jackson and Wright 2014:126).

The Chronicles highlighting which kings built which temples, and the inscriptions including the names of the donors, meant that these religious monuments were synonymous with the rulers who built them. According to Burmese Buddhist beliefs, the presence of objects bearing the king’s insignia was a sufficient enough connection to demonstrate that they belonged to the Crown (Goh 2015:30). Based on this ideological connection, a temple or stupa with a stela monument bearing the king’s name built within or adjacent to a neighbourhood cluster would have also served a similar function, demonstrating a link between the settlement and the Crown. Therefore, it was not only functionally important for settlements to be located in close proximity to religious monuments, in order to venerate and maintain it, but it was also necessary for the Crown in order for it to maintain its authority over its citizens, as these monuments served as a reminder of their allegiance.

In addition to establishing symbolic links amongst the peri-urban neighbourhoods, the Crown used these religious monuments as a way to showcase their legitimacy and power. Even though literacy levels were relatively high at Bagan, the ability to read was not a binary skill, with males – an estimated fifty percent of them – accounting for the majority of the population who were literate (Lieberman 2003:117). The grandeur and ornamentation of these monuments communicated messages concerning the social surplus, power, and wealth of those who sponsored them, and this message was accessible to all (Childe 1950:12; DeMarrais et al. 1996:15, 19). So even if one was unable to read the stelae documenting the construction of these monuments, the monuments themselves emphasized the boundaries and hierarchies of the spaces they occupied (Jackson and Wright 2014:128).

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The Crown depended on its religious monuments to be symbols of the Crown’s legitimacy and encourage unification, over time began to feel the constraints that emerged from this human-thing entanglement. As it became increasingly indebted to the

Sangha, due to its inability to maintain its promised endowments, the Crown’s ability to govern became increasingly fragile, whilst the infrastructure that the Crown had created improved the conditions of the hinterlands, it also cultivated their autonomy (Iannone

2016:199). By the mid 14th century the availability of the Crown’s cultivable land and labour had become increasingly scarce (Aung-Thwin 2011:12-13; Lieberman 2011:942-

943). As Crown sponsorship for the construction of religious monuments drastically fell

(Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:104; Hudson 2004:237), so too did its links with its support population. This support population could no longer rely on the Crown to redistribute essential resources such as land and rice. While the temples and stupas were initially used to help display the king’s piety and wealth, the decline of the Crown’s endowments acted as a double edge sword, with the lack of new monuments being sponsored serving as a visual reminder of the Crown’s lack of merit, and thus delegitimizing its rule and encouraging the factionalism and political decentralization that was occurring within the royal court (Aung-Thwin 1998:94-96).

RELIGIOUS ENTANGLEMENTS

Commoner Entanglements: How Settlements were Created by and Depended on Belief Systems

Similar to how the walled epicentre was modeled after cosmic principles, so too were the homes that occupied the peri-urban zone constructed to be microcosmic

175 reflections of the macrocosmic universe. Contemporary studies of Southeast Asian homes demonstrate a shared belief system, with homes representing the three levels of the universe: the upper, middle, and lower (see Errington 1989 and Auesrbach 2018). Using the evidence collected from Chapter 4, it is apparent that these same belief systems manifest in the homes of Classical Bagan. The first level was the roof or the open space underneath the roof. This level of the house was considered the most sacred part and was associated with the realm that was occupied by the divine and ancestral spirits

(Auersbach 2018:5; Errington 1989:73). From the iconographic record, typically the most elaborate feature of the home was the roof. These roofs varied in shape and structure, with many fitted with a lotus ornament on their peak (e.g., Figure 4.67 – 4.69). Lotuses were an important religious symbol in Buddhism (Galloway 2006:78; Harvey 2013:28,

177-178; Ward 1952), and were also found adorning the peaks of temples and stupas

(e.g., Figure 5.5). Roofs overall hold a special place in Burmese architecture, as the roof’s on monasteries were built to be evocative of the peaks of Mount Meru (Aung-Thwin

1981:53; Hudson 2004:222). As such, it is very likely that the upper levels of the home had spiritual significance.

The main level of the home that was occupied by people was intended to be a reflection of the earthly realm (Auersbach 2018:4; Errington 1989:72). Lastly, the space beneath the house represented the lower world (Errington 1989:72-73). This space is typically perceived as being “unclean”, since in addition to being used as a storage space it was also used for holding animals (e.g., Figure 4.63), rubbish, and kitchen waste

(Auersbach 2018:4; Errington 1989:73). This combination of all three levels of the universe within a single structure transforms it into its own self-contained axis mundi, a particular space that is considered to be the centre of the world, comparable to Mount

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Meru being the axis mundi of the Hindu and Buddhist world (Pearson and Richards

1994:10).

Figure 5.5. Sandstone lotuses adorn the tops of each of the temple’s spires, Temple No. 315.

In contrast to the monasteries that were located within or adjacent to neighbourhood clusters, according to the inscriptions as well as observations from contemporary communities at Bagan, small shrines dedicated to the local nats are typically isolated from daily life and thus built along the outskirts of the settlement (Spate

1945:531). Nats, as previously discussed, are supernatural beings, equivalent to spirits, that are neither inherently heavenly nor evil by nature. However, they have the ability to act as either guardian spirits or harbingers of natural disasters (Aung-Thwin 1985:32). In addition to this, nats can also be humans who died “green deaths” (violent deaths as a result of the state). These nats are naturally malevolent spirits who had to be appeased

177 through worship or they would otherwise wreak havoc (Aung-Thwin 1985:53; Hudson

2004:200; Takatani 2000).

The uncertainty concerning these spirits may explain their worship along the edges of settlements. For although they were potent forces, the violence associated with the spirit’s death as well as their ability to bring misfortune makes them a dangerous entity for the inhabitants of the community (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:86). Nat shrines, as well as pagodas, are deeply embedded in local belief systems. For example, in ancient Bagan after the construction of a weir a nat shrine was erected within close proximity to it (Aung-Thwin 1990:16). One inscription, dated to the 11th century, further demonstrates how the erection of nat shrines near water management features (e.g.,

Figure 5.6) was crucial to ensure their success: “These shrines of the Sedaw-u Nat [nat of the head of the royal weir] are dedicated to the Queen of King Aniruddha…who, according to tradition, was buried alive to ensure the success of the Kokayaing canal system when it was commenced by her lord” (Aung-Thwin 1990:16). Therefore, the placement of nat shrines was highly dependent on the location of water management features whilst also needing to be spatially distanced from daily community life. Nat shrines, therefore, became bundled to communities and entangled with their prosperity.

By creating settlements to reflect both Buddhist and indigenous ideologies, the laity was able to imbue their residences with spiritual significance. This would have allowed people to both spiritually prosper, such was the case of their homes, as well as support their livelihoods, by venerating nat spirits.

Religious monuments transformed their immediate surroundings into sacred spaces, which was occupied by neighbourhood clusters, communities that in turn were able to harness this spiritual potency (Allison 2015:442, 445). Unlike other societies that

178 used enclosures to create divisions between sacred spaces and secular spaces (Sardjono and Harani 2017:5), apart from the monumental sized temples, many of the religious monuments that were closely clustered together in Bagan’s peri-urban zone were not enclosed by walls, meaning that the spiritual powers of the monument were infused into the surrounding settlements. Once again, although communities possessed qualities that made them relatively mobile, monuments fostered the creation of sacred spaces and place attachment, encouraging settlements to become permanently bound to the landscape

(Mazumdar and Mazumdar 2004:385).

Figure 5.6. A nat shrine was built along the edges of a large water reservoir, outskirts of East Pwa Saw village.

Even after the decline of Bagan as a political centre – in the late 13th/early 14th century – people continued to inhabit the landscape surrounding the epicentre, and they were not only frequent patrons of the surrounding monuments but some of whom served as traditional caretakers of religious buildings (Kraak 2018:114) until their forceful removal in 1990, when over 5,000 people who were living in the ancient epicentre were

179 forcefully relocated 4 km south as part of the government’s conservation plans (Hudson

2008:557; Kraak 2018:120). To this day, the sheer number of monuments located in

Bagan’s peri-urban zone means that the residents and visitors are constantly interacting with the temples and stupas, at least at the visual level, and as a result these features serves as a reminder of what these monuments represent (Allison 2015:445), the peak of merit-making.

Bruce Trigger (1991:119-120) once argued that it is possible to determine which aspects of religious and political power were given precedence at any given point in time by determining which buildings were most “monumental”. For Bagan, the most monumental features took the form of temples and stupas. Whilst the royal palace may have also been monumental, its monumentality was far less enduring, arguably reflecting perceptions about the instability of the Crown in comparison to Buddhism, a long-lasting belief system that was intended to extend beyond the rise and fall of kings.

Oscillations of power within the royal court were not an uncommon occurrence in ancient Bagan. The king’s line of succession was often vague due to having many competing heirs from various wives (Aung-Thwin 1998:94). Usurpers, assassinations, and rebellions litter Bagan’s kingly history (Aung-Thwin and Aung-Thwin 2012:85;

Hudson 2004:27; Miksic 2007:440). With the ascension of each new dynasty came the construction of a new wooden palace (Aung-Thwin 1985:50-51; Hudson 2004:221-224).

These palaces were, therefore, a reflection of the impermanence of the Crown’s power. In an attempt to maintain some semblance of continuity and stability in the empire, the people came to depend more on the permanent nature of the Sangha. The temples and stupas became enduring symbols, creating a cultural identity that was formed and intended to be upheld and long-lasting (Trigger 1990:126). These monuments showcased

180 the Sangha as the upholders of Buddhism, and in doing so, continued to persuade individuals to make their endowments to the Buddhist Order, even after the fall of the royal court.

The decline in economic power, dissipation of their bonded population, and the lack of a charismatic ruler eventually resulted in the epicentre losing its status as an exemplary space (Aung-Thwin 2017:43). Although the Crown diminished in potency, the temples and stupas continued to persist as symbols of the “great tradition” (Trigger

1990:120), representing the longevity of Buddhist beliefs. The spiritual potency of these monuments, as well as the resources and amenities that were bonded to them through endowments, gave these monuments their own gravitational pull comparable to the epicentre. These monuments acted as beacons for a collapsing empire, attracting social, economic, and even political systems towards them, filling in the vacuum that was left after the demise of the Crown. No longer was the city the quintessential capital of an expansive kingdom, under a single authority and power (Iannone 2017c:4), but rather power was now dispersed amongst the thousands of monuments and associated religious institutions where the patron-client system, agrarian-based economy, settlement patterns, and ideologies remained virtually unchanged. No longer being under the control of a single governing figure allowed members of the commoner populations to more readily integrate and adjust to the movement of power from the Crown to the Sangha.

CONCLUSIONS

This chapter has presented a discussion that addressed the principle research objectives of this thesis. Understanding entanglements within a society requires a

181 complex and multifaceted approach. However, by studying the entanglements surrounding the religious monuments, a spatial context for the study of smaller entanglements of the state is possible, and these can be assessed for their broader implications. This chapter discussed the various entanglements that surrounded Bagan’s religious monuments and their effects on settlements and their inhabitants. During the early Bagan period (1044 – 1113 CE), the monument-building, stimulated by the desire for merit-making, resulted in the establishment of various settlements that enhanced the political authority, social cohesion, and economic success of both the Crown and Sangha.

Over time, these endowments became an economic and environmental burden for the

Crown. This resulted in the Crown’s loss of both its authority and their bonded population. The Sangha was able to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapse of the Crown due to the continued influx of wealth that the endowments brought in.

Furthermore, the Sangha’s lasting associated monuments also served as a testament to their legitimacy as a ruling power. In turn, as more of the population bonded themselves to the Sangha, the Sangha began to take on the political, social, and economic responsibilities that once belonged to the Crown. Although the construction of these religious monuments, in essence, built an empire, their propagation also led to its collapse.

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CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS

The monuments of Bagan were not simply religious spaces. Rather, they were nodal features scattered throughout the landscape where the Crown, the Sangha, and the peri-urban support population were brought together and bonded in various enabling and constraining relationships. By reconstructing the settlements that occupied Bagan’s peri- urban zone, this thesis was able to explore the nature of these settlements and considered how they and their inhabitants became entangled with the monuments that were built in pursuit of merit-making.

From the iconographic and ethnographic record, it is apparent that settlements were built near these religious monuments, with the clustering of ancient monuments being a likely indicator of a potential neighbourhood cluster (Hudson 2004:245).

However, prior to this thesis, few studies have explored the nature of these relationships, nor determined how these monuments may have been responsible for shaping settlement patterns. From the inscriptions, it is evident that people, and even entire settlements, were bonded to the monuments, thus becoming responsible for not only building the monuments but also maintaining and using them. Such relationships encouraged settlements to be established in close proximity to monuments. Without the archaeological data, the overall size of these communities remains mostly speculative.

While some inscriptions documented a large amount of people bonded to a monument, such as the 145 serfs donated to a monastery in West Pwa Saw village (Frasch 2014:112), which would have been sizable enough to establish a permanent community around the monument, many other donations listed a much smaller amount of people bonded to a monument. This makes it difficult to determine whether these people travelled to the

183 monuments on a daily basis or created permanent communities nearby. The monuments also enticed people to settle around them because they provided access to water.

Religious monuments were often associated with water management features that were donated by the Crown as part of their endowments to the Sangha. Such water management features were a necessary element for domestic life as they helped support the agricultural activities that the majority of the population participated in. While the monuments depended on the surrounding populace to ensure their longevity, through endowments and maintenance, the common people also depended on the monuments to provide spiritual and economic fulfillment, resulting in the formation of neighbourhood clusters that were permanently rooted in the spaces that surrounded these temples and stupas.

Not only did the donation of water features to the monuments help support the livelihoods of the commoner population, but they also allowed settlements to be established further inland, rather than being solely concentrated along the Ayeyarwaddy

River. The construction of such a high number of water features across the landscape also fostered a low-density urban pattern because communities were not limited to settling around a limited number of water reservoirs. Monument building further encouraged the formation of low-density settlements as a means of maintaining the local forestry. Due to the number of bricks that were needed to construct a monument, along with the costly nature of transporting them, Bagan’s monuments imported their bricks from multiple local settlements in order to prevent the deforestation of huge swaths of land that would have resulted from fueling the brick-making kilns (Hudson 2004:192, 197, 248; Moore and U Aung Myint 1991:81; Stadtner 2013:46). While low-density urbanism was adopted, in part, as an adaptive response to Bagan’s environment, the dispersal of

184 spiritual potency, as a result of monument building, was also partly responsible for this settlement pattern. As people were bonded to various temples and stupas, the construction of such a large quantity of monuments discouraged individuals from concentrating around a single site. The construction of Bagan’s monumental temples meant that there was no single place that was spiritually significant across the peri-uban settlement zone, but rather there were multiple significant sites, attracting individuals to settle amongst any one of them.

The process of building these thousands of monuments not only influenced where settlements were located but the new economic avenues that emerged from temple- building influenced the appearance of neighbourhoods and their layout. The emergence of specialized occupations led to the creation of divisions within neighbourhoods that were based on socio-spiritual, ethnic, and/or occupational status (Aung-Thwin 1985:74,

91-96; Hudson 2004:212; Iannone 2017c:2). This increasing diversity in social status also translated into increasing variability in house styles amongst the commoner population.

The settlement patterns of the walled epicentre were also affected by monument-building activities. As the process of building temples and stupas resulted in economic prosperity amongst the laity, the capital that they generated was returned to the Crown in the form of taxes. The influx of wealth that the Crown experienced resulted in the epicentre’s transformation into a bustling metropolis, attracting people from the surrounding lands to concentrate around this civic-ceremonial and economic centre. By the 13th century, the walled epicentre had become overcrowded with residential structures, and eventually, peri-urban neighbourhoods began to develop outside the epicentre’s walls.

The Crown’s endowments to the Sangha not only altered the city-scape by contributing to the construction of such a vast number of temples and stupas, but the

185 distribution of these monuments was also responsible for determining where settlements were constructed and how they were organized. This thesis has broken new ground by beginning the process of understanding settlement patterns at Bagan, but it has only scratched the surface in terms of what may be the decades of research that will be required to understand Bagan as a dynamic city. Amongst the next steps will be the inclusion of archaeological data in order to help fill the missing gaps that were presented in this thesis.

SUBSIDIARY RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions helped guide this thesis.

1) Using the iconographic record and historical literature, what can we learn about the composition, layout, and overall nature of Bagan’s epicentre as well as its peri-urban settlement zone?

Through the use of city-planning, the epicentre was imbued with spiritual significance. Not only was the placement of its royal palace its centre, the presence of the moat, city-walls, as well as city-gates facing the four cardinal directions, were meant to replicate the mythical Mount Meru. That said, the epicentre was organized based on

Buddhist ideas of the cosmos, as the royal palace and its surrounding residences mimicking the layout of the planets. Initially, the epicentre was intended to serve regal- ritual functions, and, in addition to evoking Buddhist ideas and hosting religious performances, was primarily used to house the king, his royal court, and high ranking members of the Sangha. Over time, the epicentre also came to serve economic functions, becoming the primary destination amongst road and river routes and resulting in the creation of dynamic markets. This flow of resources and capital into the epicentre also

186 brought people to this hub. No longer were the majority of the inhabitants of elite status, but rather commoners began to also settle within and around the walled epicentre. While the area within the walls became densely occupied, with buildings crowded together, outside of the walls were still relatively spacious with green spaces and agricultural fields still visible between structures.

In contrast to the heavily populated epicentre, Bagan’s peri-urban settlement zone was based on a low-density urban model, made evident by the frequent depiction of vegetation within settlements in the iconography. Due to the seasonally dry environmental conditions, these settlements clustered around the water systems that the

Crown sponsored as a form of merit-making. As the majority of the population were primarily agriculturalists, these cultivatable land, green spaces, and water features were needed in order to sustain their lifeways, with some individuals also having smaller family gardens that adjoined their homes. Craft production, such as pottery making, also appears to have taken place within or near the house compound. Once again, the space offered in low-density settlements enhanced the ability to produce these goods. The inhabitants of these peri-urban neighbourhoods, in addition to farming, appear to have practiced a wide range of secondary occupations. An individual’s occupation, socio- spiritual status, kin-relations, and ethnicity may have also determined where and with whom they lived with, as Bagan’s neighbourhood clusters were organized into guild-like communities.

Like the epicentre, neighbourhoods were also highly influenced by Buddhist belief systems. Temples, stupas, and monasteries were often built in close proximity to habitation sites, and they were in some cases responsible for the formation of communities. Because entire communities could be bonded to these monuments, whilst

187 other settlements were highly dependent on them, neighbourhoods became fixed to the spaces surrounding the monuments. The placement of these monuments within the communities varied, with some being located at the centre of the settlement and others found along the peripheries. In contrast, nat shrines were often isolated from daily life, due to the perceived ability of the residing spirits to bring misfortune (Aung-Thwin

1985:52; Hudson 2004:200; Takatani 2000). The residential structures within peri-urban neighbourhoods also demonstrated cosmic planning, with each layer of the house representing the different levels of the universe. From the iconographic record, it is apparent that there was a high degree of variability amongst house types, nevertheless, they were all built with wood, including teak or bamboo.

2) What kinds of entanglements developed between the Crown and the Sangha, and how did these entanglements change over time?

During the early Bagan period (850 – 1044 CE), the Crown and the Sangha developed dependences that were mutually beneficial. The Crown wanted to expand its empire but was met with the challenge of governing over a dispersed population that was also ethnically diverse. To facilitate ruling over this support population, the religious monuments became gravitational forces attracting and concentrating peoples, enabled social cohesion, and exemplified the power and wealth of the Crown who sponsored their construction, thereby legitimizing their reign. In return, the Crown was responsible for financially maintaining the Sangha through endowments. The Crown’s sponsorship of religious monuments throughout the peri-urban zone stimulated various economies as it resulted in the formation of entire occupations that were dependent on constructing the

Sangha’s temples and stupas. This capital was then returned to the Crown in the form of tax payments, and also went to the Sangha in the form of endowments. This increase in

188 state wealth allowed the Crown to continue making contributions to the Sangha, resulting in a monument building frenzy, which further increased the wealth of the population and state.

By the early to mid 14th century, the Crown began to feel the economic stress that accompanied their obligations of making endowments to the Sangha. As the availability of land and people began to decrease, the Crown became entrapped in a double bind as they struggled to continue making endowments to the Sangha, an institution whose support was necessary for the success of the Crown. Since a large amount of land was moved to the ownership of the Sangha through donations (Lieberman 2003:113), the

Sangha became more economically powerful, enticing the laity to bond themselves to the

Sangha. This provided them the opportunity to work on tax-free lands whilst also accumulating more merit, which further destabilized the Crown’s economy, as it meant the loss of a taxable population.

Both the Crown and the Sangha also began to feel the stresses associated with supplying monuments with their needed bricks. The building frenzy of the mid-13th century resulted in the deforestation of huge swaths of land, which hindered the brick making industry given how many trees were needed to fuel the brick-making kilns. This forced the Crown and Sangha to seek bricks from further sources and to allocate more endowment funds into the increasing transportation costs associated with these bricks.

Although the Sangha experienced some decline in power, evident from the decline in temple building after the collapse of Bagan, it was able to persist as a religious and cultural identity, becoming part of the “great tradition” that continues to be a focal point of religious life in Myanmar. The Sangha remains a major pilgrimage focus, and the act of merit-making through temple building continues with new temples and stupas being

189 constructed amongst the innumerable older monuments (Stadtner 2013:17-18, 42). This has helped perpetuate the power of the Sangha into contemporary times.

3) What aspects of the bundles that constitute the religious monuments were most entangled with Bagan’s commoner population?

Temples and the process of constructing them were embedded within a wide variety of aspects of ancient Burmese life, forming economic, environmental, social, political, and religious entanglements. Laymen were highly entangled with these monuments as their construction, maintenance, and use depended on the constant engagement with the surrounding populace, which eventually resulted in the establishment of peri-urban neighbourhood clusters and lifeways that revolved around these temples.

As emphasized throughout this thesis, Bagan’s religious monuments became synonymous with community life itself. Even spatially they were closely bundled together, as neighbourhoods were built in close proximity to them. Some neighbourhoods were intricately bundled with a monument, ensuring the day-to-day functions and upkeep of the monument as well as its residing abbot. Other neighbourhoods were more loosely bonded with these monuments, with individuals providing endowments and maintaining the structure for a fixed amount of time. Nonetheless, all communities and their inhabitants were in one way or another bundled with these monuments.

Neighbourhood economies were especially tightly bundled together with the temples and stupas. These complex structures with their elaborate texts, iconography, and decorative embellishments, and significant raw material components resulted in the formation of occupational specialization amongst the laity. Both the Crown and the commoner population depended on these religious monuments to act as redistributive

190 mechanisms. The Crown’s endowments of land, rice and other food staples, and cattle to these monuments meant that the surrounding populations had better access to the state’s resources and capital, which could be recirculated within their local economies, in comparison to the earlier circumstances in which the Crown had concentrated all their wealth within the treasury of the royal palace in the epicentre.

From the inscriptions and iconographic evidence, water management features were often bundled with the monuments. Commoners were therefore dependent on the monuments, and their associated water systems, to sustain their agricultural lifeways.

Lands, both agriculturally productive and non-agriculturally productive, were also bundled to these monuments as part of Crown endowments. As these lands were tax-free, this provided access to the commoners inhabiting the areas, allowing them to work on fields that would provide not only higher economical returns but also spiritual returns – as it was considered a form of merit-making – than if they worked on Crown-owned taxable lands (Aung-Thwin 1985:184; Lieberman and Buckley 2012:1070-1071). The laity became so entangled with these lands that one of the causes of the Crown’s collapse was the likely loss of a large taxable population as a majority of the populace bonded themselves to these Sangha-owned lands.

Lastly, cultural identity and social hierarchy were also bundled with these monuments, with long-lasting effects on the commoner population. The process of building and worshipping at these monuments resulted in the creation of a unified commoner population (Carballo and Fortenberry 2015:15; Scarborough and Lucero

2010:193; Smith 2007:36; Yaeger 2000:131), who identified as belonging to the same cultural tradition, even amongst the many ethnicities that inhabited Bagan’s peri-urban zone. Although these monuments had the power to create perceptions of unification,

191 within the commoner populations they also had the ability to create new social divisions that were justified by Buddhist ideas of merit. The emergence of specialized occupations, as a result of monument building, meant that individuals were paid amounts determined by how meritous their work was. For the commoners who interacted with these monuments daily, these religious buildings and associated institutions and church personnel served as a reminder of the “great tradition” that these commoners belonged too (Jackson and Wright 2014:132), a tradition that was steeped in Buddhist ideology, and which emphasized the importance of merit-making, and most importantly, the longevity of the religion itself.

FUTURE WORK

Although this study was limited by the current datasets available, it lays the foundations for exploring settlement patterning in Bagan by introducing the possibility for future contributions once archaeological excavations produce more data. Future research should be aimed at addressing the following topics:

• How do the findings from this study compare with those based on archaeological

evidence? Because the historical literature and iconographic record are elite-

biased datasets, archaeological data may provide a more accurate representation

of the lifeways of the common peoples. As Myanmar’s history has been largely

interpreted from an architectural, historical, and art historical perspective, using

archaeological evidence will allow for the reassessment of our current

understanding of ancient Bagan.

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• To what extent were settlements entangled with one another? The findings from

this thesis have determined that some craft production sites were responsible for

supplying a wide variety of settlements with their needs. Once archaeological data

is available, it would be interesting to see the degree to which the material culture

between settlements varied, especially amongst ethnic and status specific

settlements.

• How did temple-building affect the ability of the Crown, Sangha, and commoner

population to persist during periods of instability? This study primarily focused

on the entanglements that arose as a result of state-sponsored temple building.

Only briefly touched upon was how these dependences resulted in institutions and

or people becoming so dependent on one another that it limited the number of

responses that they could evoke when needed. More research needs to be

conducted analyzing how these entanglements affected the resilience and

vulnerability of the empire.

• To what extent do things have agency? This thesis has argued that temples and the

act of building them had considerable influence on the empire. The use of

entanglement theory should further encourage archaeological investigations into

things and how particular things have social agency with an ability to affect the

growth, sustainability, and eventual vulnerability of entire societies.

CONCLUSIONS

This thesis has investigated the settlement patterns that arose in response to state- sponsored religious monument building in Bagan. It utilized entanglement theory in order

193 to assess how the construction of these monuments affected the Crown, the Sangha, and the common people. This thesis began with a discussion regarding the surprisingly limited amount of settlement studies that have been conducted in the region even though the landscape has a rich history enshrined in over two thousand surviving brick monuments. The introductory chapter also discussed some of the value in studying Bagan as the development of its history has positive implications for its contemporary inhabitants. By increasing the historic value of the site, this, in turn, may lead to the growth of the tourism industry thereby generating more revenue for the local peoples.

This chapter was followed by a summary of our current understanding of settlement patterning in the tropics, including a discussion regarding the development and nature of low-density urban centres and epicentres, followed by a discussion regarding how this knowledge may be applied to Bagan. This chapter also highlighted the current gaps in the literature and stressed how this thesis may help deepen our understanding of settlement patterning at Bagan. Following this was a chapter presenting the theoretical and methodological framework of this thesis. Included was a discussion regarding the agency of things, an overview of entanglement theory, a theoretical concept that focuses on the enabling and constraining nature of relationships with and between things and people, and finally how multiple entanglements may become bundled together, allowing us to study the meshwork of things and people interacting and entangling one another.

Reconstructing settlement patterns and assessing their entanglements with religious monuments using the historical texts and iconographic evidence and supplemented by research previously conducted by other scholars in order to understand the formation, composition, organization, and activities of settlements.

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After reconstructing these settlements, it appears that Bagan’s walled epicentre was initially intended to only be a religious and political centre as it was primarily occupied by monks and the royal court. However, as the empire became increasingly powerful and wealthy, people became attracted to it, gravitating towards the walled epicentre and transforming it into a civic-ceremonial centre of economic and social activity. The

Crown’s endowments of people and resources to the Sangha also resulted in the formation of various peri-urban neighbourhoods characterized by similarities in ethnic, socio-spiritual status, and craft specialization, the inhabitants of which were bonded either the Crown or the temple complexes. Reconstructing Bagan’s settlements facilitates the analysis of entanglements as it becomes more evident how these temples affected both its neighbourhoods and the epicentre.

The next chapter addressed the overall entanglements surrounding Bagan’s religious monuments and analyzed the entanglements surrounding them. Also included was a discussion regarding how the Crown, Sangha, and commoner population were bundled into these entanglements. This triadic relationship began as relatively harmonious, with each component benefitting from one another. Unification, economic prosperity, and overall political stability emerged as a result of the religious monuments being built.

However, over time the Crown began to feel the stresses of donating to the Sangha as available lands and people began to decline. The Sangha, however, reaped the full benefits of this relationship as capital continued to flow towards them. The common peoples were less vulnerable than the Crown during this transitional period as the majority of them had the ability to bond themselves to either institution, providing them with a degree of resiliency. The laity was a cornerstone of the Crown’s power and their

195 movement away from the Crown signaled the end of the empire, thereby also ending the golden age of Myanmar.

196

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