Early Modern Sovereignty and Its Limits
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Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle
Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 2016 Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle Jeremy Seth Geddert Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Ethics and Political Philosophy Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Geddert, Jeremy Seth. "Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle." Concepts of Nature: Ancient and Modern. Edited by R. J. Snell and Steven F. McGuire. Lexington Books, 2016. Pages 71-90. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle Jeremy Seth Geddert Cicero writes in de Finibus that "nature never forgets its own primary prop erties." This leads him to inquire, "then how comes it that human nature alone abandons man?"1 If Hugo Grotius were alive today, he might wonder the same thing. Grotius's language of nature remains surprisingly enduring in contemporary discourse. Yet most students of political thought seem to have forgotten the man. This inattention is a notable change from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, during which one contemporary described Gro tius as "the greatest universal scholar since Aristotle."2 Grotius's fame began in 1598, when King Henry IV of France pronounced the fifteen-year-old prodigy as "the miracle of Holland." By his early twenties he became the Pensionary of Rotterdam, and by his early thirties he penned major works of history, literature, political philosophy, and theology. -
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chapter 7 Men, Monsters and the History of Mankind in Vattel’s Law of Nations Pärtel Piirimäe 1 Introduction Emer de Vattel has been widely considered a seminal figure in the European tradition of the law of nations. While attaching himself to the earlier tradition of natural jurisprudence, he offered a normative system of the law of nations that was more firmly and explicitly anchored to the political practice of his contemporary Europe than were the doctrines of his predecessors. Vattel pro- moted the practical applicability of his Droit des gens (1758), stressing that it was not so much written for interested ‘private individuals’, i.e. other scholars or the general public, but it was a ‘law of sovereigns’ that was primarily in- tended for ‘them and their ministers’. It would not help much, he explained, if his maxims were studied only by those who had no influence over public affairs; the ‘conductors of states’, on the other hand, if they chose to learn this science and adopt its maxims as the ‘compass’ for their policies, could produce many ‘happy results’.1 Vattel emphasized the easy comprehension and applica- bility of his book, contrasting his approach with that of Christian Wolff, whose treatise on the law of nations could be understood only if one ‘previously stud- ied sixteen or seventeen quarto volumes which precede it’.2 As Vattel famous- ly declared, his original intention was to introduce Wolff’s system to a wider readership, by rendering his rigid and formal work more ‘agreeable and better calculated to ensure it a reception in the polite world’.3 While it is clear that Vattel’s work amounted to much more than a system- atic account of Wolff’s principles,4 it is in the manner of presentation that the differences between the two scholars are the most striking. -
Table of Contents
Table of Contents Note for the Revised Edition 11 Introduction 13 emmeline besamusca and jaap verheul Neither Wooden Legs nor Wooden Shoes: Elusive Encounters with Dutchness 16 wiljan van den akker Society 1 Citizens, Coalitions, and the Crown 21 emmeline besamusca Queen Máxima: Enchanting the Monarchy 23 Binnenhof: Traditional Heart of a Modern Democracy 26 2 Politics between Accommodation and Commotion 33 ido de haan Pillarization: Pacification and Segregation 34 Pim Fortuyn: Libertarian Populist 39 3 Economy of the Polder 45 jan luiten van zanden Bulbs, Flowers, and Cheese: The Agricultural Face of an Urban Economy 45 Royal Dutch Shell: Corporate Legacy of Colonialism 49 4 Dilemmas of the Welfare State 57 lex heerma van voss Labor Productivity: Balancing Work and Leisure 58 Pensions: Well-Deserved and Well-Funded 63 5 Randstad Holland 69 ben de pater and rob van der vaart The Amsterdam Canal Ring: Urban Heritage of the Golden Age 70 The Port of Rotterdam: Logistical Hub of Europe 75 6 Distinctive within the Global Fold? 83 paul schnabel The Elfstedentocht: Beating the Forces of Nature 86 Sinterklaas: A Controversial Morality Tale 91 5 History 7 From the Periphery to the Center 97 marco mostert The Roman Limes: A Cultural Meeting Place 99 Hebban Olla Vogala: The Beginnings of Literature 105 8 The Golden Age 109 maarten prak The Tulip Bubble: Horticultural Speculation 111 William of Orange: Founding Father 113 9 A Tradition of Tolerance 121 wijnand mijnhardt Hugo Grotius: Founder of Enlightenment Thought 124 Baruch de Spinoza: Philosopher -
The Rights of War and Peace Book I
the rights of war and peace book i natural law and enlightenment classics Knud Haakonssen General Editor Hugo Grotius uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu ii ii ii iinatural law and iienlightenment classics ii ii ii ii ii iiThe Rights of ii iiWar and Peace ii iibook i ii ii iiHugo Grotius ii ii ii iiEdited and with an Introduction by iiRichard Tuck ii iiFrom the edition by Jean Barbeyrac ii ii iiMajor Legal and Political Works of Hugo Grotius ii ii ii ii ii ii iiliberty fund ii iiIndianapolis ii uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu This book is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. The cuneiform inscription that serves as our logo and as the design motif for our endpapers is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 b.c. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. ᭧ 2005 Liberty Fund, Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 09 08 07 06 05 c 54321 09 08 07 06 05 p 54321 Frontispiece: Portrait of Hugo de Groot by Michiel van Mierevelt, 1608; oil on panel; collection of Historical Museum Rotterdam, on loan from the Van der Mandele Stichting. Reproduced by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Grotius, Hugo, 1583–1645. [De jure belli ac pacis libri tres. English] The rights of war and peace/Hugo Grotius; edited and with an introduction by Richard Tuck. p. cm.—(Natural law and enlightenment classics) “Major legal and political works of Hugo Grotius”—T.p., v. -
Grotius and Kant on Original Community of Goods and Property
grotiana 38 (2017) 106-128 GROTIAN A brill.com/grot Grotius and Kant on Original Community of Goods and Property Sylvie Loriaux Département de science politique, Université Laval, Quebec [email protected] Abstract This paper is interested in the critical potential of the idea of original common possession of the Earth. On the basis of a comparative analysis of Hugo Grotius and Immanuel Kant, it shows how different the meaning of this idea can be within a theory of property or territory. The first part is devoted to Grotius’s account of why and how the institution of property was progressively introduced. It highlights the importance this account attaches to the intention of the first distributors for a good understand- ing of property laws, and in particular, for an understanding of their non-application in situations of extreme necessity. The second part takes the opposite path and shows that although Kant rejects the very existence of a right of necessity, the idea that one might be liberated from a law is not completely absent from, and even plays a crucial role in, his account of property. Clarification of this role ultimately leads us back to the idea of original possession in common of the Earth. Keywords Hugo Grotius – Immanuel Kant – original community of goods – necessity – permissive law – property rights * The author would like to thank the journal’s anonymous referees and editor for their very helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. She would also like to thank the participants in the Workshop on Grotius’s Place in the History of Moral and Politi- cal Thought (Leuven, 2017) and in the Workshop on Private Property and Territorial Rights (Bayreuth, 2017) for illuminating discussions. -
Globalizing Bentham
Globalizing Jeremy Bentham The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Armitage, David R. 2011. Globalizing Jeremy Bentham. History of Political Thought 32(1): 63-82. Published Version http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/imp/ hpt/2011/00000032/00000001/art00004 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11211544 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP - 1 - GLOBALIZING JEREMY BENTHAM1 David Armitage2 Abstract: Jeremy Bentham’s career as a writer spanned almost seventy years, from the Seven Years’ War to the early 1830s, a period contemporaries called an age of revolutions and more recent historians have seen as a world crisis. This article traces Bentham’s developing universalism in the context of international conflict across his lifetime and in relation to his attempts to create a ‘Universal Jurisprudence’. That ambition went unachieved and his successors turned his conception of international law in more particularist direction. Going back behind Bentham’s legacies to his own writings, both published and unpublished, reveals a thinker responsive to specific events but also committed to a universalist vision that helped to make him a precociously global figure in the history of political thought. Historians of political thought have lately made two great leaps forward in expanding the scope of their inquiries. The first, the ‘international turn’, was long- 1 History of Political Thought, 32 (2011), 63-82. -
The Protocols of Indian Treaties As Developed by Benjamin Franklin and Other Members of the American Philosophical Society
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (Religious Studies) Department of Religious Studies 9-2015 How to Buy a Continent: The Protocols of Indian Treaties as Developed by Benjamin Franklin and Other Members of the American Philosophical Society Anthony F C Wallace University of Pennsylvania Timothy B. Powell University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/rs_papers Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Religion Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wallace, Anthony F C and Powell, Timothy B., "How to Buy a Continent: The Protocols of Indian Treaties as Developed by Benjamin Franklin and Other Members of the American Philosophical Society" (2015). Departmental Papers (Religious Studies). 15. https://repository.upenn.edu/rs_papers/15 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/rs_papers/15 For more information, please contact [email protected]. How to Buy a Continent: The Protocols of Indian Treaties as Developed by Benjamin Franklin and Other Members of the American Philosophical Society Abstract In 1743, when Benjamin Franklin announced the formation of an American Philosophical Society for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge, it was important for the citizens of Pennsylvania to know more about their American Indian neighbors. Beyond a slice of land around Philadelphia, three quarters of the province were still occupied by the Delaware and several other Indian tribes, loosely gathered under the wing of an Indian confederacy known as the Six Nations. Relations with the Six Nations and their allies were being peacefully conducted in a series of so-called “Indian Treaties” that dealt with the fur trade, threats of war with France, settlement of grievances, and the purchase of land. -
“Civil War Time: from Grotius to the Global War on Terror”
Copyright © 2018 by The American Society of International Law NINETEENTH ANNUAL GROTIUS LECTURE The lecture began at 4:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 12, 2017, and was given by David Armitage, Lloyd C. Blankfein Professor of History at Harvard University; the discussant was Mary Dudziak, Asa Griggs Candler Professor of Law at Emory University School of Law.* CIVIL WAR TIME: FROM GROTIUS TO THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR doi:10.1017/amp.2017.152 By David Armitage† INTRODUCTION I am deeply grateful to the American Society of International Law—especially to its president, Lucinda Low—and to the International Legal Studies Program at American University Washington College of Law—in particular, to the Dean of the College, Camille Nelson, and to its program director, David Hunter—for their generous invitation to deliver the nineteenth Annual Grotius Lecture. Grateful, but more than a little intimidated. Nobel laureates and heads of state, eminent judges and leading diplomats have given this distinguished lecture, but never, I think, a humble historian. As Isaac Newton might have said were he in my shoes, “[i]f I can see far, it is because I stand on the shoulders of these giants.”1 The theme of this year’s Annual Meeting is “What International Law Values.” I fear I am going to be rather perverse—but I hope not ungracious—in addressing a subject, civil war, that interna- tional law mostly did not value, at least until quite recently. As the early nineteenth-century Swiss theorist of war Antoine Henri Jomini admitted of civil conflicts, “[t]o want to give maxims for these sorts of wars would be absurd.” They were, he explained, more destructive and cruel than conven- tional wars of policy because they were more irrational and more ideological.2 Such an attitude prevented the extension of the original Geneva Convention of 1864 to civil wars. -
Declarations of Independence Since 1776* DAVID ARMITAGE Harvard
South African Historical Journal, 52 (2005), 1-18 The Contagion of Sovereignty: Declarations of Independence since 1776* DAVID ARMITAGE Harvard University The great political fact of global history in the last 500 years is the emergence of a world of states from a world of empires. That fact – more than the expansion of democracy, more than nationalism, more than the language of rights, more even than globalisation – fundamentally defines the political universe we all inhabit. States have jurisdiction over every part of the Earth’s land surface, with the exception of Antarctica. The only states of exception – such as Guantánamo Bay – are the exceptions created by states.1 At least potentially, states also have jurisdiction over every inhabitant of the planet: to be a stateless person is to wander an inhospitable world in quest of a state’s protection. An increasing number of the states that make up that world have adopted democratic systems of representation and consultation, though many competing, even inconsistent, versions of democracy can exist beneath the carapace of the state.2 Groups that identify themselves as nations have consistently sought to realise their identities through assertions of statehood. The inhabitants of the resulting states have increasingly made their claims to representation and consultation in the language of rights. Globalisation has made possible the proliferation of the structures of democracy and of the language of rights just as it has helped to spread statehood around the world. Yet all of these developments – democratisation, nationalism, the diffusion of rights-talk and globalisation itself – have had to contend with the stubbornness of states as the basic datum of political existence. -
Hugo Grotius and the Liberal Tradition
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1987 Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition Karen Diane Csajko Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Csajko, Karen Diane, "Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition" (1987). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 3711. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.5595 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Karen Diane Csajko for the Master of Arts in Political Science presented July 28, 1987. Title: Hugo Grotius and the Liberal Tradition APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: L { Carr •( Chairman Byrod L. Haines One approach in contemporary international relations theory is the moralist position. Most moralists argue that obligations which an individual has toward the state and toward persons qua fellow citizens should not override the obligations which every individual has toward other persons qua members of humanity. Essential to a moralist approach is the idea that every individual shares some feature, such as rights, which is universal to all men and incontrovert- ible by any body. Many moralists base their theory upon the thought of Hugo Grotius, equating Grotius ' s thought with their own moralist approach. 2 This thesis argues that Grotius does not present a universal ethic and that his thought does not serve as a foundation for contemporary moralist theory. -
Punishment and Universal Jurisdiction in Emer De Vattel's Law of Nations
Emiliano J. Buis (editors) Emiliano J. Morten Bergsmo and Publication Series No. 34 (2018): Editors of this volume: Philosophical Foundations of International Criminal Law: Morten Bergsmo is Director of the Cen- Correlating Thinkers tre for International Law Research and Policy Morten Bergsmo and Emiliano J. Buis (editors) (CILRAP). Emiliano J. Buis is Professor at the Facul- This fi rst volume in the series ‘Philosophical Foundations of International Criminal tad de Derecho and the Facultad de Filosofía Law’ correlates the writings of leading philosophers with international criminal law. y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, and The chapters discuss thinkers such as Plato, Cicero, Ulpian, Aquinas, Grotius, Hobbes, holds several teaching and research positions Locke, Vattel, Kant, Bentham, Hegel, Durkheim, Gandhi, Kelsen, Wittgenstein, Lemkin, at other academic institutions in Argentina. Arendt and Foucault. The book does not develop or promote a particular philosophy or theory of international criminal law. Rather, it sees philosophy of international The Torkel Opsahl Academic EPublisher Thinkers Correlating of International Criminal Law: Philosophical Foundations (TOAEP) furthers the objective of excellence criminal law as a discourse space, which includes a) correlational or historical, b) in research, scholarship and education by pub- conceptual or analytical, and c) interest- or value-based approaches. The sister-vol- lishing worldwide in print and through the umes Philosophical Foundations of International Criminal Law: Foundational Concepts and Internet. As a non-profi t publisher, it is fi rmly Philosophical Foundations of International Criminal Law: Legally Protected Interests seek to committed to open access publishing. address b) and c). TOAEP is named after late Professor Torkel Opsahl (1931–1993), a leading interna- Among the authors in this book are Madan B. -
The Effects of the European Enlightenment on Early American Revolutionary Ideas and Literature
THE EFFECTS OF THE EUROPEAN ENLIGHTENMENT ON EARLY AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEAS AND LITERATURE By Michael Koucky During the 17th and 18th centuries, the intelligentsia of Europe and its American colonies were experiencing an intellectual revolution known as The Enlightenment. This period saw the greatest expansion of knowledge and philosophy in any time since the Renaissance. Scientists such as Newton and Galileo, Mathematicians such as Descartes, and philosophers such as Hume, Locke, Voltaire, Rousseau, and many others are associated with this period. The main connection between these seemingly different people was their desire to understand the world through reason and logic. From their concepts came a very different world than that of previous centuries, a shifting of power from traditional institutions such as the Church and monarchies to new societies based upon the desire for the "rights of man". Previously many people considered knowledge to be directly inspired by God and to be an immutable and unchallengeable block of wisdom held from long ago, interpreted only by religious scholars. The unalterable views of the Church of Rome silenced scientists such as Galileo and tended to discourage debate and enquiry until the Renaissance and Reformation opened religious texts and debate to the common man in Europe. In this new age many still considered God to be the source of all knowledge, however in the new view God played a much more passive role in the formation of new ideas and concepts. The thinkers of this period believed that man's ability to reason would allow him to understand the world he lived in and through that knowledge better his own situation, using the world (called "Nature" in man works) to mankind's advantage.