Rhotic Variation in Northern Belizean Spanish

Trevor Bero College of the Liberal Arts Rhotic variation in northern Department of Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese Belizean Spanish Spanish rhotics (r-sounds) • Most Spanish dialects use two different rhotics 1. Tap rhotic with a single contact between tongue and roof of mouth [ɾ] 2. Trill rhotic with multiple contacts • In some instances, a difference in rhotics changes the meaning of the word • caro – single tap (expensive) • carro – trill (car) • Previous studies of Spanish in northern Belize state that this distinction no longer exists in this dialect [r] • A retroflex rhotic, comparable to Midwestern American English, has allegedly taken over some or all rhotics Language in northern Belize • English is the official language of the nation, though the northern districts are largely Spanish speaking • Intense language contact started in the mid- 1800s when large numbers of Spanish speaking Mayans entered northern Belize from Mexico • Similarities between the rhotic of Belizean Spanish and English led to speculation that English influence and bilingualism caused the purported merger of the Spanish rhotic system Data and Current Study • Data was collected in Corozal Town, Belize, the nation’s northernmost district capital • Relatively isolated from other areas of Belize, but close to neighboring Chetumal, Mexico • Six Spanish-English bilingual speakers • 3 men and 3 women • Mean age: 39 • The study examines factors that influence the use of different rhotic sounds Has the distinction between rhotics been lost? What factors lead to increased retroflex rhotic use? Results: Position in 100% 2% 1% Word 12% 90% 12% • Four total rhotic sounds are found 80% 70% • Trill and tap rhotics from canonical 68% Spanish appear in addition to 60% retroflex and deleted variants 87% 93% 50% 100% 100% Trill Variant (N=11) • These results indicate that the Tap (N=646) 40% two rhotic system has not 76% Retroflex (N=81) Deleted (N=12) merged 30% 20% 30% 10% 4% 5% 8% 0% 2% Complex Word Intervocalic Word Final Word Word Initial Syllable Internal (N=230) (N=120) Internal (N=43) Onset Syllable Syllable Final (N=250) Initial (N=3) (N=104) 100% 3% Results: Favorable 1% Retroflex 90% 19% Environments 80% 3% 70% 63% 60% • Further data extraction to better Deleted (N=9) understand the two most 50% Trill Variant (N=38) favorable retroflex environments Tap (N=221) Retroflex (N=257) 40% 78% • Overall trends in the data confirmed with larger set 30% • Word initial: rojo, rancho 20% 33% • Word internal syllable final: 10% importante, norte 0% Word Initial (N=181) Word Internal Syllable Final (N=344) Results: Following 100% 2% 1% 1% consonant effect 90% 22% for word internal 80% 55% 53% rhotics 70% 60% Trill Variant (N=4) • Use of retroflex is facilitated by 92% 50% 56% Tap (N=216) articulatory characteristics of the Retroflex (N=115) following consonant 40% Deleted (N=9) • In order from most to least favorable following consonant 30% 44% 46% 1. Lateral (e.g. “l”) 20% 2. Fricative (e.g. “s” or “f”) 3. Stop (e.g. “p”, “t”, “k”) 10% 22% 4. Nasal (e.g. “m”, “n”) 5% 0% 2% Nasal (N=107) Stop (N=96) Fricative (N=109) Lateral (N=32) 100% 1% 3% Results: Speaker Sex 5% 9% 90% • Speaker sex is a well studied social 80% characteristic that can influence use of 36% linguistic features 70% 47% • Results indicate that females use the 60% retroflex more, consistent with previous Deleted (N=9) research on non-stigmatized features 50% Trill Variant (N=38) Tap (N=221) Retroflex (N=257) 40% 30% 57% 43% 20% 10% 0% Female (N=225) Male (N=300) • The two rhotic system of tap and trill, has not merged to a single retroflex rhotic in northern Belize • Word initial and word internal syllable final Conclusion and positions are the most likely to employ retroflex rhotic production Importance • For word internal rhotics, the articulatory characteristics of a following consonant help predict when a retroflex will be used • Female speakers use retroflex rhotics at higher rates similar to non-stigmatized features in other dialects/languages.

Load more