Grotius and Kant on Original Community of Goods and Property

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Grotius and Kant on Original Community of Goods and Property grotiana 38 (2017) 106-128 GROTIAN A brill.com/grot Grotius and Kant on Original Community of Goods and Property Sylvie Loriaux Département de science politique, Université Laval, Quebec [email protected] Abstract This paper is interested in the critical potential of the idea of original common possession of the Earth. On the basis of a comparative analysis of Hugo Grotius and Immanuel Kant, it shows how different the meaning of this idea can be within a theory of property or territory. The first part is devoted to Grotius’s account of why and how the institution of property was progressively introduced. It highlights the importance this account attaches to the intention of the first distributors for a good understand- ing of property laws, and in particular, for an understanding of their non-application in situations of extreme necessity. The second part takes the opposite path and shows that although Kant rejects the very existence of a right of necessity, the idea that one might be liberated from a law is not completely absent from, and even plays a crucial role in, his account of property. Clarification of this role ultimately leads us back to the idea of original possession in common of the Earth. Keywords Hugo Grotius – Immanuel Kant – original community of goods – necessity – permissive law – property rights * The author would like to thank the journal’s anonymous referees and editor for their very helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. She would also like to thank the participants in the Workshop on Grotius’s Place in the History of Moral and Politi- cal Thought (Leuven, 2017) and in the Workshop on Private Property and Territorial Rights (Bayreuth, 2017) for illuminating discussions. While writing this article the author was sup- ported by the Fonds de Recherche du Québec — Société et culture (frqsc), for which she is grateful. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2017 | doi 10.1163/18760759-03800007Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 08:18:51AM via free access <UN> Grotius and Kant 107 For anyone interested in property and territorial rights, the idea that the Earth and its resources are originally held in common intuitively presents itself as an appropriate starting point and as an attractive criterion. It appears as an appropriate starting point because it brings us back to a viewpoint that is historically or logically prior to the institution of these rights and because it allows us to identify more clearly both the raison d’être and the specifici- ties of a privatisation of natural resources, including that of pieces of land. It brings into relief the contingent character of existing property and territorial arrangements — insofar as these arrangements result from human decisions, things could indeed have been different than they currently are — and the modifications these arrangements have made to the way human beings relate to the Earth and to natural resources. The idea of original common posses- sion of the Earth and its resources is also attractive in a normative sense as it conveys the idea that human beings originally find themselves in a situation of equality. Whether natural resources are conceived of as originally belonging to everyone (i.e., a positive community of possession) or as originally belonging to no one in particular (i.e., a negative community of possession), no human being originally seems to have more claims than another to these resources. And this original situation of equality in turn suggests that the acquisition or the exercise of property and territorial rights might have to be subject to cer- tain constraints. If all human beings are originally equal in their relationship to the Earth, then any inequalities generated by property or territorial rights in terms of inclusion or exclusion might indeed seem to require a justification. It goes without saying that these normative considerations are of great relevance today, while there are rising concerns about the destruction of certain natural resources, while millions of refugees live in a situation of extreme insecurity, while private companies endanger food security by engaging in the practice of ‘land grabbing’, and while drought and desertification force entire populations to move. Bringing into relief this critical potential should, however, not cause us to lose sight of the possibility of significant nuances, or even profound diver- gences. As this paper aims to show on the basis of a comparative analysis of Hugo Grotius and Immanuel Kant, the idea of original common possession of the Earth can take very different forms and can, as a result, come to play a very different role within a theory of property or territory. Several reasons motivate the choice of these two authors. First, they conceptualise the original community of possession from a completely different perspective. Thus, while Grotius develops a historical account, which he mobilises in his identification of limits to property rights, Kant conceives of this community in a rather ra- tional way, as an a priori condition for the possibility of property. Although he grotiana 38 (2017) 106-128 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 08:18:51AM via free access <UN> 108 Loriaux does not explicitly state it, Kant is often assumed to position himself in opposi- tion to his natural law predecessors, and in particular against Grotius.1 Second, their discussion of the original community of possession is an opportunity to address other overlapping themes that offer insights into the implications of their respective positions. Noteworthy in this respect is the connection Grotius and Kant establish between the idea of original possession in common of the Earth and the suspension of the law. In Grotius, this connection appears in the form of a right of necessity, which temporarily interrupts, or at least limits, the application of positive laws; in Kant, it appears in the form of a permis- sive law of practical reason, which temporarily postpones the application of natural right (Naturrecht) in order to make the original acquisition of property and territorial rights possible. Third, Grotius and Kant have gained increasing prominence in theories of global justice. While Kant’s defense of a ‘federalism of free states’ and his recognition of a cosmopolitan right have been a source of inspiration in international political theory for some time,2 Grotius’s idea of original possession of the Earth in common has made an entrance more recently as a standpoint particularly suited to tackling issues of global con- cern.3 Accordingly, their different ways of conceiving the original possession in common of the Earth can be expected to also reveal different ways of theoris- ing territorial and environmental issues.4 This paper is divided into two parts. The first part is devoted to Grotius’s ac- count of why and how the community of possession in which human beings originally found themselves was progressively abandoned in favour of prop- erty and territorial rights. It highlights the importance this account attaches to the intention of the first distributors for a good understanding of property laws, and in particular, for an understanding of their non-application in situa- tions of extreme necessity. The second part takes the opposite path and shows that although Kant rejects the very existence of a right of necessity, the idea that one might be liberated from a law is not completely absent from, and even 1 Immanuel Kant, ‘Doctrine of Right’ [dr], in: Practical Philosophy, ed. by M. Gregor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 6:251 [Akademie Ausgabe], p. 405. 2 See, for instance, Jürgen Habermas, The Divided West (Cambridge/Malden: Polity Press, 2006), pp. 115–93. 3 See in this respect Mathias Risse, On Global Justice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), pp. 89–107. For a discussion of Risse’s enterprise, see Arash Abizadeh, ‘A Critique of the “Common Ownership of the Earth” Thesis’, Les ateliers de l’éthique/The Ethics Forum 8 (2013), 33–40 and Annie Stilz, ‘On Common Ownership of the Earth’, Ethics and International Affairs 28 (2014), 501–10. 4 Jakob Huber, ‘Theorising from the Global Standpoint: Kant and Grotius on Original Common Possession of the Earth’, European Journal of Philosophy 25 (2017), 231–49. grotianaDownloaded from 38 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2017) 106-128 08:18:51AM via free access <UN> Grotius and Kant 109 plays a crucial role in, his account of property. Clarification of this role ulti- mately leads us back to the idea of original possession in common of the Earth. Grotius: Primitive Community of Possession and Necessity At the beginning of the world, Grotius tells us, human beings were in a condi- tion where all was common. The Earth and its resources were common to all human beings in the sense that they were not properly owned: humankind received from God everything in common without distinct owners being es- tablished and hence without a good so appertaining to one person that it could not be to another’s in the same way.5 From this primitive community also fol- lowed a use right common to all human beings. God ‘gave to Mankind in gen- eral a Dominium over Things of this inferior World’, authorising each human being to take and to consume for his needs everything he wished from the Earth and its resources, without needing the consent of others.6 In addition, a certain equality had to be observed so that ‘one as well as another might have the Liberty of using what was common’.7 Accordingly, when Grotius says that the Earth and its resources were originally common, he means not only that they originally belonged to no one in particular (or that human beings were in a ‘negative’ community of possession), but also that each human being had an equal right to use them.
Recommended publications
  • Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle
    Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 2016 Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle Jeremy Seth Geddert Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Ethics and Political Philosophy Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Geddert, Jeremy Seth. "Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle." Concepts of Nature: Ancient and Modern. Edited by R. J. Snell and Steven F. McGuire. Lexington Books, 2016. Pages 71-90. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Natural Rights and History: Hugo Grotius's Modern Translation of Aristotle Jeremy Seth Geddert Cicero writes in de Finibus that "nature never forgets its own primary prop­ erties." This leads him to inquire, "then how comes it that human nature alone abandons man?"1 If Hugo Grotius were alive today, he might wonder the same thing. Grotius's language of nature remains surprisingly enduring in contemporary discourse. Yet most students of political thought seem to have forgotten the man. This inattention is a notable change from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, during which one contemporary described Gro­ tius as "the greatest universal scholar since Aristotle."2 Grotius's fame began in 1598, when King Henry IV of France pronounced the fifteen-year-old prodigy as "the miracle of Holland." By his early twenties he became the Pensionary of Rotterdam, and by his early thirties he penned major works of history, literature, political philosophy, and theology.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 55 'SAVING the GREATEST NUMBER' THOM BROOKS Imagine
    “05brooks” i i 2004/3/16 page 55 i i Logique & Analyse 177–178 (2002), 55–59 `SAVING THE GREATEST NUMBER' THOM BROOKS Imagine there are three boats equidistant from one another. You are alone in the first boat. The other two boats are sinking fast: one boat has one person (A), the other has two persons (B&C). There is only enough time to allow saving either A or B&C before their boats sink, drowning whoever is onboard.1 `As far as common-sense morality is concerned, one's duty as rescuer, under the circumstances, is a straightforward matter: one ought to save the greatest number' (Kumar 2001: 165). In this example, one reason in favour of saving B&C and not A is the Kamm-Scanlon argument, a contractualist framework without any commit- ment to aggregating various outcome values nor a combination of individual claims for rescue.2 If the claims of A, B, and C are accorded equal and positive weight, Michael Otsuka contends that the Kamm-Scanlon argument `considers C's claim in combination with B's claim so that they together tip the balance in favor of saving B and C' and not A (2000: 290–91; cf Scan- lon 1998: 232–33). C's presence in B's boat makes the difference between saving A or B&C. For Otsuka, the assertion that `C has a claim to be saved by virtue of an appeal to the difference that B and C make when considered together or in combination rather than one by one' amounts to an `appeal to the claim of a group of individuals' (2000: 292).
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    Table of Contents Note for the Revised Edition 11 Introduction 13 emmeline besamusca and jaap verheul Neither Wooden Legs nor Wooden Shoes: Elusive Encounters with Dutchness 16 wiljan van den akker Society 1 Citizens, Coalitions, and the Crown 21 emmeline besamusca Queen Máxima: Enchanting the Monarchy 23 Binnenhof: Traditional Heart of a Modern Democracy 26 2 Politics between Accommodation and Commotion 33 ido de haan Pillarization: Pacification and Segregation 34 Pim Fortuyn: Libertarian Populist 39 3 Economy of the Polder 45 jan luiten van zanden Bulbs, Flowers, and Cheese: The Agricultural Face of an Urban Economy 45 Royal Dutch Shell: Corporate Legacy of Colonialism 49 4 Dilemmas of the Welfare State 57 lex heerma van voss Labor Productivity: Balancing Work and Leisure 58 Pensions: Well-Deserved and Well-Funded 63 5 Randstad Holland 69 ben de pater and rob van der vaart The Amsterdam Canal Ring: Urban Heritage of the Golden Age 70 The Port of Rotterdam: Logistical Hub of Europe 75 6 Distinctive within the Global Fold? 83 paul schnabel The Elfstedentocht: Beating the Forces of Nature 86 Sinterklaas: A Controversial Morality Tale 91 5 History 7 From the Periphery to the Center 97 marco mostert The Roman Limes: A Cultural Meeting Place 99 Hebban Olla Vogala: The Beginnings of Literature 105 8 The Golden Age 109 maarten prak The Tulip Bubble: Horticultural Speculation 111 William of Orange: Founding Father 113 9 A Tradition of Tolerance 121 wijnand mijnhardt Hugo Grotius: Founder of Enlightenment Thought 124 Baruch de Spinoza: Philosopher
    [Show full text]
  • The Rights of War and Peace Book I
    the rights of war and peace book i natural law and enlightenment classics Knud Haakonssen General Editor Hugo Grotius uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu ii ii ii iinatural law and iienlightenment classics ii ii ii ii ii iiThe Rights of ii iiWar and Peace ii iibook i ii ii iiHugo Grotius ii ii ii iiEdited and with an Introduction by iiRichard Tuck ii iiFrom the edition by Jean Barbeyrac ii ii iiMajor Legal and Political Works of Hugo Grotius ii ii ii ii ii ii iiliberty fund ii iiIndianapolis ii uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu This book is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. The cuneiform inscription that serves as our logo and as the design motif for our endpapers is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 b.c. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. ᭧ 2005 Liberty Fund, Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 09 08 07 06 05 c 54321 09 08 07 06 05 p 54321 Frontispiece: Portrait of Hugo de Groot by Michiel van Mierevelt, 1608; oil on panel; collection of Historical Museum Rotterdam, on loan from the Van der Mandele Stichting. Reproduced by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Grotius, Hugo, 1583–1645. [De jure belli ac pacis libri tres. English] The rights of war and peace/Hugo Grotius; edited and with an introduction by Richard Tuck. p. cm.—(Natural law and enlightenment classics) “Major legal and political works of Hugo Grotius”—T.p., v.
    [Show full text]
  • Charles Taylor and George Grant on the Problem of Instrumentalism: Expressivism and Justice As Alternative Ontologies
    CHARLES TAYLOR AND GEORGE GRANT ON THE PROBLEM OF INSTRUMENTALISM: EXPRESSIVISM AND JUSTICE AS ALTERNATIVE ONTOLOGIES Carlos Colorado Bachelor of Arts, Simon Fraser University, 2001 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Under Special Arrangements in the Faculty of Arts O Carlos Colorado 2004 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY August 2004 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Carlos Colorado Degree: Master of Arts Charles Taylor and George Grant on the Problem of Title of Thesis: Instrumentalism: Expressivism and Justice as Alternative Ontologies Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Jonathan C. Driver Dean of Graduate Studies Dr. Ian Angus Senior Supervisor Professor Department of Humanities Dr. David Laycock Supervisor Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Samuel LaSelva External Examiner Professor Department of Political Science University of British Columbia Date Approved: &b! 208~ Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further agreed that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by either the author or the Dean of Graduate Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalizing Bentham
    Globalizing Jeremy Bentham The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Armitage, David R. 2011. Globalizing Jeremy Bentham. History of Political Thought 32(1): 63-82. Published Version http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/imp/ hpt/2011/00000032/00000001/art00004 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11211544 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP - 1 - GLOBALIZING JEREMY BENTHAM1 David Armitage2 Abstract: Jeremy Bentham’s career as a writer spanned almost seventy years, from the Seven Years’ War to the early 1830s, a period contemporaries called an age of revolutions and more recent historians have seen as a world crisis. This article traces Bentham’s developing universalism in the context of international conflict across his lifetime and in relation to his attempts to create a ‘Universal Jurisprudence’. That ambition went unachieved and his successors turned his conception of international law in more particularist direction. Going back behind Bentham’s legacies to his own writings, both published and unpublished, reveals a thinker responsive to specific events but also committed to a universalist vision that helped to make him a precociously global figure in the history of political thought. Historians of political thought have lately made two great leaps forward in expanding the scope of their inquiries. The first, the ‘international turn’, was long- 1 History of Political Thought, 32 (2011), 63-82.
    [Show full text]
  • Contractualism
    Contractualism Jussi Suikkanen Final author copy; To be published in Michael Hemmingsen (ed.): Ethical Theory in Global Perspective (SUNY Press). Introduction There is a long historical tradition of trying to understand morality in terms of a contract. The core idea in this tradition is that what is right and wrong is in some way grounded in either what we have agreed to do or in what we could be expected to agree to in some hypothetical circumstances. This contractualist way of thinking goes back to at least Ancient Greece (Plato, The Republic, 358e–359b), but it really became the prominent way of thinking especially about our political obligations during the Early Modern period through the social contract theories of Thomas Hobbes (1996 [1651]), John Locke (2002 [1689]), and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1997 [1762]). Contractualism is not, however, merely a historical tradition, but rather it continues to be a popular approach. In political philosophy, many debates concerning justice still tend to take John Rawls’s (1971) contractualism as their starting point. Similarly, in moral philosophy, different ways of developing the basic contractualist insights are at the centre of several key theoretical debates (Gauthier 1986, Scanlon 1998, Southwood 2010, and Parfit 2011). That so many people have approached morality through the idea of a contract for over two millennia suggests that the contractualist framework must be getting something right. Yet, as we will see below, the devil will be in the details. 1 For the sake of simplicity, this chapter focuses on just one contemporary formulation of contractualism – the version outlined by T.M.
    [Show full text]
  • Hugo Grotius and the Liberal Tradition
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1987 Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition Karen Diane Csajko Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Csajko, Karen Diane, "Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition" (1987). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 3711. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.5595 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Karen Diane Csajko for the Master of Arts in Political Science presented July 28, 1987. Title: Hugo Grotius and the Liberal Tradition APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: L { Carr •( Chairman Byrod L. Haines One approach in contemporary international relations theory is the moralist position. Most moralists argue that obligations which an individual has toward the state and toward persons qua fellow citizens should not override the obligations which every individual has toward other persons qua members of humanity. Essential to a moralist approach is the idea that every individual shares some feature, such as rights, which is universal to all men and incontrovert- ible by any body. Many moralists base their theory upon the thought of Hugo Grotius, equating Grotius ' s thought with their own moralist approach. 2 This thesis argues that Grotius does not present a universal ethic and that his thought does not serve as a foundation for contemporary moralist theory.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of the European Enlightenment on Early American Revolutionary Ideas and Literature
    THE EFFECTS OF THE EUROPEAN ENLIGHTENMENT ON EARLY AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY IDEAS AND LITERATURE By Michael Koucky During the 17th and 18th centuries, the intelligentsia of Europe and its American colonies were experiencing an intellectual revolution known as The Enlightenment. This period saw the greatest expansion of knowledge and philosophy in any time since the Renaissance. Scientists such as Newton and Galileo, Mathematicians such as Descartes, and philosophers such as Hume, Locke, Voltaire, Rousseau, and many others are associated with this period. The main connection between these seemingly different people was their desire to understand the world through reason and logic. From their concepts came a very different world than that of previous centuries, a shifting of power from traditional institutions such as the Church and monarchies to new societies based upon the desire for the "rights of man". Previously many people considered knowledge to be directly inspired by God and to be an immutable and unchallengeable block of wisdom held from long ago, interpreted only by religious scholars. The unalterable views of the Church of Rome silenced scientists such as Galileo and tended to discourage debate and enquiry until the Renaissance and Reformation opened religious texts and debate to the common man in Europe. In this new age many still considered God to be the source of all knowledge, however in the new view God played a much more passive role in the formation of new ideas and concepts. The thinkers of this period believed that man's ability to reason would allow him to understand the world he lived in and through that knowledge better his own situation, using the world (called "Nature" in man works) to mankind's advantage.
    [Show full text]
  • Leibniz As Legal Scholar
    LEIBNIZ AS LEGAL SCHOLAR Matthias Armgardt* 1. Introduction1 These days, Leibniz is very famous for his contributions to philosophy, especially in the fi eld of metaphysics, and to mathematics, especially for the invention of calculus and the binary numeral system. However, attention has seldom been drawn to the fact that Leibniz was also, particularly at the beginning of his career, a legal scholar. Even legal historians have been reluctant to translate and analyse his complex works on the law. Luig was one of the fi rst legal historians to consider these texts, but did so from a dogmatic point of view only.2 When I wrote my book3 about Leibniz’ Doctrina conditionum4 in the 1990s, no translation was available. Nowadays, French translations of some of his legal texts by the philosopher Boucher are available,5 as well as English translations by the philosopher Dascal6 and by Sartor and Artosi.7 In addition, some of his texts on natural 1 I wish to thank my friend Laurens for his encouragement to return to Leibniz after a break of more than ten years. I had the opportunity to present part of this paper at the Erasmus University Rotterdam in January 2013. 2 Recently, Luig made a methodological contribution as well: Klaus Luig, Leibniz’s concept of jus naturale and lex naturalis – defi ned “with geometric certainty”, in: Daston/Stolleis (eds.), Natural Law and Laws of Nature in Early Modern Europe, Ashgate 2009, pp. 183ff. 3 Matthias Armgardt, Das rechtslogische System der “Doctrina conditionum” von G. W. Leibniz, Diss. Köln, Marburg 2001 (referred to as Armgardt, DC).
    [Show full text]
  • An Ideology of War, Not Peace: Jus in Bello and the Grotian Tradition Of
    Journal of Political Ideologies (1999), 4(1), 13-37 An ideology of war, not peace: jus in bello and the Grotian tradition of war KARMA NABULSI Nuffield College, Oxford, 0X1 1NF ABSTRACT The Grotian tradition of war developed in a particular manner in the last quarter of the nineteenth century in the context of the framing of the modern laws of war. This article will seek to trace the core elements of this tradition, which drew heavily on the writings of Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). Its important values were law, order, power, and an attachment to the sovereignty Downloaded By: [University of Oxford] At: 16:44 8 January 2008 of the state. As the Grotian tradition of war was 'index-linked' to legitimate power, its central ambition was to limit the rights of belligerency to a particular class of participant (the soldier), and to exclude all others from the right to become actively involved in political or military action in times of war and military occupation in nineteenth century Europe. Grotianism is without doubt the strongest paradigm in current international political theory, incorporating the modern traditions of international law, inter- national society, and just war, to name but a few. Yet, although Grotius himself is undergoing a remarkable revival in Western political thought, his most important contribution to the current debate appears to have been largely overlooked. This article will seek to show that Grotius' main contribution lay in the methodological and ideological system which he introduced, and which all of the above-mentioned traditions employ. This system is drawn from his main work, De Jure Belli et Pads ('The Laws of War and Peace'), which is almost exclusively concerned with the rights, wrongs, and practices of war.
    [Show full text]
  • CONTRACTUALISM Rahul Kumar
    41 CONTRACTUALISM Rahul Kumar What is contractualism? Contractualism is a non-consequentialist moral theory first advanced by T. M. Scanlon in his influential article, “Contractualism and Utilitarianism” (1982), and later developed in detail in his book, What We Owe to Each Other (1998). Its distinctive central claim is that one person morally wrongs another by treating him in a way whose permissibility is not justifiable to him on grounds he cannot reasonably reject. The name, “contractualism,” suggests an account belonging to a tradition of thinking about morality associated with Hobbes. Its animating idea is that valid moral norms are those that can be thought of as the object of a hypothetical agreement, reached through a process of self-interested bargaining, among all those to whom they apply. In this respect, the name is misleading. Scanlonian contractualism’s roots lie not in Hobbes, but in the social contract tradition of Rousseau and Kant, one that treats what motivates the parties to the hypo- thetical agreement as the appeal of living in community with others on a basis of mutual respect for one another, along the lines of what Kant calls a the “king- dom of ends,” a “systematic union of different rational beings through common laws” (Kant 1997: 4:433). This strand of the social contract tradition is one that John Rawls brilliantly develops in his A Theory of Justice (1971). Scanlon’s contractualism is importantly indebted to Rawls’s work, but is not helpfully understood as an extension of it. Rawls’s concern is with the nature of justice, and in particular, how a society’s basic institutions ought to be regulated so as to enable ongoing social coopera- tion on terms of fair reciprocity.
    [Show full text]