Emotions of Excellence: Communal and Agentic Functions of Pride, Moral Elevation, and Admiration

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Emotions of Excellence: Communal and Agentic Functions of Pride, Moral Elevation, and Admiration Chapter 12 1 Emotions of Excellence: Communal 2 and Agentic Functions of Pride, Moral 3 Elevation, and Admiration 4 Lisa A. Williams 5 Abstract Excellence is a potent emotional elicitor. When it is oneself that achieves 6 excellence, pride can arise. When another person achieves excellence, moral eleva- 7 tion and admiration can arise. This trio of “emotions of excellence” addresses both 8 communal and agentic functions. This chapter reviews these functions as well as 9 how their functions might play out in one example context – the workplace – and 10 concludes by outlining paths for future research, highlighting the need for integra- 11 tive work across emotions and across functions as well as the application of new 12 technologies to this intriguing area of research. 13 Interdependence is and ought to be as much the ideal of man as self-sufficiency. Man is a 14 social being. 15 –Mahatma Gandhi 16 Gandhi points out two ways of acting in social life: acting in a way that benefits 17 the self and acting in a way that benefits one’s relationships. This delineation echoes 18 a dominant theme in social psychology: individuals must balance needs to “get 19 ahead” (i.e., pursue agentic outcomes) and “get along” (i.e., pursue communal out- 20 comes). Navigating the cooperation and competition between these two motives lies 21 at the heart of adaptive social functioning. 22 Work in affective science has revealed myriad ways via which emotions provide 23 a mechanism via which individuals might make contextually appropriate choices to 24 pursue getting ahead and/or getting along. This chapter focuses on a key context in 25 which such opportunities arise: excellence of the self or of others. Specifically, it 26 outlines a view of how pride, moral elevation, and admiration serve both communal 27 and agentic functions. In addition to reviewing supportive empirical evidence regard- 28 ing agentic and communal functions of these three emotions, this chapter highlights 29 how these emotions and their functions might play out in one example context – the 30 workplace. The chapter concludes by outlining paths for future research, highlight- 31 ing the need for research that integrates across emotions and across functions, as 32 well as the application of new technologies to this intriguing area of research. 33 L. A. Williams (*) School of Psychology, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2018 H. C. Lench (ed.), The Function of Emotions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77619-4_12 L. A. Williams 34 Getting Along and Getting Ahead: Core Demands of Social 35 Life 36 The emergence of human societal structures required not only meeting basic 37 ­survival needs but also successfully navigating the social environment. One popu- 38 lar theoretical approach in the study of social needs is to consider drives to get 39 along and to get ahead (Locke, 2015). With its roots in work by Bakan (1966) and 40 Hogan (1982), this delineation has had substantial staying power in social and per- 41 sonality psychology (Abele & Wojciszke, 2014; Fiske, Cuddy, & Glick, 2007; 42 Horowitz et al., 2006; McAdams, 1988; Trapnell & Paulhus, 2012). Emphasizing 43 their ubiquitous nature, this pair of needs has been referred to as “life’s recurring 44 challenges” (Ybarra et al., 2008). 45 Communion lies at the relational core of human sociality. The need to “get along” 46 relates not only to requirements to connect with and be accepted by others 47 (Baumeister & Leary, 1995) but also to behave in ways consistent with social and 48 moral norms (Bicchieri, 2005; Harms & Skyrms, 2008). Reflecting this dual nature, 49 Abele et al. (2016) argue that communion comprises two sub-facets: interpersonal 50 warmth and morality. Ybarra et al. (2008) point out that communion is a persistent 51 need that does not vary according to situation or person, due to the negative conse- 52 quences of being socially rejected (see DeWall & Bushman, 2011, for a review). 53 Agency, or the need to “get ahead,” is centered around acquisition and demon- 54 stration of skills, both of which contribute to status attainment. A sub-facet approach 55 is also relevant here, with agency comprising both competence (serving skill attain- 56 ment) and assertiveness (serving skill recognition by others; Abele et al., 2016). 57 Ybarra et al. (2008) put forth a compelling case that, while communion can be 58 expected among all group members at all times, agency might be more contextually 59 constrained, limited to those who need or have a skill and to situations in which that 60 skill is relevant. 61 Adaptive functioning requires a balance between pursuit of getting ahead and 62 getting along. Indeed, pursuing one at the expense of the other (i.e., unmitigated 63 agency or unmitigated communion) brings along a suite of deleterious outcomes 64 (e.g., Helgeson & Fritz, 1999). Moreover, it is of critical import for individuals to 65 recognize when opportunities to get ahead and get along arise. Herein lies an adap- 66 tive challenge that emotions might help resolve. In a given context that provides an 67 opportunity to get along or to get ahead, might emotions help cue individuals to 68 those contexts and shape thoughts and behaviors in an adaptive manner (i.e., in a 69 manner that takes advantage of that opportunity)? 70 This chapter focuses on one particular context in which achieving this balance 71 might be required: the achievement of excellence. Excellence of the self is the pro- 72 totypical eliciting context of pride. Excellence of others can give rise to admiration 73 (in cases of skill-based excellence) and moral elevation (in cases of morality-based 74 excellence). The chapter advances the argument that excellence contexts provide 75 the opportunity to get along and get ahead – an opportunity that is cued by and 76 indeed realized by the positive emotions of pride, admiration, and moral elevation. 12 Emotions of Excellence: Communal and Agentic Functions of Pride, Moral… Getting Along and Getting Ahead in the Face of Excellence: 77 The Role of Emotion 78 Before proceeding, a definition of “excellence” is in order. Psychologists, 79 ­philosophers, and practitioners might each have their own definitions of excellence. 80 However, the Oxford English Dictionary provides a useful inclusive definition: 81 excellence is “the possession chiefly of good qualities in an eminent or unusual 82 degree; surpassing merit, skill, virtue, worth, etc.” This definition aptly highlights 83 both skill and virtue as contributors to excellence. While the definition itself is 84 agnostic with regard to the agent of excellence, it can be useful to identify the agent, 85 especially as it relates to the question of how positive emotions shape functional 86 outcomes in excellence contexts. Specifically, excellence of the self can prompt 87 pride, and excellence of others can prompt moral elevation (for virtue) and admira- 88 tion (for skill). 89 It is worth noting that these three emotions fit within the broader class of positive 90 emotions. Fredrickson’s (2001, 2013) influential broaden-and-build theory provides a 91 guiding framework for how positive emotions as a class serve adaptive outcomes. 92 Specifically, according to the theory, positive emotions assist individuals to broaden 93 their attention and build resources. The broaden-and-build approach also highlights 94 the role that positive emotions can play in producing an “upward spiral,” in which 95 positive emotional experience brings about adaptive outcomes that further the experi- 96 ence of positive emotions (e.g., Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002). Some of these outcomes 97 can be aligned with “getting along,” such as garnering social support (Fredrickson, 98 Cohn, Coffey, Pek, & Finkel, 2008) and reduction of group-based biases (Johnson & 99 Fredrickson, 2005), or with “getting ahead,” such as goal attainment (Wong, Tschan, 100 Messerli, & Semmer, 2013). However, as revealed below, reflecting on the discrete 101 nature of pride, moral elevation, and admiration affords a careful consideration of 102 how they might cue and function in excellence-based contexts. 103 Evidence is reviewed below that speaks to how pride, moral elevation, and admi- 104 ration promote functional outcomes in the service of getting ahead and getting 105 along. Note that the aim of this review is not to be exhaustive, but rather illustrative, 106 highlighting how the communion/agency framework provides a guiding structure 107 for understanding functions of these emotions in social space. Where relevant, the 108 text highlights functions that stem from both experiencing and expressing the 109 ­emotion in question. 110 Excellence of the Self: A Context for Pride 111 Pride is commonly felt upon achievement of a socially valued outcome (Mascolo & 112 Fischer, 1995). Compelling evidence suggests that pride is communicated by a suite 113 of nonverbal behaviors (e.g., a small smile, expanded posture, raised chin; Tracy & 114 Matsumoto, 2008; Tracy & Robins, 2007a). Highlighting its agentic and communal 115 L. A. Williams 116 functions, pride has been classed among self-conscious emotions (Tracy, Robins, & 117 Tangney, 2007) as well as moral emotions (Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). 118 Before proceeding, it is worth noting the theoretical distinction between authen- 119 tic and hubristic pride (e.g., Tracy & Robins, 2007b; cf. Williams & DeSteno, 2010). 120 For the purposes of this chapter, focus will be placed on social functions of authen- 121 tic forms of pride, that is, pride that stems from tangible achievement. By and large, 122 authentic pride is held to be the more adaptive of the two forms of pride (Tracy & 123 Robins, 2007c). In the case that reviewed research differentiated between authentic 124 and hubristic pride, findings are noted that relate to authentic forms.
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