Policing Executive Teamwork: Rescuing the APA from Presidential Administration
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Enbridge Responses to ADOE IR No. 1 Page 1 of 4 Transcanada
Enbridge Responses to ADOE IR No. 1 Page 1 of 4 TransCanada Keystone Pipeline GP Ltd. (“Keystone”) Keystone XL Pipeline Application OH-1-2009 Responses to The Alberta Department of Energy Information Request No. 1 to Enbridge Pipelines Inc. (“Enbridge”) 1.1 Reference: Written Evidence of Enbridge Pipelines Inc., dated July 30, 2009 including the attached Muse Stancil Report and CAPP June 2009 report Preamble: We understand Enbridge’s evidence indicates that generally: (1) an additional one million b/d of take-away capacity from Western Canada on the Keystone Pipeline and the Enbridge system will be built by 2010; (2) while a certain level of excess pipeline capacity is advantageous, the advantage reverses when the cost of capacity outweighs the netback benefits; (3) the Keystone XL Pipeline project would create an unnecessary and unprecedented level of excess pipeline capacity between Western Canada and U.S. markets; (4) if Keystone XL is placed into service in late 2012, it will offload volumes from the Enbridge system; (5) this off loading will increase Enbridge system shippers’ costs, shipping between Edmonton and Chicago, by Cdn$315 million (Cdn$0.75 per barrel); (6) impact could be greater if volume shipped on either base Keystone or Keystone XL were more than contracted volumes; (7) Enbridge asked Muse Stancil to estimate aggregate net benefit to Canada of the Keystone XL Pipeline and Muse Stancil estimates it would only be US$102 million in 2013, as compared to Purvin & Gertz Inc. estimate of $3.4 billion benefit to Canadian heavy crude producers alone; (8) Enbridge is advancing the “Gretna Option” as a modification the Keystone XL Pipeline; (9) the Gretna Option would reduce the capital cost of the Keystone XL Pipeline by approximately US$2 billion and would reduce tolls on Enbridge system by about Cdn$0.35 per barrel; Enbridge Responses to ADOE IR No. -
Keystone Pipeline System Keystone Pipeline System
Keystone Pipeline System Keystone Pipeline System Keystone Pipeline System An innovative and cost-competitive solution to a growing North American demand for energy, the Keystone Pipeline System will link a reliable and stable source of Canadian crude oil with U.S. demand. Upon completion, the Keystone Pipeline System will be comprised of the 2,151- mile (3,461-kilometre) Keystone Pipeline and the proposed 1,661-mile (2,673-kilometre) Keystone Gulf Coast Expansion Project (Keystone XL). TransCanada affiliates will build and operate the Keystone Pipeline System in four phases. Keystone Pipeline (Phase I) Originating at Hardisty, Alta., Keystone Phase I transports crude oil to U.S. Midwest markets at Wood River and Patoka, Ill. Keystone Phase I began commercial operation in June 2010. The Canadian portion of Keystone Phase I involved the conversion of approximately 537 miles (864 kilometres) of existing TransCanada pipeline in Saskatchewan and Manitoba from natural gas to crude oil transmission service. Along with the construction of 16 pump stations Edmonton and approximately 232 miles (373 kilometres) of new pipeline in Canada, new facilities were also required Hardisty Alberta at the Keystone Hardisty Terminal, including: three Saskatchewan operational storage tanks, an initiating pump station, Calgary Regina Manitoba and interconnections with existing pipeline systems in the Winnipeg Ontario Hardisty area. The U.S. portion of the Keystone Pipeline included the North Dakota Helena construction of 1,084 miles (1,744 kilometres) of new, 30- Bismarck Minnesota inch diameter pipeline and 23 pump stations throughout Montana North Dakota, South Dakota, Kansas, Missouri, and Illinois. Pierre Wisconsin Michigan South Dakota Wyoming Keystone Cushing Extension (Phase II) Iowa Chicago Measuring approximately 298 miles (480 kilometres) in Nebraska length,Ohio Keystone Phase II is an extension of Keystone Phase Lincoln Illinois Indiana I from Steele City, Neb., to Cushing, Okla. -
Nixon Now: the Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-Five Years
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1999 Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Paulsen, Michael Stokes, "Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years" (1999). Minnesota Law Review. 1969. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1969 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nixon Now: The Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsent United States v. Nixon' was, and remains today, a case of enormous doctrinal and political significance-easily one of the five most important Supreme Court decisions of the last fifty years. The decision proximately led to the forced resignation of a President of the United States from office. The decision helped spawn a semi-permanent statutory regime of Independ- ent Counsel, exercising the prosecutorial power of the United States and investigating executive branch officials 2-- a regime that has fundamentally reshaped our national politics. Nixon provided not only the political context that spawned the Inde- pendent Counsel statute, but a key step in the doctrinal evolu- tion that led the Court to uphold its constitutionality, incor- rectly, fourteen years later, in Morrison v. Olson.3 United States v. Nixon also established the principle that the President possesses no constitutional immunity from com- pulsory legal process, a holding that led almost inexorably to the Supreme Court's unanimous rejection of presidential im- munity from civil litigation for non-official conduct, twenty- three years later, in Clinton v. -
The Cost of Pipeline Constraints in Canada by Elmira Aliakbari and Ashley Stedman
FRASER RESEARCH BULLETIN FROM THE CENTRE FOR NATURAL RESOURCE STUDIES May 2018 The Cost of Pipeline Constraints in Canada by Elmira Aliakbari and Ashley Stedman MAIN CONCLUSIONS Despite the steady growth in crude oil From 2013 to 2017, after accounting for available for export, new pipeline proj- quality differences and transportation ects in Canada continue to face delays costs, the depressed price for Canadian related to environmental and regula- heavy crude oil has resulted in CA$20.7 tory impediments as well as political billion in foregone revenues for the Ca- opposition. nadian energy industry. This significant loss is equivalent to almost 1 percent of Canada’s lack of adequate pipeline ca- Canada’s national GDP. pacity has imposed a number of costly constraints on the nation’s energy sec- In 2018, the average price differen- tor including an overdependence on tial (based on the first quarter) was the US market and reliance on more US$26.30 per barrel. If the price differ- costly modes of energy transportation. ential remains at the current level, we These and other factors have resulted estimate that Canada’s pipeline con- in depressed prices for Canadian heavy straints will reduce revenues for Cana- crude (Western Canada Select) relative dian energy firms by roughly CA$15.8 to US crude (West Texas Intermediate) billion in 2018, which is approximately and other international benchmarks. 0.7 percent of Canada’s national GDP. Between 2009 and 2012, the average Insufficient pipeline capacity has re- price differential between Western sulted in substantial lost revenue for Canada Select (WCS) and West Texas the energy industry and thus imposed Intermediate (WTI) was about 13 per- significant costs on the economy as a cent of the WTI price. -
Follow-Up Letter
March 2, 2018 President Margarette May Macaulay Commissioner Antonia Urrejola Commissioner Francisco José Eguiguren Praeli Commissioner Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño Commissioner Luis Ernesto Vargas Silva Commissioner Joel Hernández García Commissioner Flávia Piovesan Executive Secretary Paulo Abrão Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 1889 F Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006 Re: Update on Effect of U.S. Executive Order “Expediting Environmental Reviews and Approvals for High Priority Infrastructure Projects” Dear Commissioners Eguiguren Praeli, Macaulay, Urrejola, Arosemena de Troitiño, Vargas Silva, and Piovesan, and Executive Secretary Abrão, We, the undersigned Indigenous and civil society organizations, write to update the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on President Trump’s Executive Order “Expediting Environmental Review and Approvals for High Priority Infrastructure Projects,” (Infrastructure EO) with a focus on developments since the March 21, 2017 hearing1 on this matter. The actions taken in the last year in direct and indirect furtherance of the Infrastructure EO – including granting permission for construction without conducting appropriate assessments and silencing opposition to that permission – severely impact the rights of Indigenous peoples in the United States to their land and culture, as well as to free, prior, and informed consent. We ask the Commission to maintain its involvement in monitoring and responding to this situation, including by taking the specific actions listed at the conclusion of -
Amended Complaint
Case 3:21-cv-00065 Document 71 Filed on 06/01/21 in TXSD Page 1 of 59 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS GALVESTON DIVISION STATE OF TEXAS; STATE OF MONTANA; STATE OF ALABAMA; STATE OF ALASKA; STATE OF ARIZONA; STATE OF ARKANSAS; STATE OF FLORIDA; STATE OF GEORGIA; STATE OF KANSAS; COMMONWEATH OF KENTUCKY; STATE OF INDIANA; STATE OF LOUISIANA; STATE OF Civ. Action No. 3:21-cv-00065 MISSISSIPPI; STATE OF MISSOURI; STATE OF NEBRASKA; STATE OF NORTH DAKOTA; STATE OF OHIO; STATE OF OKLAHOMA; STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA; STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA; STATE OF UTAH; STATE OF WEST VIRGINIA; and STATE OF WYOMING, Plaintiffs, v. JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., in his official capacity as President of the United States; ANTONY J. BLINKEN, in his official capacity as Secretary of the Department of State; MERRICK B. GARLAND, in his official capacity as Attorney General of the United States; Case 3:21-cv-00065 Document 71 Filed on 06/01/21 in TXSD Page 2 of 59 ALEJANDRO MAYORKAS, in his official capacity as Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security; DEB HAALAND, in her official capacity as Secretary of the Interior; JENNIFER GRANHOLM, in her official capacity as Secretary of the Department of Energy; MICHAEL S. REGAN, in his official capacity as Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency; THOMAS J. VILSACK, in his official capacity as the Secretary of Agriculture; PETE BUTTIGIEG, in his official capacity as Secretary of Transportation; SCOTT A. SPELLMON, in his official capacity as Commanding General of the U.S. -
Protests Against Trump's Immigration Executive Order May Have Helped
Protests against Trump’s immigration executive order may have helped shift public opinion against it. blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2017/02/12/protests-against-trumps-immigration-executive-order-may-have-helped-shift-public-opinion-against-it/ 2/12/2017 Donald Trump’s executive order preventing the entry of refugees and those from seven Muslim- majority countries has sparked protests across the country and the world. But have those protests had an effect on public opinion? Loren Collingwood, Nazita Lajevardi, and Kassra Oskooii present preliminary findings from a survey conducted before and after President Trump’s executive order. They find that after the ban, 25 percent more Democrats and an additional 15 percent of Republicans became opposed to it. In addition, one in five of all respondents stated that the protests had an impact on their views towards immigration policy. On Friday, January 27th, President Donald Trump signed executive order 13769, “Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States.” The order made changes to immigration policies and procedures and banned for 90 days the entry into the United States of individuals from seven predominantly Muslim countries. The ban set off a fury of protests across US cities and airports. Thousands of Americans from coast to coast chanted slogans such as “No hate, no fear, refugees are welcome here.” While the ban raises several important Constitutional questions that are making their way through the nation’s courts, two public opinion questions have emerged: 1) Did the ban, and ensuing controversy shift public opinion, and if so amongst whom? 2) Did the demonstrations specifically shift public opinion against the ban? Anticipating the executive order, we fielded a two-wave panel survey of 423 respondents between January 24-27th but before the president announced the executive order. -
15 Billion for Cancellation of Keystone XL Pipeline Project Aviana Cooper University of Baltimore, [email protected]
University of Baltimore Journal of International Law Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 6 Volume IV, No. 2 2015-2016 2016 Emerging Issues: Transcanada v. Obama Administration – 15 Billion for Cancellation of Keystone XL Pipeline Project Aviana Cooper University of Baltimore, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ubjil Part of the Energy and Utilities Law Commons, Environmental Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Cooper, Aviana (2016) "Emerging Issues: Transcanada v. Obama Administration – 15 Billion for Cancellation of Keystone XL Pipeline Project," University of Baltimore Journal of International Law: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 6. Available at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ubjil/vol4/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Transcanada v. Obama Administration – 15 Billion for Cancellation of Keystone XL Pipeline Project By Aviana Cooper* TransCanada Keystone Pipeline, LP and TC Oil Pipeline Op- erations Inc., subsidiaries of TransCanada Corporation (“TransCana- da”), lost their seven-year bid with the United States (U.S.) Govern- ment for a permit to complete the $5.4 billion oil pipeline connecting Canada and the U.S.1 On November 6, 2015, President Obama -
Contested Ground: Presidential Power and the Constitution Daniel Farber (Oct. 2019 Draft) As the Title Indicates, This Is a Book
Contested Ground: Presidential Power and the Constitution Daniel Farber (Oct. 2019 Draft) As the title indicates, this is a book about the constitutional powers of the Presidents and their limits. The plan is for a short book aimed at the general reader (thus, few if any footnotes, informal tone, etc.) I would like the book to be useful for readers regardless of their political stance or viewpoint on executive power. The book begins by laying some foundations, explaining the history leading up to Article II of the Constitution; the language of Article II; and the current battle over the “unitary executive” theory. Many issues that arose in the early years continue to percolate today. These issues include the degree of presidential control over the Executive Branch, Presidential autonomy in foreign affairs, the President’s power to take military actions, and the President’s power to respond to unexpected emergencies. These issues occupy the middle portion of the book. The final part of the book discusses the constitutional checks on presidential power. Constitutional law also limits presidential power in several ways. Courts may intervene either to prevent the President from straying outside of the powers granted by Article III, or to enforce the restrictions that the Bill of Rights places on all governmental powers. Judicial efforts to limit presidential powers encounter constitutional issues of their own, involving matters such as executive privilege, presidential immunity from damages, and possible limits on criminal prosecution of a president. Congress also has the ability to impose checks on the President, such as use of the power of the purse, congressional investigations, and ultimately the power of impeachment. -
Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions?
Fordham Law Review Volume 79 Issue 6 Article 2 November 2011 Who's In Charge? Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions? Robert V. Percival Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert V. Percival, Who's In Charge? Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions? , 79 Fordham L. Rev. 2487 (2011). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol79/iss6/2 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHO’S IN CHARGE? DOES THE PRESIDENT HAVE DIRECTIVE AUTHORITY OVER AGENCY REGULATORY DECISIONS? Robert V. Percival* Most regulatory statutes specify that agency heads rather than the President shall make regulatory decisions .1 Yet for more than four decades every President has established some program to require pre-decisional review and clearance of agency regulatory decisions, usually conducted by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).2 On January 18, 2011, President Barack Obama joined his seven predecessors in expressly endorsing regulatory review when he signed Executive Order 13,563.3 President Obama’s regulatory review program generally emulates those of his two most recent predecessors, relying on OMB’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) to review only the most significant agency rulemaking actions.4 Although this form of presidential oversight of rulemaking is now well established, an important, unresolved question is whether the President has the authority to dictate the substance of regulatory decisions entrusted by statute to agency heads. -
Keystone XL Pipeline: Overview and Recent Developments
Keystone XL Pipeline: Overview and Recent Developments Updated April 1, 2015 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43787 Keystone XL Pipeline: Overview and Recent Developments Summary TransCanada’s proposed Keystone XL Pipeline would transport oil sands crude from Canada and shale oil produced in North Dakota and Montana to a market hub in Nebraska for further delivery to Gulf Coast refineries. The pipeline would consist of 875 miles of 36-inch pipe with the capacity to transport 830,000 barrels per day. Because it would cross the Canadian-U.S. border, Keystone XL requires a Presidential Permit from the State Department based on a determination that the pipeline would “serve the national interest.” To make its national interest determination (NID), the department considers potential effects on energy security; environmental and cultural resources; the economy; foreign policy, and other factors. Effects on environmental and cultural resources are determined by preparing an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) pursuant to the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). The NID process also provides for public comment and requires the State Department to consult with specific federal agencies. TransCanada originally applied for a Presidential Permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline in 2008. Since then various issues have affected the completion of both the NEPA and NID processes for the project. In particular, during the NID process for the 2008 application, concerns over environmental impacts in the Sand Hills of Nebraska led the state to enact new requirements that would change the pipeline route. Facing a 60-day decision deadline imposed by Congress, the State Department denied the 2008 permit application on the grounds that it lacked information about the new Nebraska route. -
Office of Legal Counsel
OPINIONS OF THE OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL OF THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE CONSISTING OF SELECTED MEMORANDUM OPINIONS ADVISING THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, AND OTHER EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN RELATION TO THEIR OFFICIAL DUTIES EDITOR Nathan A. Forrester VOLUME 26 2002 WASHINGTON 2012 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 1 10/22/12 11:13 AM 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 2 10/22/12 11:13 AM Attorney General John D. Ashcroft Assistant Attorney General Office of Legal Counsel Jay S. Bybee Deputy Assistant Attorneys General Office of Legal Counsel Sheldon Bradshaw Joan L. Larsen Patrick F. Philbin M. Edward Whelan III John C. Yoo iii 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 3 10/22/12 11:13 AM OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL Attorney-Advisers (2002) Jonathan G. Cedarbaum Jeffery P. Kehne Paul P. Colborn Jennifer L. Koester Robert. J. Delahunty Daniel L. Koffsky John A. Eisenberg Caroline D. Krass Curtis E. Gannon Martin S. Lederman Rosemary A. Hart Herman Marcuse James C. Ho Nick Quinn Rosenkranz Clare Huntington Leslie A. Simon Gregory F. Jacob George C. Smith Steffen J. Johnson Robert W. Werner iv 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 4 10/22/12 11:13 AM FOREWORD The Attorney General has directed the Office of Legal Counsel to publish selected opinions on an annual basis for the convenience of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Branches of the government, and of the professional bar and the general public. The first twenty-five volumes of opinions published covered the years 1977 through 2001. The present volume covers 2002.