INDIAN POLITICAL ICOB flKCE TIE ,X> ,. V'V^ rATIDN OF Mr. 1AJIT GAMDBI

A MMt AlBSttttf

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DtSllEE OP JHutter of library & information Science

MONO. ARSHAD Ml KNMI RoN NO. 92-LSM-12 Enroknont No. V-5523

Mr. S. Hasan Zamarrud (Roador)

DEPARTMENT OF LIBRARY ft INFORMATION SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIQARH 1993 u

DS2696 ww»AaTMiNT OP LI8HAR ALIGAKH MUSUM AUGARFN

Hit it U «*rtt fr **t *• IUi. 4 £Oft, .i.^a- 4l«M*t«tUft *t Mr. ***» A**«i *^J^ ^BPW^B ^^W ;

•f Mr* B«J|V 0«** t A MlMl ft? ipMWilill •^W^M*^/ /fcikfu^ ^j^h4>^^t^^m^u^ Dedicated to my loving brother and mother who have always been a source of inspiration to me

Teacheth man that which he knew not CONTENTS

I ACKNOWLE DGEMENTS U - V SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY

PART ONE ... 1-70

INTRODUCTION

PART TWO 7] _ 197

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PART THREE 1 S8 — 214 INDEXES (Title & Author Index) — 216 LIST OF PERIODICALS SCANNED °1* 5 -J—

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all let me thank* Almighty God for it is indeed. His Blessing alone this project has been completed.

I feel privileged ged in expressing ray profound sense of gratitude and indebtness to ray teacher and supervisor Mr. S. HASAN ZAMARRUD, Reader, Department of Library and Information science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aiigarh for suggesting the recent topic, extending his guidance and continual assistance and remaining for me a source of this investigation.

My sincere thanks one due to Prof. MOHD SABIR HUSAIN, Chairman, Department of Library and Information Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh for providing all facilities that I needed for my dissertation. My sincere thanks go to my respected teachers especially

Mr. AL-MUZAEFAR A.G. KHAN, Reader, Mr. MUSTAFA K. Q. ZAIDI, Reader and Dr. SHABAHAT HUSAIN, Reader, Department of Library and Information Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aiigarh for their valuable assistance during this period. My heartful thanks are also due to my friends and classmates. Last but not the least I am highly thankful to Mr.Mohd Riaz Khan, typist for typing this manuscript.

(MOHD ARSHAD ALI KHAN) SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY

SCOPE - The Indian political scene has seen a sea change. Since the assassination of Mr. Rajiv ^andhi on 21 May 1991 Sriperumbudur. The basic aim of his study is to bring together at one place the documents and periodicals, articles published in Indian and foreign journals an the subject. Since the topic is so vast, I have tried to include all the relevant subtopics and in each a few representative articles have been documented. Since the study deals with current problems, I had^to decide a cut off date, which I have chosen to be August 20, 1993, in consultation with my supervision. Keeping in view the topicality of the study instead of plain annota­ tions, informative abstracts have been prepared for the articles.

METHODOLOGY - The primary sources were consulted in the following libraries. (i) Maulana Azad Library, Ajigarh i-^uslim University, Aligarh. (ii) Indian Council of World Affairs Library, Sapru House, New (iii)Nehru Museum and Library, Teen Moorti, (iv) American CentreI Library, Kasturba Gandhi Marg,New Delhi. (v) British Council Library, Rafi Marg, New Delhi,

(vi) Indian Council of Sociai Science Research, NASSDOC Mandi House, New Delhi. The procedure followed yin preparing this bibliography was as follows: * * •

1. The secondary sources were consulted in Maul ana Azad Library, Angarh to find out tiie location of the articles these secondary sources were. Index Index (Rajasthan University/ Jodhpur) . Indian Press Index (Indian Documentation Service ). Article of the Week (JNU Library, New Delhi)

Weekly List of Article (Indian Council of World Affairs, N.Delhi). Guide to Indian Periodical Literature (Delhi Library Association) .

2. The relevant bibliographical details were noted down on 5"x7" cards following the ISI standards. 3. The primary sources were consulted in Maul ana Azad Cibrary, Aligarh and Libraries in Delhi. 4. On completion of the abstracts subject headings were assigned, subject headings are completely co-extensive to the extent possible. 5. The subject headings were arranged in an alphabetical sequence of various elements. 6. In the end two separate alphabetical indexes were prepared viz. author index and title index, providing reference to various entries by their respective numbers. 7. No subject index has beenprovided as bibliography itself arranged alphabetically through subject headings.

STANDARD FOLLOWED Bibliographic reference for periodical articles Care has been taken to follow strictly the rules and practices of CCC. Thus it gives a uniformity for the -/V-

bibliographical references throughout the selected bibliography. Attempt has been made to give the full name of the periodicals. The items of bibliographical references for each entry of periodical are arranged as follows. (a) Name(S) of authors (b) Full stop (.) (c) Title of the article including sub title, if any (d) Full stop (.) (e) Title of the periodical in full (f) Semicolon (;) (g) Volume number

(h) Coma (,)

(i) Issue number

(B) Semicolon (;)

(k) Year of publication

(1) Coma (,)

(m) Date of publication

(n) Semi colon (;)

(o) Inclusive pages of article

SPECIMEN ENTRY

INDIA, POLITICS, ASSASSINATION, GANDHI (Rajiv) INVOLVEMENT, CIA

9. BADWAR (Praful). Wages of venaluty:Cynical real politic claimed

Rajiv's life. Times of India* 154. 126? 1991,Mav. 28; 6.

Author points out that Rajiv's Gandhi assassination.

Leaving aside imprabable - sounding theories.. V —

SUBJECT HEADING - Attempt has been made to give co-extensive subject heading as much as possible, it will facilitate the readers to find out desired article(s) from this bibliography.

ARRANGEMENT - An entry is preceeded by subject heading in capitals. The entry begins with entry element (i.e. surname) of the author is capitals, followed by the secondary element (i.e.. forename) is parenthesis, and then title of the article, which is followed by the title of the periodical, its volume, issue number, date of publication and page number each entry is then followed by an informative abstract of the article.

INDEX - The index part contains an author index and title index. Each index guides to the specific entry or entries in the bibliography. It is hoped that they will be found very useful in; consultation of the bibliography.

2

MID-TERM POLL

Returning In Shame:

In a perverse demonstration of contrition. Devi Lai requested the more than 500 members, who had assembled for a ceremonial group photograph a day before the President dissolved the House, to hold their ears in penitence. They did not oblige. The Tau may have been the pot calling the kettle black, but he had, nonetheless made a symbolic point. The people's representatives to the ninth Lok Sabha had much to be ashamed of and much more to apologise about to the discerning and mature voters of this country whom they must face again in May after the 16-month sham that they had made of the institution of Parliament.

The leaders of various parties were proclaiming a brave resolve to face the electorate again. But the majority of MPs as Congress (I) *s wrote in a candid letter to the President, did not want to face a raid-term poll. They are now in the fray with bated breath, overwhelming with trepidation, nervous panicky. And with good reason.

They face an angry voter. He has watched their antics, their unethical backroom manoeuvrings, their shameless horse- trading, mutual backstabbing but above all, the betrayal of the public-trust, with growing disgust. Having lost the people's mandate they had tried every machination in the 3

book to stick to power.But ultimately, as the unrelenting implementing imperatives of Indian democracy prevailed, they discovered that they could retain power only if they enjoyed the confidence of the people who had voted for thetfi.

The excruciating agony for the nation is that politicians have disinterred some of ttie most basic hatreds and insecuri­ ties that have traditionally posed the several threat to the survival of the republic. *ndia is again being made to wallow in the primordial slime of casteism and communal ism rather than tackling real issues such as a better, faster- working or corruption free government. The politician's non­ performance, his willingness to sacrifice national goals, even to the Extent of grossly trivialising them, at the altar of partisan, sectional or communal benefit was the ballmark of the last 16 sorry months. *nd now he stands naked, faced with the daunting task of justifying his very existence.

With this record of dismal failure how does he hope to regain the confidence of the public again? He tries by clothing himself inslogans and cooking up ideological justifications for his role in cutting short the five-year mandate. As they stand hat in hand before the public again the politicians are aware that they were unable to keep their major promise to the public - providing a stable government bassed on clean politics. They had promised that 4

the Janata experiment of 1977 would not be repeated. But In the quest of power, more power, and vote banks all that, was forgotten.

V.P. Singh let loose a casteist whirlwind that cut a swathe of destructive violence and bloodshed across the political landscape. L.K. Advani, notwithstanding his image of moderate reasonableness, uncorked a Hindu hurricane whose gusts are still shaking the foundations of communal harmony. The jat leaders who rode tiie anti-corruption wave against Congress(I) discredited themselves and destabilised every political grouping in which they sought shelter. The Congress(l) which had promised to abjure power because it did not have the people's mandate wound up supporting a rump government and trying to make a backdoor entry into government. And played fast and loose with his principles of commitment and self-respect first, to take revenge on V.P. Singh, and then, to stay in power until the insults from Congress(l) grew unbearable.

The lesson from all this may well be, put not your faith in any one political party until it has been able to demonstrate its capacity to govern, not just to catch votes, but in the larger national interest.

In that sense the voters are experimenting with and ushering in a whole new phase in India's political development 5

- denying any party an overwhelming majority unless it has provided its mettle. The experiment in coalition politics has already begun without any major damage to the country's stability and may take several elections before entirely new alignments actually take shape. That's all an integral part of the maturation period of a democracy.

Another new development - and this is tiie bright side . is that for the flast time the country has a wider choice of nationally recognised leaders - Rajiv, Singh, Advani and dark horse Chandra Shekhar. And tills added competition - no matter how elected leaders may let the people down - can only add tfo the health of Indian democracy by forcing the conten€ers to behave more responsibly.

Perhaps the politicians will learn from this tfiat their days in office give them a sense of political eternity that is but a mirage; that sooner ra-tfier than later, they must face their day of reckoning, their day of accountability, which is why democracy works again and again, and again.

The Crucial Questions

Was Rajiv under surveillance? Who ordered it?

On March 2, Prem Singh and Raj Singh were arrested by the Delhi Police for their unauthorised presence outside the Congress(I) preiident's 10, Janpath residence. They admitted under questioning that they were intelligence 6

plainclothesmen assigned by thestate CID to keept a watch on the Haryana politicians meeting Rajiv. Police sources also confirmed that ttie snooping was aimed at collecting information on the activities of Devi Lai's younger son, Ran j it Singh and other (S) dissidents. Congress (I) leaders charged that Haryana* s Home Minister had directed the snooping under orders from Janata Dal(S) strongman . But Sampat singh said he would resign if this was proved. Chandra Shekhar also offered to hold a probe. Apparently this practice had been on for sometime and the Congress(I) felt it was too humiliating especially as the party was propping up the government.

Was the :surv el lance issue a ruse to extract concessions from Chandra Shekhar or to pull him down?

On the morning of March 4, the Congress Party Parliamentary Executive Committee, chaired by Raj iv Gandhi, huddled in room 25 - its party office. Among those present were P.J. Kurien,

Kamalnath, M.L, Fotedar, P. Shivshankar, P.v. Narasimha Rao and Madhavsinh Solanki, Rajiv told them he had received firm information that he had been the object of surveillance by the Haryana Government. Following a brief debate, the c6mmittee decided to issue simultaneous statements in both House warning that the Congress(l) would boycott the prime minister's vote of thanks to tiie President unless "adequate action" was taken. 7

The Initial Congress(l) demands conveyed to tiie prime minister by , who acted as intermediary during the three crucial days, were that he should either dismiss the Haryana Government or remove Chautala from the post of tiie Janata Dal(S) general secretary. They were later escalated to sacking Communications Minister sanj ay Singh from the Cabinet. Many Congress(l) elders felt tiiat Rajiv was over-reacting. But his aides say that apart from his wounded pride the incident brought back to Rajiv dreaded memories that his mother had been gunned down by security guares. In spite of differences within the party on how well to tackle the issue, the Congress(I) MPs ultimately boycotted the House pushing the prime minister into a corner.

^y did Chandra shekhar resign and recommend fresh elections? The prime minister's initial response was reasonable. He apologised in parliament for the wrongdoing and promised remedial action but only after a proper inquiry. He ev«rn proposed the formation of a joint parliamentary committee to undertake the probe.

But with the Congress (I) insisting on its pound of flesh, Chandra Shekhar became adamant. For him it became a question of izzat/ the Thakur's pride. Also, he was fully ware of the Congress(l) *s songoing efforts to split his party and attract defectors to its side to form a government. Even if the Congress (I) did not immediately withdraw support on the spying issue - and it would not have - it was bound to pull the rug 8

sooner or later. Chandra Shekhar believed that this was the time to pre-empt any such future move. He did not want to go to the President as a defeated man but rafter as a man who would finally script the nation's political agenda and win political plaudits for himself in the eyes of the public. Besides, he did not want to antagonise the -Chautala combine. It is characteristic of Chandra Shekhar that he has not disowned his associates, however embrrassing they proved.

Did the resignation take Rajiv by surprise? Yes, Chandra Shekhar had stolen a march over him. At the time of his resignation Rajiv still favoured forming a govt, with defectors from the two Janata Dais. For this he was playing for more time. The strongest advocates of this line were , M.L. Fotedar and R.K. Eh a wan. Minutes after the prime minister's announcement of his resignation in the Lok sabha, Rajiv fiame out of his office in Parliament looking shaken. Talking to reporters he sounded almost apologetic: "We have not withdrawn our support yet. in spite of our support we have been spied on". But it was too late and the damage had been done.

The surest indication that Rajiv had initially been caught flat-footed on the issue was his simultaneous pursuance of two lines of action* He met the President twice and the AICC(I) spokesmen announced, following those meetings, that the party favoured elections. Ihis was to demonstrate to the 9

public that the party was not afraid of a mid-term poll. Meanwhile, Rajiv gave the nod to several partymen to continue to explore the possibility of forming a government or even a patch-up with Chandra Shekhar. At one stage it seemed tfiat the two parties would kiss and make-up but ChandraShekhar apparently put his foot down.

Why did the President delay action on the recommendation of the council of ministers?

The day after Chandra Shekhar announced his resignation in the Lok Sabha, speaker adjourned the House for

three days. The Lok Sabha was yet to pass the vote-on-account apart from amending the constitution to further prolonging President's rule in Punjab. In such a situation it would have been unwise for -the President to dissolve the Lok Sabha. since there were differences among the political parties on the interim budget proposals and Punjab, sometime was needed to achieve a consensus all these issues to avert a constitutional impasse.

For all these compulsions, the President may have been playing it straight - going by the book. Yet, his role became suspect. He could have announced - on the day that the prime minister tendered his resignation and recommended dissolution - that he would dissolve the House as soon as its business had been completed. But he kept the decision in abeyance during 10 which period Rashtrapati Bfcawan became the focal point of intense political activity. President R. Venkataraman had to listen to every viewpoint (the communique from Rashtrapati Bhawan specified that some of the MPs and leaders who met him were against dissolution). In fact, even some senior Congress(I) leaders like P. Shivshankar and Vasant Sathe in their talks with the President suggested the forming of a national coalition government, a view contrary to the Congress(l) *s official stand. The reprieve also gave the Congress(l) added time to attempt to horse-trade.

Were there serious attempts for a patch-up?

Yes, Subramanian Swamy played the go-between in this last-minute and desperate effort, ^nd wiHdiin the Congress(l), R.K. Ehawan was a strong advocate of tiie kiss-and-make-up line. Chimanbjiai Patel suggested a compromise formula under which Chandra Shekhar would continue as prime minister for a specified period and then step down for Raji^ Gandhi who would continue until the next elections. But Chandra Shekhar was in no mood to compromise once he made up his mind. And the Congress(l) hardliners, represented by a member of the erstwhile Sanjay Gandhi brigade, Kamalnath, who Rajiv repeatedly used as his emissary to Rashtrapati Bhawan in the crucial consultations with President venkataraman, argued against any compromise saying that the Congress (I) should take the plunge rather than compromise with disparate groups. 11

Did Devi Lai and others in the Janata Dal(S) owing allegiance to him promise support to Rajiv?

Aware of his shrinking base in Haryana. Devi Lai has consistently opposed any move for fresh elections. Of late he has been issuing statements regularly opposing polls. His followers led by Jagdeep Dhankar and Qiand Ram assured Rajiv of the support of their factions o£ 10 members in case he formed the government. Ihey also conveyed to thfe President their opinion against dissolution.

Why did Rajiv decide not to form a government? The party was anyway not able to get tiie required MPs to back them. Rajiv was swayed by four main arguments: even if a government could be formed, demoralisationwould set in as soon as defectors were accomodated in the Cabinet; it would severely impair the credibility of Rajiv who has stated publicly that he won't assume office without a mandate; forming an unstable government would negate the Congress(I) 's own 'stability' platefiorm; it would give opponents the opportunity to argue that Rajiv toppled the V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar governments to avoid the Bofors probe.

She battle begins She stage is set for yet another round of elections to choose a government at tiie centre. In spite of the high cost of general elections, a fresh verdict became inevitable as the ninth Lok Sabha failed to produce a durable government. 12

When thev.P. Singh government fell last November, President R. venkataraman had bent over backwards to avert snap elections so soon after the general elections a year earlier. He had then cinned into the ears of political leaders that the business of running thecountry should be taken seriously.

The time around, after the resignation of Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar, there was nothing that the President could do to avoid fresh general elections, foff the largest narty in the ninth Lok sabha - the Congress(l) - once again showed no interest in shouldering responsibility. The brinkmanship of some of the key actors on the political stage and their disregard for national interests left him with no choiceb but to dissolve the Lok sabha.

A new Lok Sabha may not be constituted until the end of May. She £leetion Commission has made it known that polling will take place in the second half of May Electioneering is not expected to become brisk until the poll schedule is announced, some time in April. But, in the meanwhile, the crisscross movement of aspirants for the ticket has begun. Some heavyweights and some others not so heavy have already switched sides, many others can ready switched sides, many others can betrusted to take the cue before time runs out.

Until the expiry of the time set by the Election Commission for the withdrawal of candidature, the electoral 13

canvas will remain hazy. Even the issues on which the parties will seek votes will not be clear until campaigning picks up momentum. The emerging scenario is mainly one of tripolar contests - the Congress(l), the -Left Front alliance and the Bharatiya (BJP) contending for honours nationwide. With the Janata E>al(S) throwing its hat into the ring, the contest in a number of constituencies across the country is bound to be quadrangular.

No single party is however, expected to contest all the

543 elected seats in the Lok Sabha. The Congressd) will probably have its nominees in most of tiie constituencies barring those in where it hopes to strike an alliance with the All India Anna Gravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMO , it may also stay out of a few seats elsewhere to accomodate individuals and regional parties allied to it.

The second largest number of candidates are expected to be fielded by the National Front-Left *ront alliance Baring in the North-East and in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, the constituents of the National Front (Janata Dal, Dravida G Munnetra Kazhagam, Teiugu Desam, ^som ana Parishad and Congress(S) hope to put up candidates in a majority of the constituencies in these three states the Left Front will be the dominant factor. Byt hard bargaining is sure to mark seat- sharing deals between the National Front constituents and the Left parties. 14

%e BJP, in its attest to give credibility to its claim that it can form the government in partnership with the Shiv Sena, its ally in Maharashtra, proposes to put up as many as 500 candidates though in many cases the presidence of its nominees will have only a marginal impact. Even the first claims of tfie Janata Dal(S) suggest that it too may have as many as 500 candidates. But as Om Prakash Qiautala, its redoubtable leader from Haryana, who has once again donned the Chief Minister*s cap, himself acknowledges finding the right candidates and not funds is the party's major worry.

Even before the battle lines have been drawn, leaders of various parties have begun stomping around the country, promising the moon. A lot of dust will be raised and a lot of noise made in the weeks ahead. The fear is that the electoral battle in the summer of 1991may be more traumatic than the earlier ones, leaving behind a much bigger trail of blood and bones in the process the electoral verdict itself may be skewed.

Though broad indications of the line-up of forces are available, the nittygritty of electoral alliances and adjust­ ments will not be worked out until a decision is taken on whether elections to the Legislative Assemblies of the Spates where the Governments are at the merfiy of the Opposition _ will beheld simultaneously Muiayam singh , the UP Chief Minister who has fallen out with Chandra Shekhar, is 15

keeping everyone guessing. Even if his claim that elections to the State's Assembly will not be held now is not taken seriously, there is very little that Chandra Shekhar can do if Mulayam singh decides to walk out on him. And so is Chandra ^ekhar's right hand man, Ghiman Patel of Gujarat like Mulayam singh, he is all set to strike a deal with the Congress(I) to ensure his government's long life and would not hesitate to ditch Chandra Shekhar to retain his throne.

The centre has not yet decided to hold elections along with the parliamentary polls in the states under President's rule. Even if simultaneity is assumed in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry there is no indication yet whether elections f would be held in the near future in Assam, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. Opinion is Sharply divided on the issue of Assembly elections in Punjab and Assam. And none seems to think that polls are possible in Jammu and Kashmir.

At the national level, a lot of cross-crossing of politicians is under way and the process will continue until the parties decide their candidates. Though the election manifestoes will not be available until April, it does not require much imagination to forecast that the electoral promises will be bewildering baskedof slogans which are not

intended to be fulfilled. The price v".P. Singh had to pay for trying to five up to his party's election promises has IB persuaded others that it does not pay to be too fastidious about redeeming election pledges.

Even though vital national interests are at stake, non- issues are likely to overshadow the electioneering. Stability is the main slogan of the Congress(I), the foremost among the contenders. It will try to meet the challenge posed by its rivals with the slogan that though the people gave them two chances the non-Congress(I) parties promises but in keeping their government going for half the five-year term.

If the Congress(l) thrust is not stability/ the BJP is convinced it can ride to power on the crest of "Hindutva", symbdlised by the Rama Janmabhoomi issue. Roti (bread) has been added to Rama. The National Front and -tiie Left have struck on socio-political and economic themes. Their emphasis on issues will vary from region to region but the focus will be on transferring the levers of political power to the deprived segments of society.

It is now certain that elections to some State Assemblies will coincide with the Lok Sabha polls. Ihe Left parties have already announced that the two States undeir tule - Kerala and West Bengal - will elect new Assemblies along with the new does the term of the House expire until 199 2. In the perception of the Left and its partners, especially the CPI(M), synchroni­ sation of Assembly polls with parliamentary elections will give them an edge over their rivals. 17

Even though the Chandra Shekhar government resigned early in March, elections at the peak of summer were not inevitable had the government placed tiie regular budget for 1991-9 2 before the House in February or March. Though the legitimacy of the Chandra shekhar government was in question, even the Opposition was prepared to tolerate it for some more time. The tantrums of the Congress(I) , which seems to be the least prepared for elections now, brought the government down. The election of a new House before June 5 became inevitable because the ninth Lok Sabha passed only an interim budget for four months (April-July).

The interim budget will enable the government to draw and disburse funds from the public exchequer until the end of July. It takes about six weeks for the regular budget to be processed and passed by the two Houses of Parliament. Unless the Budget is placed before Parliament early in June and passed before the end of July, the government will have no authority to draw, money from the exchequer from August 1, which will trigger a constitutional deadlock.

The explains why elections have to be held before the end of May. But no explanation is available for the President overruling ttie Cabinet recommendation that the dissolution of the Lok Sabha be put off till the election notification iir April. The Cabinet had asked for the life of the ninth Lok Sabha to be strung out till the last day possible peraps to give MPs enough time to pack up and return home. 13

Various facilities such as housing, travelling and telephones, cease to be available to MPs after a specified period following the termination of their membership. This problem has, however, been sorted out •through executive orders. But the President decided to dissolve the Lok Sabha with immediate effect apparently only the basis of the opinion of one set of legal experts who held that there is no provision in the Constitution for prospective dissolution of the Lok Sabha or a State Assembly.

The issue is now of academic interest. And even if the dissolution was put off until the middle of April or so, no material difference insofar as the passing of the regular Budget might have occurred. But the matter needs to be examined in the context of the long-term implications of the constitu­ tional powers of the President to overrule the recommendation of the Cabinet. The constitution issues thrown up by the resignation of a government which even if it notionally commanded majority support in the Lok Sabha, will obviously be debated for long.

Guidelines on the eligibility of a Cabinet, the resignation of which has been accepted by the President (or the Governor in the care of State), to kead Parliament in conducting important official business have also become necessary in the context of the constitutional issues thrown up in the wake of the Chandra Shekhar government's exit. The question may not have arisen had the official announcement of the acceptance 19 of the government's resignation been put off until alternative arrangements were made.

The £lection Commission has estimated that it will need something close to Rs 150 crores to conduct the elections (This is apart froitn the cost of holding elections to State Assemblies). But this is only a fraction of the money that will be spent by political parties and candidates. All this is not certainly accounted for in income-tax returns or routine statements of expenses submitted to the Election Commission. A^a to it the cascading effect of black money on inflation andprices.

She damage done to the administration and the economy a s a result of the disruption of normal activity is incalculable. Even when a regular government holds the reins, normal activi­ ties go totally out of gear for two months or more. Now that a government which resigned in a huff is holding the reins and there are no policy directions, nothing is moving in the government departments and nothing will move for atleast another eight or nine weeks. These costs cannot be quantified.

In the near chaos that overshadows the nation's political scene, elections seem to have become an end in themselves instead of being a means towards providing good government. Everyone seems to agree that the price of an electoral exercise is too heavy, but little thought is given to the harm done to thepolity by wrecking governments as if they are mere toys. :20

The first salvos Tb& crowd waits and waits till there is a vital groundwell. The historic Gandhi Mai dan is packed. Mothers with babies in their aims, a sea of dhotis and saris, safari suits and bare bodies, bun tings, green flags, red flags. The gathering is mainly of the downtrodden, with a sprinkling of ticket-seekers and the wealthy. And there are also curious onlookers. Leaders come in trickles, some of those announced, and then it is a marathon meeting.

In the present context, what took place in Patna and Delhi on March 18 were two rallies marking and launching of two electoral campaigns, thefirst oftthe national Front and its allies, and the second, of the BJP which is going it alone. They tell two different tales Patna saw one of its biggest rallies, attended by around three lakh people. Delhi, where both the BJP and the Congress arr known to hold huge rallies, saw what would perhaps have stunned poll pundits and pseopholo- gists - a low turnount for launching a campaign, around 20,000 people.

The weather cannot be a reason for either.For instance, the temperatures in Patna were higher than in Delhi, and yet people waited long for the National Front leaders to arrive. In Delhi, the leaders waited for the crowds. 21

First, about the even in Patna. The heartthrob of the crowds itself was a surprise. It was not V.P. Sj.ngn or Lallu Prasad Yadav. Now was it , N. T. Rama Rao, s S.R. Bomai, Harkishan ingh Surjeet or the CPI's Chaturanan Mishra. It was none other than former Chief Minister of Tanll Nadu M. Karunandhi, who spoke in Eijglish and was translated into . He was greeted with cheers and cheers.

Karunanidhi had his own way of hitting it off with the corwd, which may be giving his main ri*al in Tamil Nadu. An India Anna Efcavida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) leader Jayalalitha and the Congress(I) some palpitations if not anxiety neurosis. His speech was an indicator of how a little bit of wit and tongue-in-cheek comments can do it. Here are extracts from the text which was circulated.

"My name is Karunahidhi I am an anti-national. I have passed on information to other foreign countries. therefore I am a dangerous person in this country. "Dear brothers and sisters.' These are the titles conferred on me by the great patriot and freedom fighter who spent many years in jail in Andaman alongwith Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak and others. Who is that great patriot? He is none else than Thru and his yes-man Thiru Chandra Shekhar.

"But, I confess that I have no relations whatsoever with Italy. I have never been to Switzerland and I don't have an account in a Swiss bank. I have never met and dined with the notorious arras smuggler, Adnan Khashoggi. Yet I am called anti-n 22

"My age is 67, but the age of my public service is 53. But Tiru Rajiv Gandhi and his political girl-friend in Tail Nadu, whose public lives are not even 10 years, old,call me anti-national. I have courted imprisonment 20 times for public causes. But those who have seen prison only in cinemas and video movies call roe anti-national and it is a pity that Thiru Chandra Shekhar has also accepted this. He did so because he was acting as the benami of Thiru Raj iv Gandhi.

"Beople of Tamil Nadu voted my party to power for a period of five years. But within two years the minority govt, of Tbiru Chandra Shekhar aborted it. ^hey aborted the government of Assam headed by our friend Thiru Mahanta. They also aborted the DMK (Efcavida Munnetra Kazhagam). Janata Dal coalition government in Pondicherry. I think Thiru Rajiv and Thiru Chandra Shekhar are experts in the art of abortions.

"But before they could abort the government of Thiru Lallu Prasad *adav, they both were aborted.

"I will tell you a small story. A magician created a monkey. He gave a few garlands of flowers,one after the other, to the monkey. What will happen tothe garlands in the hands of a monkey? The monkey, without realising their value, squeezed the flowers and fore the garlands to pieces. Those garlands are Assam, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. 23

"The magician finally gave another garland called Haryana to the monkey. But the monkey, instead of destroying it, put it around its neck. The magician got angry and threw the monkey in to a well.

"That monkey is none less than Thiru Chandra Shekhar, who is now floating in the well, clutching a small wooden piece called the caretaker government.

MEven tiiis small help is rendered by the National Front and the Left Front parties, because we all insisted on this caretaker arrangement, because the wicked magician is worse than themonkey.. .

"The monkey business of Rajiv and Sandra niekhar continued and tiiey dismissed the governor, Thiru Mohammed Yunus Saleem, without even realising that it was the Hon *ble Thiru Lallu's Cabinet which drafted the governor's speech...

"In this context I salute the great son of Punjab. Thiru Barnala, who as governor of Tamil Nadu stood for truth and justice and refused to sign a false statement prepared by the Intelligence Agencies like the IB (Intelligence Bureau) and the RAW (Research and ^Vialysis Wing)...

"On behalf of the people of Tamil Nadu, the DMK party, and on my own behalf, I thank the leaders of the National Front and the Left parties, the Hon'ble Chief Minister, Thiru Lallu Prasad Yadav, and the people of Bihar for rising likeone man to condemn the injustice done to democracy, federalism and 24 to the constitution when our duly elected government was dismissed. "Now the time has come to dismiss from public memory those who dismissed duly-elected governments and throw them into the dustbin of history.

"We are all united here by the bonds of social justice and secularism.

"I am really very pround to say that Tamil Nadu is a pioneer in the field of social justice because, thanks to great leaders like Pariyar and Dr. Annadurai, we are having reser­ vation of Government jobs right from the year 1921 - yes, for the past 70 years.

"Now we have 51 percent reservationin Government jobs for Hie backward classes and 19 percent for Harijans in toto we are having 70 percent reservations.

"The heavens have not fallen because of tiiis reservation. With pardonable pride, I can say that Tamil Nadu is one of the well-administered States In India.

"If State governments can do it, why not the Central government? "Thiru Vishwanatfc Pratap °ingh rightly did it and the vested interests could not tolerate it. Therefore he had to sacrifice his government.

"This holy land of Bihar is the land of the Buddha - the land of Ashoka.' xt is tiie land of Babu , 25

Loknayak Jayaprakash Narayan, Babu and my great friend Karpoori Thakur.

"In -tills Patna stood the great Chandragupta's capital city of Pataliputra, History says that 2,000 years ago, this Maury an city of Patliputra extended for nine miles with a depth of two miles. It had massive fortifications with 64 gates and 570 towers. But alas, it is no more now, because those fortifications were all made of timber and wood.

"I am sorry to state that because we relied on some such weak timber fences we also have lost the great Pataliputra of our National Front government.Now we have to builti the National Front with concrete and steel so that it may offer lasting protection to the backward classes, weaker sections, Harijans, women and the minorities. That is why leaders from the East. West, North and south have come here to make it stronger, more durable to fulfil our pledges to the people of this great nation.

"We stand for secularism, social justice, federalism and democracy, without which Indian unity cannot be stronger".

Another key speaker, described by a number of leaders present as the next Prime Minister, was V.P. Singh. The Raja, in his usual style, forecast a unique polarisation 28 of the poor. The change, he cautioned, could be evaluated only by the extent of difference that it made to the life of the slum dweller. He declared that they had to fight another battle, "against thousands of years of injustice . He spoke of the intensity of the heat "burning the backs of the labourers in the fields". He was echoing the woes of the common man when he said, "Every year the length of coth that a sackful of grain can fetch a farmer goes down. Last year if he was able to buy 15 yards, this year the same amount of grain has fetched 14 yards. Why is the cloth getting shorter every years?"

He asked all to ponder over the plight of these whom the social system had punished for thousands of years - even without giving them a chance, they were branded untouchables. "Even those sentenced to death are released after 14 years. Yet, those who have to undergo social punishment find no release even after death".

In chaste, simple Hindi, he said, "This is the last battle we are fighting. This is the fight for your izzat (honour). This battle is for insaniyat (humanity); whether the poor, the backwards and the labourers are going to get a share in power in going to be determined by the outcome of this struggle. We are committed to share every­ thing with you, whatever it be - the government, the bureaucr or the party organisation. 27

On the mandir-masj id issue he said, "It is true that our government fell while trying to save a masjid. And I am proud that the government fell on this score. I am willing to sacrifice my government hundreds of times for such a purpose. Similarly, if someone was to demosh a temple or a church or a gurdwara, we will make the same sacrifice because to save humanity is to serve God. It is the true

(4 religion . Hitting out at Rajiv Gandhi, he said, "Now Rajiv Gandhi claims that he will give stability. What kind of stability? Stability of Bhagalpur?" V.p. Singh pledged to provide stability of the type achieved by the Left parties in West Bengal and Kerala and also by Karunihidhi who ensured that there were no riots in Tamil Nadu. He pointed out that bloodshed was taking place in states ruled by the Congress, the BJP and the Janata ^al(S).

Outlining the theme further, he said, "This is the kindof stability they are promising Rajiv Gandhi ruled for five years but it was a stability of hopelessness. The fact is that the Congress and the BJP want to perpetuate the status quo in the name of stability.

On social justice, the main plank of the National Front, the former Prime Minister said, "When we implemented the Maridal Commission report Rajiv Gandhi opposed it for over three hours in the Lok sabha. Tne BJP was no better. 28

Both of them have kept vacillating till date. They have not made their stands clear either on the Mandal Commission or on the mandir-masj id controlvBBsy."

He predicted that "the Congress is set to meet its 'political death* in the coming elections". He reitereated his party's commitment to the freedom of the press, autonomy for TV, electoral reforms and the restructuring of the judiciary. "All this will bring about political justice. Our agenda of economic justice includes 50 percent resources to the countryside, remunerative prices to the farmers, fair wages to the labourers and improved cultivation."

In a brief speech, CPI(M) leader Harkishan Sinth Surjeet said the Left parties would giee solid support to the National Front government. Both he and Chaturanan Mishra cautioned against the "twin dangers" of the Congress(I) and the BJP. Other speakers included Janata £>al president S.R. Bommai, former Mdhra Pradesh Chief Minister and Telugu Desam leaeer N.T. Rama Rao and Ram Viias Paswan.

The meeting went on for more than six hours.

Delhi once the seat of the mighty Mughals. The BJP fires its first salvo. The venue: the historic Boat Club, considered by some as the Hyde Park of India. It is a surprisingly small crowd for a party that has mobilised a few lakhs even in the national capital. The crowd is disciplined and patient, but the fire and thunder of a 29 party committed to contesting 4 50 seats to win a majority seems to be missing.

In what looks like a right about-turn, there is an air of restraint. One was expecting the Rama Janmabhoomi issue to be the cornerstone, but it was neiHther Rama nor the new combination of "Ram plus roti" that dominated the proceedings - somewhere, the bit was missing (yet it could be well up its sleeves).

Consider this in the background of the central theme. "You have seen them all, and seen their worth. Let the mistake not be repeated again and again". May be one was expecting a Delhi storm. May be, it was the BJP shield to be followedby the BJP storm later. Except for the maybes, it was a subdued meeting, a low-key affair.

What is the promise to the electorate? "Political stability, economic prosperity and social justice," Shis

was the central point. Added to it was the plea for immediate elections to the local bodies in Delhi.

The rally marked the culmination of the BJP's low- profile, fortnight-long jan jagaran campaign. Delhi BJ0 M strongman adan Lai Knur ana thundered. "We had come to knock on the doors of parliament. But since there is no house, we will approach R ash trap at i Bhavan with a memorandum on the problems of Delhi". 30

Party chief Murli said he favoured smaller States to maintain the federal character of the country. He said Delhi could not effectively rule the far-flung areas, and felt social justice would not come to the people until they were allowed greater participation. The national interest was supreme for his party, he said.

The party* s"nominee* for the Prime Minister's gaddi, Atal Behari Vajpayee attacked Rajiv Gandhi and v.p. Singh, saying they had not only misledthe people but worsened the country's situation in every aspect. Claiming that the governments of the Congress, the Janata Dal and the Janata Dal(S) had failed, he said the BJP alone was capable of providing an alternative to these parties. The country was fed up with the conglomeration governments brought about by alleged fronts since such fragile governments could not take any step to improve the lot of the common man, he remarked.

His attack on Rajiv Gandhi became more specific when he accused the Congress(l) president of "dishonouring the Chandra Shekhar governmentM by boycotting Parliament on the "trivial issue of surveillance".

The central theme and also the tons were contained in these lines - just give us a chance, and we will show that we can form a stable government and run the country, and change the country's fate. It was a twin attack - on 31

Rajdv Gandhi and V.P. Singh. Curiously, Chandra Stiekhar received only mild references.

But one need not be taken in just by the crowds at the rallies, ^he BJP seems to be planning its campaign in phases. It announced on the same day the release of its manifesto in four different parts on different days, in a wait-and-watch attitude.

Not only this, on April 24, after the rath yatra it has planned, it would be a j an j agar an sankalpa abhiyan (mass awakening campaign). This is an attempt to keep the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in good humour. The yatras launched by the four-member party committee from ttie four corners of the country on March 24 would cover 200 km every day and reach the capital on April 3. This could well be accompanied by a rally to show the real strength of the party.

In charge of this campaign are former party chief L.K. Advani, M.M. Joshi, Vajpayee, former MP Uma Bharati, Sushma Swaraj and party secretary Pramod Mahaj an Missing in the list is Rajmata Vij ay Raje scindia, reportedly in "ill-health".

The promise of the Rama temple at Ayodhya if the BJP is voted to power was made by the soft-spoken Qelhi unit president, O.P. Kohli. 32

So here you have a tale of two rallies. One, a crowed- display, and the other, a small one but where a futuristic plan is announced. Maybe a last-ditch battle for "Ram plus roti" is on the cards. Round Number Two is about to begin, for the National Front and its allies are set to show their strength in Delhi and at the same venue - the Boat Club.

^or the present, the stage seems set for a historic round of elections with which polarisation of forces as never before. The BJP is making an all-out bid to capture power, backed by and large by the cadre power of the Rashtriya swayamsevak sangh (RSS) and on expected support from the VHP and the Shiv Sena. The National Front has the support of the Left Front, but unlike last time the Left committed to participating in a National Front government. A somewhat nervy congress, after trying to stall elections, is also setting its house in order for a do or die battle. Chandra Shekhar, heading the caretaker government is also on the hunt for allies.

The Long run-up The undercurrents areperceptible and powerful, but the main flow is not clear. Never in recent times has there been such a long run-up as in the case of the elections to

the tenth Lok Sabha. But till the major contenders - the Congress(I), the National Front-Left combine and the BJP - 33 announce thfcircandidates, the campaigning will the riot of colour, the cacophony of amplified appeal and the roar of flag-bearing jeeps criss-crossing the dusty roads of the otherwise neglected countryside begin to fill in tiie picture which is now visible only in the broadest of brush strokes.

By all accounts, the elections, scheduled for May, promise to be the most portentous. Engaged in the battle are two major political tendencies, both seeking to unseat a third. The Congress(I) underRaj iv Gandhi, is waging a valiant struggle for a comeback. But the question may not be so much about its return to power as the re-establish­ ment of its very relevance in the face of the sustained challenge from the Janata Dai-Left combine and the BJP.

The National front (chiefly the Janata Dal), in alliance with tiie communist party of India (CPI) and the communist party of India Marxist (CPI-M), is clearly seeking to transform politics by shifting its focus to the basic issues of eliminating poverty through social equity. Heir to a polical tendency that has manifested itself in various

names - the SociallstParty, the Lok Dai, the Bharatiya J Kranti Dai and the Janata Party - the anata Dal, and the Janata Party - the Janata Dal has again hoisted the flag of the "backwards". In advocating "equity" and "social justice", its challenge is not necessarily alien to that of the Congress (I) In terms of ideology. Likewise, in tiie 34

matter of supporting a "non-religious" approach to society and life, the Janata Dal, whose government fell because of the communal ist challenge, is not very different from the Congress (I).

The sharp ideological challenge to the Congress(i) and the Janata Dal comes from the BJP which is staking its all in the coming elections. Its strategy and tactics have been nothing short of brilliant, but so was the Nazi drive in Germany between 1928 and 1933. The success of a party advocating Hindu rashtra can only mean the collapse of the political compact that now (however precariously) keeps several states and large non-Hindu populations within the Indian Union.

But, for many, the BJP is the "competent" alternative to the incompetence and the venality of the Congress( I) as being unable to cope with the pressures of the regional demands, the demands of the poor and the backward classes or those of farmers and they now want a party like the BJP, which will give them the kind of India they want where the poor remain silent allowing petty businessmen and capitalists to make profit. A version of this feeling is clearly visible for example, in Bihar where Bhumihars and Rajputs have deserted V.p. Singh and are likely to go over to the 3JP because the party is seen as more capable of preventing the upsurge of the poor in the Mandal report context. 35

After Initial prevarication, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's (VHP) ctnnectons with the BJP have become apparent. The impressive rally in Delhi on April 4 was important not because it indicated great support for the BJP but because it will good tractics to enthuse its "solidiers" before the war. The BJP has thus succeeded in emotionally recharging its followers to the level of the rath yatra period.

The Congressd^ bandwagon is moving on. The Gandhi- Nehrus seem to have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing Even while the most crucial elections in the party's history are just round the corner. Raj iv Gandhi has been busy encouraging the sense of insecurity among his satraps. He has however, been better behaved after the Veerendra episode. But he has been doing things at his own pace, the Congress(I) has not quite earnestly begun campaigning.

Rajiv Gandhi kicked off his campaign from the geog­ raphical centre of the country, Bhopal. Since then, using his chartered King Air aircraft, he has been traversing the country even while his satraps meet in different states, papering over factional differences and compiling lists of potential candidates for the High Command's approval. As of now the lists have not been announced: first the manifesto has tobe readied for release on ^ril 13 and then a 14-raember election committee will deliberate on the lists to reconcile factional and caste claims. Only after all this will the names of candidates be released. 36

But the Janata Dal camp has been busy V#p# Singh has covered the crucial states of UP and Bihar as well as Gujarat with his 'star' performers,Ram vilas Paswan and Sharad Yadav. His key colleague, however, is party president S.R. Bomai.

Unlike the Congress(I), the Janata Dai organisation is patchy. It surfaces only when a rally at which nationalleaders are expected is planned. Then the local leaders set up their own organisation with friends, relatives and so on.

For the Left parties the alliance with the Janata Dal is a second coming. Both the CPI and the CPI(M) have for ypars advocated an alliance with a mainstream party to transform the country. For a while the CPI saw in the Congress such a party while the CPI(M) has sought to lead a Left and democratic coalition to power in Delhi. Now there is a compromise, ijne Left has thrown its hat in the ring for a democratic- Left coalition. This time they are united not in just a "seat adjustment" but in a programmatic alliance and there is every possibility of the Left joining the government should the National Front be voted to power.

So far the most sustained campaigning has been by the

BJP duo of L#K. Advani and Atal Behari Vajpayee. They have good reason for this. If the BJP fails to capitalise on the Rama temple issue this time, it may be fatally weak­ ened Advani and vajpayee have toured Karnatak, , Bihar and extensively. 37

The BJP has a well-oiled and disciplined machinery. However, signs of dissidence are not entirely absent/ which are only a tribute to the party's growth. But it cannot avoid paying the price of incumgency. The voter in the BJP-ruled states of MP, Rajasthan and HP will temper the the attraction of the Rama temple appeal with the ralities of its rule. The record is not entirely spotless.

BJP leaders have been stressing the issue of develop­ ment and shifting their appeal towards nationalism rather than Hindutva. While the mandir remains an issue, the party is putting itself forward as a serious alternative to the Congress (I).

The stress of the Congress(I) campaign will be on its promise to restore the status quo of the pre-Mandal-masj id era. For a section, the traumatic events of the past one year do have an attraction for the golden age of the Rajiv Gandhi period, wants and all. The BJP too is aware of the concern about the future of a state governed bnly by "Rama bhaktas". Certainly, socialpeace is not likely to be tiie end product of a BJP victory.

The National Front-Left combine asserts that stability can only be attained through sustained social peace and an easing of poverty. The anti-Mandal agitations are being viweed as a misguided and inspired efforts to thwart social progress. 33

Another important issue that tends to get overwritten by ttie graffiti of Indian politics is federalism, or Centre- State relations. Orissa Chief Minister has stirred the hornet's nest with his alleged remarks on secession. The periphery centre dynamics that lead to secessionism cannot be hidden behind the facade of shrill patriotism. Punjab, Jamrau and Kashmi, Nagaland, and Manipur arefacing powerful secessionist movements. A common strand through these is the inability of the Indian Union to maintain its political-cultural hegemony over these religious because it simply ask for too much.

The Janata Dal and its forerunners have been Hindi- heartland formations, and in seeking national power they have perforce to ally themselves with regional parties such as the Dravaja Munnetra Kazhagam (DMO, the Uelugu Desam and the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP). These outfits, powerful in their regions, too benefit from such arrangements as they are able to get a clout at the Centre, without feeling overwhelmed. This arrangement is far more equal than that between the Ail India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam AIADMC and the Congress(l). Ceftainly, for people aspiring for some breathing space between themselves and Delhi, the National Front idea is more attractive, particularly now as it has displayed a capacity to function smoothly not­ withstanding the hiccups. 39

There can be no return to the past that is not the way of history. Hopefully, the electorate will prove more decisive than the governments, it has elected. There is, however, the possibility of a stand-off among the three contending formations, preventing the establishment of a stable government/ if so, there is no alternative to more elections, perhaps with greater frequenty.

Selling stability Usually, before elections the Con ress(l) has to adjust to a hostile public mood.But not having been in government since 1989, the party is not handicapped by this factor this time. When the Janata Party experiment failed and was swept to power, the pre­ election public criticism was targeted at the former but memories of still lingered and this was visible in the run-up in that sense this is perhaps the only time the Congress (I) does not have to open its account by effacing a debit.

This should have given it a headstart over its rivals, but interestingly such is not the case. Consequently, political circles expect a hung Parliament once again, though the Congress (I) is expected to emerge as the single largest party. Congressmen of course, question this, for they are hoping for a comfortable win on the stability platform. 40

However, the Congress (I) is not entirely comfortable though Rajiv Gandhi's recent tour of central Uttar Pradesh pumped in some adrenalin into the party, lending it enough confidence to withdraw support to the Mulayam Sin§h govt. in the expectation that it can go it alone in the State which sends up the largest number of MPs.

Perhaps the fundamental reason for the Congress( I) * s doubt in itself is the presence of two more contenders for nearly every Lok Sabha seat — the National Front-Left combine and the (BJP). Barring 1977, the Congress(I)used to be the only party with candidates contesting all over the country. This gave credence to the notion that only it would have enough strength to form a stable government.

For the Congress (I), the fight with the Janata Dal, the nucleus of the National Front is concentrated in U.P. and Bihar. The contest with the BJP appears to be quite widespread in the North. The Janata Dal has no strong base in the and Rajasthan, the BJP-ruled states.On the other hand, the BJP claims to have made inroads into UP and Bihar, though its extent cannot be quantified. Also, with the Hindutva sentiment running high in the Hindi belt, the Congress(I) says its main fight to be with the BJP. North India becomes important for the Congress (I) as it must make up here for the losses it can expect in Kerala and Andhra Pradesh. 41

The partv Is over April 4, 1991 is a significant date in the short history of the Janata Dal(S). It was on tiie day that its major protagonists - Chief Ministers Chiraan Patel of Gujarat and Mulayam Singh Yadav of Uttar Pradesh, who threw in their lot with Chandra shekhar in realising his ambition to become Prime Minister - decided to part ways Oilman Patel quite the Chandra Shekhar camp to forge an electoral alliance with the Congress (I) and Mulayam singh Yadav decided to stay with Chandra Shekhar realising that the internal threat to his government was far greater than that from outside that is tfie Congress(l).

In the sense, the equation of Convenience Chandra Shekhar had established with Chiman Patel and Mulayam Singh Yadva underwent a change. But the question is how long will it work, especially in the face of the uncertainty about the election outcome. If the results reflected the widely-held view that there might be yet another hung P Parliament, will they come back again on the convenience platform? At least on -the issue of V.P. Singh a return to power they will certainly get together butthe will depend on the post-election situation.

V Apart from the .P. Singh factor and political convenience what brought. Chandra Shekhar and Mulayam 5ingh Yadav together was -ttie socialist ideology Gujarat has 42 always been a sort of laboratory for political experiments. In 1990s, Chiman Blafeel could not have become the Chief Minister but for the support of Qiandra Shekhar and Devi Lai who adopted a soft line towards the BJP. After the defeat of the congress(l) in the Assembly elections, neither the undivided Janata Dal nor the BJP was in a position toform a government independently, ^s a result they came together to form a government as they did in Rajasthan.

A saffron show

As a section of India sat back and watched with apprehension, lakhs of people gathered at the Boat Club in Delhi on ^pril 4, for the VHP sponsored rally in support of the construction of a Rama temple at •Ayodhya. ^hey came from various nooks and comers of the country; a majorority of them from the Hindi belt. Cheering the leaders of the VHP, they sent across clear message that the tradition of b|iakti is still alive in the hinterland. But to what extent it can be converted into votes is the question.

True, many of the Ram bhakts found the temptation of sightseeing a bit difficult to resist,but their motivation was seldom in doubt as they thronged the green stretch from the Boat Club to India Gate and beyond in a show of strength, braving the sun for almost seven hours from 9 a.m. While the VHP claimed to have mobilised 25 lakh people, the police 43 put the number at three lakhs plus. Nevertheless, it was quite a show, arranged with clockwork precision and discipline alto through Barring one or two incidents of rowdyism by a section of the participants on the Dak shin Express* the rally ended without any incidents or provocative speeches.

It loofted like a saffron tide over the Boat QLub, with a nine-metre high portrait of Rama gazing down at the sea of humanity. Onthe left was a cutout of the proposed temple at Ayodhya. The stage, on which sadhus, firebrand leaders and politicians rubbed shoulders, was one of the biggest erected in the recent past.

T.Bffr working to a plan

The question "where do we go from here?" has become redundant for the left parties in India at least for the present. For they have indicated clearly where they intended to go if with the National Front they are able to tot up a majority in the new Lok Sabha.

Simply stated, the goal is power at the Centre, ^nd if that happens it would end a long chapter in the history of the Indian Left, alogical culmination of the process which began in November 1989 when it teamed up with the National Front. 44

The Communist Party of India (CPl) has formally decided in favour of a Left-National Front coalition at the centre, though it has been careful in stressing that in case the communist party of India Marxist is average to the idea, it would not make that an issue. The C?I National Council, at its meeting in New Delhi, took the position that the experiment of a minority government proposed up with outside support had not worked. "It has been tried twice in 15 months and it failed both time^ the council said in a resolution.

The Cpi general secretary, Indrajit Gupta, said people were looking for a "third alternative", as opposed to the Congress(l) and the Bharatiya Janata Party and this could only be an alliance of the National Front and the Left. Such an alternative would be able toprovide a stable administration if it came together on the basis of a common minimum programme and shared the responsibility of running the government.

The Congress(I) is seen as a formidable challenge, but the hope in Left circles is that its claim of stability will not wash with the people. The battle has just begun and it will take some time before it begins to assume the dimensions of a war. 45

In the fray The battle lines are drawn;

The political scene is a kaleidoscope. Each day is a twist revealing new andcolourful patterns with bewildering permutations and combinations.

The overall picture could not be more different from Jovember 1989. Nowhere is the word Bofors to be heard/ the farm lobby is quiescent though theprices of inputs have risen sharply, and its leader Devi Lai is a spent force. Only one colour seems to be burning brigher - saffron.

There is nevertheless a certain sharpness In the image, presaging clearer-cut ideological lines. Though skilfull propaganda and substantial media support has kept the BJP on the centre of the stage, it is politically isolated and may find it difficult even to match its 1989 performance. The Congress has returned firmly to the political centre after a decade's flirtation with Hindu chauvinist^. The Left has finally found a democratic force to substance to ally with to attain its goal of ending feudalism and spurring industrialisation sans exploitation. In this own way, V.P. Singh, transmogrified into the saviour of the poor was the catalyst for both the Mandal and the mandir/masj id issues which have brought out of the closet powerful issues which were lying dormant for'40 years under the 4S thrall of Congress-style ideological posturing.

Even as this happens, the old grind goes on: parties are being reborn with new names, and new splinters spin off older ones, and the newspapers are full of defections and "homecomings". Old masks have been torn away to reveal new faces, with campaign styles being altered to adjust to the new identities. For those readying to join the fray it would would seem nothing has changed; promises have been retreaded like the tyres of the, ubiquitous jeeps, and manifestoes re-worded to cope with the flood-tide of problems and earlier betrayals.

Promises to keep

Parties release election manifestoes; Going by the promises made in the election manifestoes of the major political parties, it would not really matter which way the country votes. For, whichever party comes to power, it is going to ensure a stable, democratic and "truly" secular India. Ihe main contenders seem to have so much in common that someone with robbust commonsense would wonder why they are waving different banners.

With varying emphasis, there is considerable agreement on broad issues. EVen a contentious issue such as the status of places of worship finds a consensus among the parties which have released their manifestoes so far. There is also 47 considerable commonality of views on restructuring the economy, Centre-State relations, decentralisation of power, social justice and protection of minorities/weaker sections. On the Mandal Commission's report also, differences are not as sharp as they appeared at one stage.

Except the BHP whose manifesto was not ready at the time of writing, all others favour a negotiated or judicial settlement of the Rama Janmabhoomi dispute. They are firmly opposed to the demolition or removal of the mosque at the disputed site to make way for a temple. As for other places worship, the dominant view is that the status quo as on August 15, 1947 should be maintained. The Congress(I), the CPI, the CPI-.M and the National Front have categorically stated that they would enact a law to freeze existed on the day of Independence. The Congress(I) 's stand on this matter, as articulated in its manifesto, had created some controversy but was settled.

@n foreign relations, there is common stress on defending and strengthening the policy of non-alignment, consolidating relations with friendly countries, especially s India's neighbours, and putting S0uth- outh cooperation on a stronger footing. The communist parties have specially warned against U.S. "imperialism" and hegemony of any one country. 48

Heat and Dust

The real campaign is on: Every general election in India has been marked by certain key words that seem to define the prevailing mood: Garibi hatao (remove poverty) and socialist in 1971; the Emergency and Indira hatao (remove Indira) in 1977; Janata hatao in 1980; Unity/ sympa-thy and "Computer j i" in 1984; and Bofors in 1989. What is even more remark able is the paradigmatic nature of each election which makes irrelevant the issues that defined the earlier one. In 1977 the talk was on the Emergency, and privy purse,bank nationalisation and even the 20-point programme had been forgotten.Likewise in 1980 the word Emergency was barely heard this time. And Bofors (HDW) 'submarine and dalali (commission), tiie war cries of 1989, seem only to tug at the remotest parts of memory.

What toind of an India will the 1991 elections define? In the background noise of machine guns and explosions threatening to drown out everything are the competing themes _ the National Front's Mandal, the BJP's mandir and tiie Congress' stability and status quo ante. There are those who may be right in thinking that the keywords may-indeed be "more elections and coalitions". 49

Barring 1989, and to an extent 1967, every election has delivered a categorical result, The message of the electorate has been unambiguous. The greatest fear of the political leadership today is that the electorate may be sending them another message - learn to make coalition governments, no more massive majorities. Coalition politics, while complex, is not an impossible proposition. However, it imposes its own discipline and dynamics. Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress(l) leaders are claiming they would get a "comfortable" majority, but are they whistling in the dark? Certainly, as of now, the pundits favour a hung Parliament.

Reports from across the country indicate that the real campaign has just about got under way. Partof the seeming lassitude must be put down to the climate. Never, at least in recent memory, has there been an election smack in the middle of summer. Temperatures in ^ndhsa Pradesh are already touching 4 5° and other parts of the country are not far behind. There is suspicion that the uncertain (at least at this point) outcome has dampened the flow of money somewhat except in the case of the Bjp for which the election is taking on the air of a "make or break" situation.

When so many 'buzzwords" jostle for place, it is worth noting that the only unambiguous achievement of the past two years, unlikely to impress many seasoned politiciahs, 50

is the attainm&ftt of total literacy in one of the smaller states, Kerala* It seems a long way in India before literacy, quality of life, and economic well-being begin to define the paradigm.

Now for the verdict

Will it be a decisive one? The mirror on the wall is cracked, and the myriads of images of being reflected of the Indian electoral scene, though each sharp in its own detail, fail to provide a coherent image. Days before the tenth general elections, a central theme remains elusive. Neither Mandal nor masj id nor "stability" reflects clear or true, though by all accounts, the BJP is poised to enter the centre-stage of the political system after decades on its margins. Though the BJP is likely to come second to the Congress in the tally of Lok SaDha seats without being able to form a government, the meteoric rise of the party cannot but have portentous consequences for the country. The Congress will be the largest single party. The Janata Dal is likely to fare poorly but that has not been entirely unexpected.

Persistent compromises struckwith religious fundamen­ talism and inept leadership left Rajiv Gandhi's Congress(l) ideologically ill-prepared to confront the two-year campaign of the BJP's front, the VHP, for the Rama Janmabhoo temple. 51

The organisation and tactics of the BJP have translated the temple issue into a small "default" wave of sorts. Unless the Congress pcis up some incredible burst of stamina between May 15 and 24, it may not be able to check the BJP, it was clear. The National Front/Janata Dai-Left alliance, which at least comprehends the challenge posed by the politicisation of Hindu fundamentalism, has taken on the burden of checking the BJP. Janata Dal leader v. P.singh had just begun a major tour of UP. The "one-man" party that

the Janata Dai ±St observers expect a perceptible impact from the tour. (This assessment has been made a week before the poll).

The election and issues Within the next ten days, India's tenth general

elections, as well as several key State Assembly countests, will be over for the most part, including the shouting. Unfortunately, the democratic exercise at a national level will be seriously incoplete until the elections, both for the Lok Sabha and Assembly seats, are successfully and A fairly held in Punjab, ssam and Jammu and Kashmir (not to mention constituencies elsewhere where polling may be put off either for technical reasons or unfairly, for reasons that will not meet any scrupulous test). 52

Tne partisan political pressure to put off the contest in a sizable portion of India, most outrageously in India's second most populous state, Bihar, is an objective indicator of elective democracy being in trouble on account of a complexity of factors, The strange behavior verbal or otherwise, and tilts displayed by the Chief Election Commissioner, T.N. Seshan, who should never have been appointed to this sensitive office in the first place, who should never have been appointed to this sensitive office in the first place, are but a symptom of the problem. The great power stakes, the problems of socio-economic backwardness, the heterogeneity, the massive injustices and factors of oppression in the social as well as economic order, tiie highly politicised and participatory nature of the mass constituencies (adding up, at least notionally, to over 514 million people, only 47.43 percent of them women), end the volatility inherent in adversial relation­ ships have combined to place a tremendous burden on India's keypoint democratic virtue, apparently failsafe popular election.

Political scientists have long been making the point that "by almost any theory , India has appeared to be "among the least likely countries to sustain democratic institutions", pitted against such adds.. Instant analysis 53 in the press has brought to the fore two quantitatively unprecedented contributors to "the perversion of the electoral process" in 1991 - "the crass misuse of religion for electoral gain" and the "largescale deployment of musclemen and even notorious criminals" in the party campaigns. A third major perverter, the corrupt anti­ democratic and blantly illegal manoeuvresof big money in elections, has been around for a long time, but it has got relentlessly worse, making a mockery of the limits placed by the election law on expenditure and detracting from fairness and freedom of choice.

Notwithstanding all this, India as a nation can be legitimately proud of the fact that - barring the obnoxious aberration represented by the Emergency in the mid 1970s - it has conducted the world's most massive series of credible general elections with impressive regularity and continuity from 19 52. It adds up to a quite remarkable track record, especially if the oppressive and rising burden of the nation's socio-economic and political woes in the Congress (I) ruled 1980s is taken into account.

Mandate's message An analysis of the results: Even as the final results of India's 10th general elections were dribbling in, the outcome was clear: it was a split election that generated little voter enthusiasm 54 and a hung Parliament. Formally/ the elections were split because two of the three rounds of polling into which the elections had been divided had to be postponed by almost three weeks following the traumatic assassination of Rajiv Gandhi after the first and before the second round. In spirit, too, the nature of the election appears to have changed. There was both a substantial increase in voter-turn-out/ and a sharp and noticeable sympathy vote in favour of the Congress (I) and away from the National Front-Left combine in many constituencies which went to the polls in the later two rounds. V*ien the results in 497 of the 511 constituencies that went to vote had been declared, the Congress (I) had garnered 220 seats, and with its allies notched up a tally ofi 235 that fell 21 short of the 256 it needed for an absolute majority. The National Front-Left combine and the BHP followed with 125 and 122 seats each. Clearly, the leading combination needed support of some kind to form a government see Tables 1, 2, 3 and 4. below.

Table It Seats Tally Elections held : 511 Result declared; 496 Party/alliance Seats son 1. Congress (I) alliance 235 Congress (I) 220

AIADMK 11 Janata Dal(G) 1 Others 3 55

2. National Front--Left alliance Left 125

Janata Dal 51

CPI(M) 35

CPI 13

TDD 12

JMM 6

Others 8

3. BJP alliance 122 BJP 118

Shiv Sena 4 4. SJP 5

5. Others 9

Table-II: The Assassination effect

State May June Difference Poll Polls swing swing

Andhra Pradesh INC -9.1 -4.9 4.2

NF/LF 2.0 -3.2 -5.2

BJP 6.8 6.3 -0.5

Madhya Pradesh INC 6.6 12.2 5.6

NF/LF -1.2 -4.8 -3.6 BJP 3.3 6.7 3.4 56

Uttar Pradesh INC -12.1 -7.7 4.4 NF/LP -i7.7 -11.1 -4.7

BJP 22.8 25.6 2.8

Raj asthan INC 1.7 13.9 12.2 NF/LF -18.0 -19.5 1.5

BJP 13.2 5.6 -7.6

Table-III: Average Swings for INC and allies since 1977 in 270 constituencies

1977 1980 1984 1989 -80 -84 -89 -91

Andhra Pradesh -1.2 -16.3 9.6 -6.9

Bihar 15.7 13.9 -24.5 -5.6

Gujarat 6.3 0.4 -15.6 7.6 HP 13.7 18.1 -25.8 3.8

Karnataka -0.4 -5.4 -3.8 -5.5

Kerala -5.9 4.2 -1.7 -0.1

MP 13.8 6.6 -19.7 8.1

Orissa 3.4 -1.2 -4.4 1.0

Raj asthan 11.7 9.7 -16.1 6.8

Tamil Nadu 1.9 4.4 -2.1 3.8

Uttar Pradesh 11.0 12.0 -20.3 -11.9

West Bengal 2.1 12.1 -6.8 -6.9

India 7.9 5.2 -10.1 -2.0 57

Table IV: Average vote swings by party groups 1989-1991 (for 270 constituencies

State INC NF/LF BJP

Andhra Pradesh -6.9 -0.7 6.5 Bihar -5.6 -3.9 4.9 Guj ar at 7.6 -24.9 19.5 Himachal Pradesh 3.8 -2.0 -2.3 -5.5 -9.6 25.8 Ker al a -0.1 0.5 0.1 Madhya Pradesh 8.1 -5.8 4.2 Maharashtra 1.0 -0.5 3.6 Or issa 5.7 -16.0 9.0 Raj asthan 6.8 -18.6 10.0 Tamil Nadu 3.8. -3.8 1.4 Uttar Pradesh .11.1 -9.4 23.5 west Bengal -6.9 -3.8 10.5

India -2.0 -6.9 10.6

Political prospects Under Spnia, the party will be over In less than three months, has become a phenomenon inlndian politics. When Rajiv Gandhi was killed on May 21, she was nobody in Indian politics. She was known as his devoted wife and 58 spent her time largely in nursing his constituencies of Amethi. She used to go with him on his torus, but nobody reported that she ever intervened or showed visible interest in the political complexities he had to deal with. In affars of state, there is no evidence of sonia Gandhi having ever taken a hand. Barring some newspaper reports of her interest in the Pope's visit to India in February 1986, one can hardly quote any instance of her special interest, bias or prejudice on any political issue/;, domestic or international.

In a sense, this was very striking for a member of a family which has -throughout been intensely political for the last seven decades and has provided three Prime Ministers for his country. At the same time, one has to take into account the fact that Indira Gandhi's two sons were very different in their life-outlook. Rajiv was not attracted to politics at all, and grew up as a very private person, a quiet family man, who even in the din and bustle of the top political household in the country largely kept himself away from politics and retained the identity of a quiet family which fitted in with the attitude of his Italian wife. At the same time, she fitted into the ambience of Indira Gandhi's household and, in course of time, took charge of it as the mother-in-law was wholly absorbed in politics*

The aspect of the Rajiv family needs to be noted as one contrasts it with the Ki fi political activity of his 53

younger brother Sanjay who, along with wife Maneka, virtually became the focus of Mrs. Indira Gandhi's politics during the Emergency and afterwards. The contrast between the life and style of the two brothers was often the talk of New Delhi in those days - the quiet family outlook of the elder brother assertion of the younger one.

The Party's Over The combine and its constituents gasp for survival

Its office at Windsor Place in New Delhi says it all. Just two years ago it was the hub of the Indian political universe, as a supremely charged opposition bared its knuckles to kayo a Congress(I) dizzied by corruption charges. In those giddly days on the eve of the ninth Lok Sabha elections, it was here that V.P. S4ngh, N.T. Rama Rao, Devi Lai and others had held long conclaves to thrash out the strategy that would bring them to power. Today Windsor Place wears a deserted look. The staff has not been paid for months. Rent and j>hone bills are pending. The National Front headquarters is run by a solitary peon.

By all standards, the end of the road has come faster than anyone anticipated. In two years the five-party combine from being a viable centrist alternative to the Congress (I) has reduced itself to a shambles. Tne news of the National Front's decay comes from the hore's mouth. 60

Rama Rao, an architedt of the combine and its current Chairman, now says he is ashamed and wants to quit. Other leaders refer to the front as more 'notional' than 'national'.

Outside critics are no kinder. Says BJP president Murali Manohar Joshi: "Both the Janata Dal and the National Front are disintegrating, leaving space for our party to emerge as the only viable alternative to the Congress(I) ". And one-time supporter, socialist Madhu Limaye, now believes "There is no chance for two centrist combinations to exit simultaneously in India as in Great Britain .

Of course, there are those who would feign optimism. V.P. Singh sees no problems that 'cannot be sorted out'. As K.P. Unnikrishnan, the front spokesman says: "The new policies will boorherange in six months and thecountry will turn to us once again. Their allies concur. Tne CPI(M) 's says people will soon start looking beyond the BJP and the Congress(l). "The front", he declares "will be upfront once again".

That Sinking Peeling

Everything that worked for V.P. Singh during the past three years - caste combinations, minority vote machinations, populist pulpit thumping, rabble-rousing rhetoric and pious posturing - seems to be falling apart as his craftily-structured castle comes crashing down. 61

Deserted by his flock, the former prime minister must be wondering what went wrong with the Jan Morcha, the Janata Dal and the National Front - those brave experiments wi-tfi democracy. And whether those crowds were just a hallucinogenic dream.

The Amethi by-election was supposed to have been the overture of his come-back bid. But no one seems to be listening. The tragedy is that he had staked his stature on taking on Rajiv Gandhi's ghost in the family fieldom. If the party candidate, Ram singh won or even came a close second, ttie Raja of Manda would win backhis praja. Tne voter balance was just right: more than a lakh of Muslim voters and a substantial segment of backward castes and Raftput. Yet v.p. Singh's nominee would up losing his deposit.

Amethi established that the one time Tel ton Thakur's gri pon his vote bank has slipped. But he continues to whistle in the wind, claiming: "The Congress(I) continues to be the third force in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar". He is perhaps unable to count the multiplicity of forces within his own combine. The Janata Dal is Ideologically divided between two camps. V,p# Singh, Laloo Prasad Yadav, Sharad

Yadav and Ram Vnas Paswan, along with a majority of the party MPs, still tom-tom the 'social justice' plank while 62

Ajit Singh, Biju Patnaik and R.K. Hegde would like to sell it short. They wlao want some kind of repprochment with the Congress(I). But Laloo Yadav and Sharad Yadav, like V.P. singh, are still convinced of the Janata Dai's manifest

destiny. As ©±ngh declares: "The Janata Dai alone can fight the status quoist Congress(l) and a communal party like the BJP in UP and Bihar". But otiiers are as vehement in their disgust with the unending party feuds, persistent confusion, and differences of perception, ^ays : "My party is sick". Others feel the party's over, passed over by time and need. Says another lost unless it has a fresh orientation.

And as if keeping afloat the rag-tag-bob tail Janata Dal was not enough trouble. Ttelugu Besam supremo N. T. Rama ^ao has served an ultimatum on party company with the National Front. Even if Singh does bring holds water as a viable and stable alternative to the congress(I).

Changing tack The 79 th plenum of the Congress (I) at Tjxupati from April 14 to 16 threw up a bag of surprises. The buildup to the plenum, the anxieties it engendered and the expectations it generated were far more exciting -ttian the proceedings themselves. 63

But the 'hero* of the plenum, held after the unanimous election of Prime Minister P.v. Narasimha Rao as the Congress (I) president, and organisational elections in all states except Tamil Nadu and Jammu and Kashmir was undoubtedly Narasimha Rao himself. The plenum proved there is no pretender to his past today.

Unlike Rajiv Gandhi, who did not hold organisational elections as he had promised at the Bombay plenum in 1985, Narasimha Rao did not shy away from conducting elections to the Congress Working Committee (CVC), the highest policymaking body. In the process he deftly tackled an 'entrenched coterie' of 'consensus lobbyists' who were bent on thwarting the elections to the CWC.

However, the conference was a damper on many fronts. Hhile the temperature blazed around 44°C just outside the massive pandal on the Jwilala lake bed where the conference was held , there was hardly any heat inside. If anybody expsctedfireworks from the detractors of NarasimhaRao for buying the Nehruvian goal of a 'socialist pattern of society' during the discussion on the resolution on the economic policy, there were only damp squibs. Speakers unashamedly competed with one another in hailing Narasimha Rao as the 'miracle merchant' on the economic front. A few even had the gall to call the new economic policy the "creative updating of the Nehruvian model". 64

The Bangarappa issue refused to ignite. The Karnataka Chief Minister had painted himself to a corner when he defied •tfie Prime Minister and announced his resignation from -tine All India Congress(I) Committee and also a boycott of the plenum. He obviously wanted to dramatise his chagrin over the High Cc-mmandpacking the AICC(I) with dissidents from Karnataka. But he could not sulk for more than two days. He sheepishly turned up on the dais andclaimed later that "the issue is all settled".

If Rajiv Gandhi loyalists had planned to push Narasimha Rao into a corner by stubbornly demanding elections to the CWC, he took the wind out of their sails by simply acceding to their demand. "It is not fair to stop the election process once it has started. Whoever gets elected, I will cooperate with ttiem", he asserted. It is another matter that except R.K. ^hawan, none of the Rajiv Gandhi loyalists got elected.

Though Congressmen obviously missed Raipig Gandhi and the very first resolution condoled his death, there is no doubt that the party has recovered from the shock of his assassination. Today, congressmen are all prepared to swin with Narasimha Rao. Just as he made the plenum, the plenum also made him. He wanted elections to the CWC to be held. It was done. ne wanted to obtain endorsement from the party for the far-reaching economic reforms his government had 65

introduced and he got it with consummate ease. As party spokesman V.N. Gadgil observed, "The passing of tiie resolu­ tion on the economic policy has strengthened Narasimha Rao's position and will take the government a step forward".

While sundry leaders of the Congress(I) flexed their muscles on the eve of the plenum, there was nobody to confront him openly at the venue itself. Even the ambitious Union Minister for Human Resource Development Arjun Singh pledged full support to Narasimha Rao and praised him for building the party apparatus on democratic lines.

The discussions on the economic, political and international situation lacked elan though the Prime Minister claimed they were 'lucid' and of a 'high order*. Nobody tridd to pollory the Prime Minister or Finance Minister for deviating from the path shown at Avadi by Jawarhal Nehru in 19 55.

Beyond Suralkund What next for the party? There was a time, a wag notes when Congress politics, could be described, but now, "people climb up the snakes and come down the leadersI"

And so it was at . Sharad Pawan double- crossed his youthful bandof supporters for an alliance with party president and Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao to 66

marginalise Arjun singh and the now desperate northern wing of the Congress.But having appropriated his platform and silenced the dissidents by the 'delicate* stratagem of steam-rollering -them, they are now out on a limb. Ihey must now stand and deliver. By November, elections to the four states in the North which were ruled by Bharatiya

Janata Party (BJP) government must take place. F0r winning these, clever backroom manoeuvres and alliances will be of little avail andneither will the'might' of the leaders who stoutly rallied aroflnd Narasimha Rao - Sitaram Kesri, B air am Jakhar, Dinesh singh, Ghulam NabiAzad and Mahabir Prasad.

The Surajkund event was the direct culmination of the Tirupati meeting where partial democratisation of the party and a tough anti-BJP line were adopted, tyiile yet another anti-BJP political resolution was adopted, democratisation came to a dead stop and was actually reversed. The strength displayed by the party was illusory. It was based not on political unity and work, but the 'military' victory of the Delhi and Punjab Police in suppressing the BJP rally in Delhi in February 25. The ban had, of course been called on the insistence of Arjun ^ingh, the only consistant and credible anti-BJP figure in -die top ranks of the party today.

Emboldened by this 'victory', the Narasimha Rao camp decided to gain political mileage by undermining Arjun ingh. Instead of taking up vital issues affecting the 67 party in the wake of the Ayodhya disaster, the meeting became a power-play to sideline Arjun Singh and promote a leadership which would not challenge the status quo.

In this past year, notwithstanding the mandate of Tirupati, the shock of -the Ayodhya events and the Bombay blasts, Narasimha Rao has been busy doing notfaig. His effotts have so far not filled the Conress Working Committe and the congress parliamentary Board or more critically, revita­ lised the tottering party. Ail he has done is to induct N.D. Tiwari, yesterday's stalwart, into the CVC, and change the leadership of the Mahila Congress and the , two in-con sequential organisations. Discipline is the big stick he now threatens to use to beat those who oppose him , and who heads the DAC? R.K. Dhawan and .' Both of course, known for their sense of fairplay and upright and democratic behaviour J

The whole exercise, the marathon CMC meeting to bcowbeat Arjun singh, the manipulation of the AICC session, has been to keep a bunch of power-brokers in power, and the foremost among them now is P.V. Narasimha Rao. In this sense it reiterates the failure of Rajiv Gandhi in the centenary session in Bombay when he came down heavily on the power- brokers in the party. 68

Last year, at the time of the Tirupati session, a chance was offered to Narasimha Rao to lead a new kind of Congress - a democratic party which would be devitalised through the process of discovering democracy after the long night of the Indira-Rajiv Gandhi rule. But Narasimha Rao decided, on reflection, that the party cannot be democratic. Therefore, when blantly violating his own party's constitution in accepting the mandate to nominate two persons for two elected seats in the CW£ (which became vacant when the Prime Minister pulled out Sharad Pawarn and Arjun singh from the 'elected* group and nominated them), Narasimha Rao seemed to shed crocodile tears about his 'compulsion' and how he was being 'forced' by the AICC delegates into nomina­ ting the people.

A Battered PM Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao survives.But it is doubtful that he can ever recover either as leader of the nation or as a torch-bearer of his party. His 14-vote victory during the no»«onfidence motion on July 28, the narrowest for any government in India's parliamentary history, was the outcome not of deft floor management or principled support but of horse-trading and inducement- inspirated defections. Nothing new in Indian politics, you might say. After all, in the brave new world of 69 dwindling majorities, minority governments, hung parliaments, coalitions and alliances. If you die by the split, then you also live by the split. By these standards of morality, Rao's party managers, in reducing seven MPs from Aj it singh's 20-member Janata Dal group (JD-A) to vote against the motion when all seemed lost, took the only logical step to save their government from collapsing. In addition, Rao secured four jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) votes by assuring them that during his reply to themotion the following day he would announce measures paving the way for autonomy for the jhaakhand region. The simple arithmetic-265 against-251 - kept Bao afloat. But notwithstanding the jharkhand votes. Ajit's breakaway seven were the crucial factor to tilt the balance either way. Had they stayed with Ajit, the outcome would have been a head-on-258 to 258 with the speaker having to cast a tie-breaker.

But the price Rao has had to pay for what may turn out to be no more than a face-saving reprieve has been steep. The proceedings were tantamount to an impeachment of the nation's chief executive in full public view. The lasting impression is that he survived the motion by becoming a furtive accomplice, an accessory to a backroom stay in power strategy characterised more by greed and slime than deft political raanoeurve. This was buttressed by the fact that Rao dodged almost the entire proceedings 70

- he was present at the introduction of the motion and then only at the end when he was to speak. Vforse still, in his long and rambling address, Rao did not even refer to the scandal that was the very basis of the no-confidence motion.

The attack on Rao from within and outside his party reflected a confluence of interests. Their basic motive was to position themselves for the maximum gains during the next general elections. These goals were disparate,,but collectively ttiey translated into forcing a leadership

change, in the Congress(I). *br tfre JD(A), the National Front and the Left, this change would not result in a mid­ term poll, which none of them wants right now, because they would then support a Congress(l) government without Rao. And the corruption charges were like a godsend because they appeared to implicate Rao and not the whole party.

Their motives? They are convinced that the continuat­ ion of a "BJP-friendly" Rao at the centre strengthens the BJP and that they could make a deal with a more "secular" congress(I) leader in order to play a more dominant political role in the Hindi heartland as a counterforce to the 3JP.

71

INDIA, POLITICS and CBI SUBRAMANIAN (S). Crime-busters of India. Tribune? 113, 186; 1993, July, 7; 6.

Thus CBI should be removed from tiie administrative control of Central Government and made into Statutory body reporting parliament annually, it can derive administrative support from cabinet secretariat, ihis will bring working of CBI under direct security of parliament and as head of organisation will be answerable that august body scope for political interference in its working will become thing of the post.

-, - Jttd ^^ PRICES BLACK AS coal. Times of India? 154, 185; 1991, August, 5; 6

Editorially comments that announcement of enhanced coal royalties has only served to intensify wrangles on this issue. Threat of Bihar Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav undertake hunger-strike against centre. Chief minister of Bengal Mr. Jyoti Basu has pointed out that merger of cess and royalty by centre in respect of coal port of process abridgiment of constitutional right of states levy cesses in order raise revenues. Mr. Laloo Prasad Yadav*s immediate need for money prevent collapse of administration of state may temporarily prevent him from 72 raising such complex centre-state issues but fact that says that something is better tiian nothing is clear signal -ttiat Bihar and other states will bring up this issue again.

-, - jnd LIQUOR LOBBY, KARNATAKA RITI (MD) • Liquor, leg ion. Illustrated Vfeeklv of 112, 40; 1992, October, 3-9; 16.

Is the liquor lobby of Karnataka kingmaker in state politics. Did Virendra Patils tough stand against their pressure tactics pave way for his down fall and entry of Bangarappa these question bring up one more question is Bangarappa being extea sensitive to interests of liquor contractors.

-, - -fll£ MORALITY SRIKIVASA (TCA). Mor ality and politics: An alternative view. Economic Times? 31, 194; 1991, September, 14; 6.

It is necessary to rank political mortality in terms of harm that its absence does to social good. An undiffer­ entiated view can lead to disenchantment first with politicians and then with politics. 73

-, -, ANTI-DEFECTION LAW BHATIA (Sudarshan). Dealing with defections. Links 35, 8; 1992, October, 4; 9. Even after enacting an anti-election law, defection phenomenon continues unabated it high time that we end this evil practice and respect the popular will as reflected in electoral verdicts. This requires among other things, an amendment to anti-defection law that would necessitate the defecting member of legislature/parliament lose his member ship.

-,-, ASSASSINATION, GANDHI (Rajiv) FOREIGN HAND. Times of India; 154, 179; 1991, July, 29; 6.

Editorially comments that Mr. S.B. Chavan presides over country's internal security establishment, in sensitive issue of Rajiv Gandhi's assassination his statement to on Friday mentioning possibility of involvement of foreign power collecting with LTTE in killing. Home minister assumed be speaking with full knowledge of facts this has disturbing implications for India's relations with super powers, he was refering US, India's relation­ ship today better than ever before as result of initiatives taken by Rajiv Gandhi and sustained up by successors. Mr. Chavan 's speculation may be seized upon by anti-India lobby in US making it necessary for New Delhi forestall them. 74

-,-,-,—, ENQUIRY COMMISSIONS CONSPIRACY POSER. Times of India? 154, 182; 1991, August,

1/8. Editorially comments that a second commission inquire into Rajiv Gandhi's assassination as proposed by Mr. S.B. Chavan in Lok Sabha on Tuesday, responds to demand made by Congress right from start for broad-ranging assessment. Those behind conspiracy may also Indian it is necessary have all angles explored. But tftere is no call for judicial determination unless there case for assessing merit every conflicting interpretations of facts. Government should keep in mind lessons of two parallel inquiries into Mrs. Gandhi's assassination by special investigation. Mr. Chavan undoubtedly under pressure from section of party but he doing a disservice his position by going in it, a risking credibility of government in process.

-#-#-#—#—# VERMA (JS) LIMITED INVESTIGATION. Times of Indiar 154, 129; 1991, May, 31; 6. Editorially comments that the justice J. S. Verma commission appointed to inquire into the Rajiv Gandhi's assassination are wisely limited to issue whether tfiere were any security lapses at Sniperumbuder. This best exemplified by Thakkar commission was asked to look 73

larger conspiracy surrounding Mrs. Gandhi's assassination. Verma commission other hand ideally equipped suggest broad policy guidelines for ensuring greater security to high risk individuals looking into any acts of omission by the law enforcement agencies in Tamil Nadu. Congress, B.J.P. and Cpi that Verma panel's power be extended to enable larger conspiracy one clearly out of place.

-,-,_,—, INVOLVEMENT, CIA 9. BADHWAR (Praful) .Wages of venality: Cynical real politik claimed Rajiv's life. Times nf India? 154, 126; 1991, May, 28; 6. Author point outs that Rajiv's Gandhi assassination leaving aside imprabable sounding theories of CIA involve­ ment. Hypothesis attributes hilling LTTE on account of method. Second hypothesis focusses on Khalistan Terrorists possibly in league with LTTE. Indian political leaders have over years nutured, fomented, encouraged, funded and in other ways promoted forces inimical democracy, secularism and peace, grave systematic crisis Which spans entire political spectrum has no simple resolution understand its true magnitude it important move away from nature crisis result of corrupt politician selfish short-term calculation selfless leaders. 76

-,-, BOCOLAND AGITATION, BIHAR MEERA (Mahapatra). Bodo extremism and its mindless violence. Link? 35, 11; 1992, October, 25? 18.

The recent spurt in violence in Bodo areas has drawn considerable attention all around. While moderate and militant wings of Bo€i.oland agitationists are competing for leadership, violent activities by Bodo Security forces are taking heavy toll of innocent lives.

-,-, CAUVERY WATER, DISPUTE MANAGE CONTRADICTIONS. Times of India? 154, 181; 1991, July, 31; 8. Editorially comments that political escalation of cauvery inter-state water dispute highlights fragile nature of Congress which has come power with promise of providing stability. Resignation of Mr. K.Ramamurthy from Union Council of ministers does not only demonstrate nature of passions that have been aroused but it also throws light on iim>titude of central leadership of Congress which has allowed factional rivalries in its ranks aggregate controversy. In absence of dominant leader like Rajiv and his mother, party now only coalition of various factions, it is best described as congenies of conflicting interests its working promised on the management of contradictions a task Which requires political acumen as much as sagacity. 77

-,-, CENTRE-STATE RELATIONS RABI (Ray) . Towards a responsive centre-state relations. Link? 34, 31; 1992, March, 15; 7.

Cooperative federalism that was originally stipulated by formers of constitution has created new challenges that can be met by swadeshi and decentralisation.

-,-, CHIEF ELECTION COMMISSIONER, SESHAN (TN) BYPASS POOLS. Teleoraph? 11, 299; 1993, May, 12; 8.

Editorially comments that for all his reputation for independence and volytility opposition is not without reason in claiming chief election commisloner Mr. T.N. Seshan has shown his ultimate loyalties he with ruling party. Last minute postponement of two Lok Sabha bye lections at Palani in Tamil Nadu and Ottapalam in Kerala could not have suited interests in Kerala could not have suited interests of Congress party more. Palani for example seemed set fall All India Dravida Munetra Kazagham. This would have been a telling humiliation congress. Election commission's decision abort because of drought was subjective but incentestable. Congress is unlikely be any closer resolving by August 19 new byelection date than it is how. 73

IN CONTROVERSY again. Times nf India? 154, 141; 1991, June,

14; 8. Editorially comments that Mr. T.N. Seshan has yet again taken decision that bound prove bitterly contentions even as issue of whether June 12 and 15 polling dates were dictated him by Government continues draw adverse public attention. Mr. Seshan has confimed countermanding of Patna Lok Sabha election and some time transferred distinct inagistrate and returning officer of Chopra. Mr. Seshan's has not set out in detail reasons for his decisions it will help if chief election commissioner Mr. Seshan were be little less pugnacious and abrasive in his efforts combat electoral malpractices.

SAHAY (S). Will Seshan ponder over it. Tribune? 113, 156; 1993, June, 7; 8.

At the time of Patna byelectionitself chief minister was stated to have observed that Mr Mallick may be under control of election commission for duration of byelection but ultimately ne had to come back to him. He did he was unceremoniously bundled out of Patna and reverted his cadre in Assam where his wife had been killed by ULPA activists and he himself was on their hit list. 79

. SESHAN*S RAMPAGING ego. Pioneer? 3, 212; 1993, August,

4; 8. Editorially comments that petulant decision of chief election commissioner Mr. T.N. Seshan postpone all pending elections to parliament and state legislature till such time as his dispute with Union Government regarding inter­ pretation of his power is resolved is scandalous. Union law ministry has held that disciplinary powers rests only with central government or state government rebuffed Mr. Seshan has virtually paralysed electoral system. 5his is nothing short of blackmail. *t is perhaps for that reason that Congress government of Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao has been little soft on Mr. Seshan and has uptil now avoided lending support his impeachment though an opposition sponsored impeachment is pending in parliament.

SURENDRAN (CP). King-like things. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 33? 1993, August, 14-20; 8. Author statements that what are basic issues involved in Seshan affair is it merely a question of giving man a name and hanging him or is the chief election commissioner out mack Narasimha Rao government paved at home ministry challenging his write, does he want powers for himself or for election commissioner. In short what are implications of the August 2 orders putting off elections in six states. 80

_, _,—,—, IMPEACHMENT, CPI 18. GUPTA (Indrajit). Seshan must be impeached. New Age? 41, 32; 1993, August, 8; 1.

CPI leader Indrajit Gupta has declared that party will press ahead with impeachment motion against chief election commissioner T.N. Seshan who has created an unprecedented situation by concelling all elections scheduled to be held in near future.

-,-, CHIEF MINISTER, BANGARAPPA ( ), KARNATAKA, 1992 19. PANT (Sudtiir). Man called Bangarappa. Linkt 34, 31; 1992, March, 15; 7.

Latest in string of scandals in Karnataka is talk of Karnataka budget leak. Nothing seems to rock Bangarappa out of his chair which he occupies in full majesty without any sign of disconfitune.

-, -, —, BASU (Jyoti) , WEST BENGAL 20. ABDI (SNM). Cadillac communist. Illustrated Weekly of India? 112, 36; 1992, September, 5-11; 7. Jyoti Basu's intermittent foreign joints in between hectic socialising with top industrialists and promoting Son Chandar's business interest has put a dent into the image of this once formidable Marxist Chief Minister of West Bengal. 81

-,-,--, JAYALALITHA, TAMIL NADU RAO (Madan Mohan). Bold responses Keep Jayalalitha ahead. Frout? 3, 51; 1992, February, 1-7; 22.

With stringent financial situation in Tamil Nadu it will be impossible for state government to bear this addi­ tional alternative passing on burden to consumer When two Union Minister from Tfl P. Chidambaram and M. Arunachalan supported decision of Rao government refer validity award of river water tribunal supreme court for this opinion. She called for their bycott for taking an anti Tamil Nadu stand. Show that threat bycott was no empty one AIADMK MPs and MLAs stand P Chidambaram's connoy when it was on it way from Tishuchi to Sivaganga.

SUBRAHMANYA (K). Jaya's extravaganza. Link? 34, 47; 1992, July, 5; 10.

Chief Minister Jayalalitha's failure during last one year too glarming be missed midst Madurai extravaganza. At root of her government's drift has not only her Penchant for ego bofsting but also faulty sent sharing between her party and Congress which has marginalized role of letter in state administration. 82

-,_,—, MOLLY (Veerappa), KARNATAKA 23. SUBRAMANYA (K). Molly's faux Pas, Link; 35, 27; 1993, February, 14; 9.

Chief Minister 's major surgery seems be a non-starter. Apart from running down misdeeds of his predecessor, Moily has very little to show that he can succeed when Bangarappa had earlier failed.

-,_,—, NOpONFIDENCE MOTION, ASSAM

24. KAMAROOPI. Now there. Now not there. Economic and Political Weekly; 27, 80; 1992, July, 25; 1593.

Three themes dominated the debate on the no confidence motion in Assam Assembly Chief Minister's contortions on illegal migrants from Bangladesh, the stateraate over talks with ULFA and demands for separate Bother land and an outenomous his districts region.

-,-,—, PATEL (Cheraan Bhai), GUJARAT 25. POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM by Patel. Democratic»brldt 20, 15; 1991, April, 14; 4.

Editorially comments ttiat everything fair in name of survival and Chimanbhai Patel in Gunarat has done some thing by floating a regional party under name Janata Dal 83

(Gujarat). This is with new continuing ttie alliances with Congress (I) which has supported him in look of exit of BJP hardly five monliis back in UP Mulayam who also wanted to have truck with Congress but failed. Patel content with only half dozen Lok Sabha seats from Gujarat leaving rest to Congress (I) in return Patel has been assumed continued support in Assembly.

-,-,--, PATNAIK (Biju), ORISSA

UPENDRA (Sabat) . Biju's dilemma. Link: 34, 25? 1992, February, 2; 15. Biju Patnaik faces difficult talk of trimming down his over-sized Ministry while simultaneously controlling disstisfaction and dissension within his party.

-,-,--, YADAV (Laloo Prasad), BIHAR GARLAND FOR Laloo. Hindustan Times; 68, 304; 1991, November, 1; 13. Editorially comments that by shaming public platform

with a notorious history sheeter, Mr. Laloo Prasad Yadav has helped once again highlight pronounced feature of political scene tJiat run diametically counter to basic postulates of democracy. Photograph, showing Bihar Chief Minister proudly accepting garland from DearaDacoit Dular 84

Chand Yadav is telling picture of criminalised politics and puts focus again on its increased legitimisation but democracy will be sune loser, if battles of ballot are be decided by booth captures, if combination of muscle and money power allowed dictate population mandate. Pions hypocrisy about electoral reforms can not take place of principled political practice to ensure -that politics does not become newly pursuit of crime by other means.

-,-, COMMUNALISM KHAM (Rasheeduddin). Indian needs recordination of concepts. Link; 34, 24; 1992, January, 26; 8. India faces challenges of multi-communal ism and casteism in its effort promote secularism on its way achieve modern polity based on reason, science and rationality. India is federal notion and needs close and careful nurturing free from tantacles of irrationality.

-#-,-, .aad SOCIAL VALUES EUTT (RC). Left responsibility to preserve social values. LJJ&; 34, 24; 1992, January, 26; 4. With the sea-change in international politics,forces of modernity and reason have contend with prim or dial loyalties and value of self-reliance with those of impanialism, fight for undermity self-reliance and social 85

justice is the histoe task of left since congress has opened country to JMP and world b nk and BJP has stuk primordial loyalties.

-,-, CONSTITUENCIES, AME1HI CHADHA (Kum Kuna). Amethi: Politics of memory. Sunday Hindustan Times Magazine? 68, 312; 1991, November, 10; 5.

Author says that it is meet 'package* which is one of memory and blessings with necessary input of reluctance politics and development work first has an emotional appeal while the second a political one.

-,-, CORRUPTION, PARTIES, JD(A) IYER (shekhar) . Horse-Trading. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 32; 1993, August, 7-13; 7. It was no suift dramatic late night coup the eleven Janata Dal (Ajit) MPs had decided in principle bail out Narasimha Rao, the delay was only because tiiey not agree on the price.

-, -, -, SOLANKI (Madho Singh), RESIGNATION MISHRA (Shayamnandan). Truth will out: Sblanki standards & Federal system; Statesman? 131, 130; 1992, May, 29; 8.

Only by instituting judicial inquiry into the SB

Sordid Sblariki episode can government restore confidence in its integrity says author former minster for external affairs for country which has Satyameva Jay ate as its motto nothing else will suffice.

-,-, DEMOCRATIC PROCESS and ELECTION, 1993

JOSEPH (Sarosh) and MAHAJAN (Gurpeet). Election and Democratic process in India. Economic and Political Weekly; 26, 34; 1991, August, 24; 1953.

Motion of vote banks is crucial to strategy of most parties as also election analyses but it difficult guage how successful it has actually been recent election for instance challenged such assumptions.

-,-, effect of LTTE, KARNATAKA GADXARI (JP). LTTE threat haunts Karnataka. Link? 34, 4; 1991, September, 8; 14.

The series of threats sequel deaths of Sivarasan, Subha and their accomplies is giving sleepless night all security agencies in Karnataka confirming their worst fears that LTTE militants have infiltrated into state and one going pose very serious threats to law and order situation. 87

-,-, ELECTIONS, ASSEMBLY 35. GAEKARI (JP). Atmosphere of uncertainty suspense and anxiety. Link; 33, 4 5; 1991, June, 16? 12.

Election campaign in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Maharashtra was thrown out of gear with outbreak of territorial man soon in region voting likely to be between 30 and 35 percent. Leaders of those states has requested chief election commissioner to prepare polling in their regions to first week of June but their demand

was not concluded. As counting begins on June 16, there is an atmosphere of suspense uncertainty and anxiety.

36. NO CHEER for Congress. Tribune? 113, 142; 1993, May, 24; 8.

Editorially comments that byelection results do not as rule represent mandates for or against any party. 'They are however, straws which show which way political wind blowing. May 19 series of byelections show that wind is not blowing in favour of Congress. Out of 16 byelections assemblies in six states Congress were only four seats.

_.,-.,-,-, BYELECTIONS 37. SENGUPTA (Bhabani). India after tiie By-Eiection. Economic and Political Weekly* 26, 48; 1991, November, 30; 2730.

Apart from consolidating Narasimha Rao's leadership 8$

of Congress government by-elections have only confirmed deep and durable frogmentation of electorate. No political party has been able wean away entrenched support any other party.

-,_,-,-, PARTIES? BJP, KARNATAKA, 1991

GAEKARI (JP). Danger signals in Karnataka. Link? 33,47; 1991, June, 30; 15.

BJP which 13rew a blank in 1989 Lok Sabha elections bagged four seats in Karnataka humbling two congress stalwarts former chief minister Gunda Rao and former union minister and AICC general secretary Jawardhan Poojary. Its vote percentage increased from a more 2.55 to whopping 20, it emerged second in 12 other constituencies. Congress Jshould see writing on the wall.

-/-#-#-#-, MAJORITY, HARYANA SUD (SK). Congress stages a comeback. Link; 33, 46; 1991, June, 23; 11. Congress has won an absolute majority by bagging 50 seats in 90 members Assembly and nine of ten Lok Sabha seats from Haryana. Patriach Devi Lai who had treated state as his personal fieldon, had bite the dust by losing 89

botti Assembly and Lok Sabha seats. Congress will assume powers after four years. There are two main contenders for chief ministers post Bhajan Lai and Birendra Singh Shamsher Singh Surfewala has also thrown his hat into ring.

-,-,-,-, POSTPONEMENT, REQUEST, BJP, PUNJAB

CASE FOR postponements. Times of India? 154, 134; 1991, June, 6; 6. Editorially comments that plea by BJP vice President Mr. K.R. Malkani election commission re quest ion postponement of Lok Sabha and assembly election in Punjab by at least a month facilitate adequate security arrangements merits serious consideration post few weeks have hutressed distressing situation of candidates in 18 Assembly and one parliamentary constitutency being gunned down by determined gangs terrorists who disrupt democratic process for sake of country all responsible political parties must pressure chief election commissioner for postponement of election in Punjab.

-#-#-#-# PUNJAB PROMISE TO keep. Hindustan Times? 68, 315; 1991, November, 13; 11. Editorially comments that Prime Minister P.V.Narsimha 30

Rao's statements that poll in Punjab will be held as scheduled should set at rest all speculation in this regard. Conflicting statements by other central leaders had caused doubts about possibility holding polls, if government sincere about holding polls, one hopes, Akalis boycotting polls will also respond in equal measure most political party have realised futality of postponing elections in fact there is reason to believe that it was their opinion that ultimately prevailed upon government.

Home Minister S#B. Chavan can not be faulted for ruling out talks with militants before elections while a political resolution of Punjab problem can wait till popular govt, installed in state policy that take core of need improved law and order situation.

PUNJAB ELECTIONS and after. Democratic Vferld? 21, 1; 1992, February, 16-29; 3. Editorially comments that it was virtually the

0rnamy para-military forces and local police who conducted elections. Frightened people did not turn up in many rural areas. The polling percentage was between 20 and 25. This is lowest turnout in history of Punjab. 91

REVIVING THE process. Times of India: 154, 154; 1991, June, 29? 8.

Edltorially comments that HomeMinlster S.B. Chavan can hardly be faulted for being somewhat hesitant in spelling out the options before new government on Punjab. Political and Administrative problems posed by terrorism government has unland legal complications arising from elections now rescheduled for September 25. Congress can enter electoral arena can only be achieved by amending representation of people's Act a process that opposition parties such as BJP, CPI, Janata Dal are likely to oppose. Mr. chavan's plea that he will utilise reprieve to initiate talks with militants liloely to salvage situation. MrrChpvan has- little option but denotify the present election.

-,-,-, EXPENSES LIMAYE (Madhu) . How to reduce poll expenditure. Hindu? 116, 171; 1993, July, 20; 8.

Describes the single most important factor that pushed up the election expenditure sharply was the detach­ ment of Lok Sabha poll from the Assembly elections. 92

-, -, -, FUNDING KAUSJISH (Poonam I). Poll fundingsgaping holes. Tribune? 113, 185; 1993, July, 6; 6.

Actually talk of electoral reforms has been in air since 1970 when parliamentary committee was constituted examine this question from all angles unfortunately, with dissolution of Lok sabha in December 1970 committee's life ended. Again in 1971, 21 members committee headed by Jaganath Rao went into among other tilings electoral reforms. Ihis committee submitted two volume report to parliament but it never saw tiie light of day.

-#-,-, MUNICIPAL, PUNJAB, 1992 PREM (Singh). Punjab:Another trial in democracy. Link? 35, 3; 1992, August, 30; 10.

Election to various Municipal bodies in Punjab are being held after long gap of twelve years and at enucial point of state's March towards democracy and normally, that ttiere is perceptible change in political climate of trouble torn border state is evident from positive attitude of akalis towards ensuing elections local bodies. 93

-,-,-, PARLIAMENT, ASSAM KAMARUPEE. Politics of peaceful poll. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 24; 1991, June, 15; 1443.

The self congratulation in Assam over the peaceful conduct of polls may not be entirely unjustified, but more important it is to note the ULFA's role in keeping the elections peaceful and calculations underlying it.

-,-,-,-, BIHAR BHARTI (Indu) . Lok Sabha elections: Message from Bihar. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 33; 1991, August, 17; 189 5.

Though counting may be suffering from fractured polity characterised by cynicism confusion and tendency for votes get swayed by non-issues the people of Bihar choose in recent Lok Sabha elections vote on real issues which affect their day-to-day lives and accordingly gave a clear mandate to NP-left combine.

-#-#-/-, BYELECTIONS DUTT (Vijay). After theapproval. Sunday the Hindustan Times Magazine? 68, 326; 1991, November, 24; 1.

Byelections have given favourable verdict to P.v. Narasimha Rao's style of functioning and policies. But how long will honeymoon last with new issues and problems arising from north south divide and escalating 94

economic problem. Mental imaged colossus striding country apparently on decline it may be difficult for most leaders who are around today confuseup through shetonics and their charisma a good enough picture to enchant voter emerge from trend in bye lections is overwhelming desire trans­ cending, community, caste and region, for stability and bit of peace harmony on political front.

-,-,-,-#-, BIHAR POOR COMPORT for Vp. Hindustan Times? 68, 328; 1991, November, 26; 11.

Editorially comments that most unsurprising of gener­ ally predictable results of recent byelections of Lok Sabha and several State Assemblies have come from Bihar Chief Minister Laloo prasad Yadav has once again proved better at game of husting played under rules that permit more than modicum of booth capturing then his opponents neutralise his special appeal. Janata Dal vole banks they have built on mandal have remained intact and Congress has not been able make dent on this powerful base of backward caste minorities combine by centre's announcement of policy of 27 percent job reservation for other backward

cast and party choice of candidate. Mr. V.p# Singh consider­ ing especially pains taken by chief minister to distance himself from Dal chief during poll campaign. 95

_,-,-,-,_, PARTIES, CONGRESS(I) SRIVASTAVA (Yatesh). Eocal issues villi dominate polls. Link? 34, 12; 1991, November, 3; 13.

Coming byelections one an opportunity to Congress improve on its tally in Lok Sabha, even though local issues and religious idea will dominate in coming fortnight.

-,_,-,-, CASTE FACTOR, BIHAR VERMA (Ravindra Kumar) and YADAV (Nihera Prasad) . Caste and candidate selection: Lok sabha poll in Bihar. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 22 and 23; 1991, June, 1-8; 1376.

The manifest influence of caste affiliations in the selection of candidates by the principal parties for Lok Sabha election bears out the proposition that representative politics in Bihar has strengthened the caste system instead of walkening it.

-•-,-,-, 1991 MANOR (James). India: the misconceptions and the reality. tferld Today; 47, 11; 1991, November; 193.

Coverage of India's election before assassination of Rajiv Gandhi which took place on 21 May, was inadequate and misleading, and what followed it was for worse. Most report editorials suggested that democratic politics, national unity, secularism and public order in India were all in paid as result of assassination. This is 96 true despite serious decay which political parties and institution of state have undergone over last 20 years. This decay was in great measure work of Indira Gandhi but also lesser extent of Rajiv Gandhi. Despite presence in Congress of large number of corrupt and criminal elements which his mother and brother welcomed into party and which Rajiv failed to purge, there remain gifted administrators coalition builders and arrangers of compromises. But he saw them their build of politics as threats his own power and he thwarted them.

_,-,-,-, PARTIES, CONPIGRESS (I) RAT (Singh). Absolute majority eludes the congress. Link? 33, 46; 1991, June, 23; 6.

Country faced with hung parliament again. No party has been able secure an absolute majority. Congress substantially aided by sympathy wave after Rajiv's assassination has managed improve upon its previous performance but it cannot form government on its own as party and its allies are short of clear majority at most, ^hey can manage 240 seats, it has been decimated in Gangetic plain up and Bihar. Bjp has emerged as second largest party with its allies it might cross 120 figure. Janata °al has shaped well only in Bihar. Its influence has been eroded elsewhere, including Orissa which was its citadel. Samajwadi Janata Party has been thrown into 97

dustbin as it was an artificial centraption comprising defactors. Elections have been most violent claiming more than 100 lives.

SEN GUPTA (Bhapani). Power-stiff. Economic and Political Weekly: 26, 26; 1991, June, 29; 1582,

Aftermath of election has left all parties except BJP exhausted in body and mind. Congress(I) is ready to fade away as the leading political force between now and next election which probably only three years away. She leaders of Janata Dal are torn between Mandal and middle classes. Left too passing through a spiritual crisis. But in great contrast to the dilemmas in camps of secular parties climate in BJP which after seaning election results has come to conclusion that mood of people is with it.

-, -, _, -,-, -, CANDIDATES, GANDHI (Sonia) MATHUR (Girish). Sonia's no to factionalism. Link? 34, 10; 1991, October, 20; 8.

Sonia Gandhi's refusal to contest from Amethi will further the cause of consensus building. Her dedication to cause of India's renewal will immensely add to her moral statune. 9.S

-,-,_,-,-,-, KARNATAKA GADKARI (JP) • Sympathy wave along may not help. Link; 33, 44;

1991, June, 9; 13.

BJP and Janata Dal leaders feels that Congress is weakest in Karnataka and their parties can make a substantial break through there. Two congress governments in past 16 months have not done much to establish credibility of party, plagued with factional fights and internal brickenings.

_, _, _, -, -, -, MAEHYA PRADESH

LESSONS IN M.P. Indian Express; 59, 227; 1991, June, 18; 8.

Editorially comments that major factor in Gongress(l) * s spectacular victory in Madhya Pradesh is widespread disen­ chantment of rural masses with BJP government for its failure fulfil substantially its unrealistic promise write off all farm loans. This must be an object lesson not just BJP but others, too of risks involved in raising false hopes. There can be no doubt that BJP big urige like Mr. L.K. Advani, Mr. A.B. Vajpayee and Mrs. Vijaya Raje Scindia did not devote much time in Madhya Pradesh during campaign because they were not aware of deep erosion pepular support caused by discontent on laans issue. Congress(I) has made most of BJP's failure assess public mood. Sympathy factor seems have played an insignificant 99 part in Congress triumph. Only 12 constituencies went poll after Rajiv Gandhi assassination 28 had done so earlier.

-,_,-,_,-,.., MAHARASHTRA, 1991 SHATYE (Madhu). Congress may sweep the polls in Maharashtra. Link; 33, 44; 1991, June, 9; 11.

Sympathy wave following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi is likely to become a tormads in favour of Congress which may sweep polls in Maharashtra, it hopes to get 40 of 48 Lok sabha seats as party is presenting united front and has put internal squabbles and infighting under corpet.

-,-,-,-,-#-/ NORTH-EAST KAMARUPEE. Assassination and after in north-east. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 22 and 23; 1991, June, 1-8; 1382.

Author says that with the stakes in the present elections, especially those to the state assembly, being very high and with every section of the people very highly politicised, it is unlikely that sympathy vote will be a major factor in Assam. 100

-, _, -, _, _, -, PERFORMANCE effect of SYMPATHY WAVE

PRABHAKAR (Rao) . It was not sympathy wave alone. Link? 33, 48; 1991, July, 7; 25. Sympathy wave did help congress in Andhra Pradesh in second phase of Lok Sabha elections on June 15 when it swept polls by begging 21 of 24 seats. In first phase on

May 20 party's tally was pitiable three of 17 seats. T0 assert that sympathy wave alone was responsible for ground performance of party would be an over-simplification of situation.

_,-,-,_,-,_, POLL STRATEGIES, GANEHI (Sonia), LETTER ANSWERS NEEDED. Indian Express? 59, 222; 1991, June, 13; 8.

Editorially comments that in different circumstances not much may have been into changing of may any husbands, ultimate sacrifice for our belovedcountry, in Mrs. Sonia Gandhi's recent letter to Mr.P.V. Narasimha Rao. Congressd) leader want to use letter for election campaign clearly suggested by their attempts use her name image get votes in Shahjahanpur poster have appeared with photographs of Mrs. Sonia Gandhi and appeal by her vote for Congress(I) in same constituency a tape-recorded appeal by Miss Preyanka Gandhi speaking on her and her mother behalf was being played on loudspeaker, "I and my mother appeal to ySu 101 strengthen congress for sake of country Which my father sacrificed his life". Mrs. Sbnia Gandhi and Miss Priyanka Gandhi can not be unaware all this.

-,-,-,-,-, DHK, DEFEAT, TAMIL NADU GANAPATffif (N) . Pear and anger wiped out DMK. Indian Express? 59, 233; 1991, June, 25; 8.

DMK's debacle cannot be explained as an cnti-estab­ lishment vote or by sympathy wave feared anger cvei Di-iK govt v;ishy-v;astiy uandlirg of Sri Lankan militants he at the heart of tornado that swept Mr. Karunanidni *s party away.

_# -,-,-, POSTPONEMENT ELECTORAL STRSTEGIES. Indian Express? 59, 219; 1991, June, 10; 8. Editorially comments that shocking death of M. Rajiv Ganhi and three-week postponement phases two and three of polling have taken heat out of election campaign. Congress(I) and BJP are two main claimants stability plet-form. Third national formation. National front left combine has not been able taken this issue abroad its campaign platform which continues be focussed on social justice and depriva­ tions of OBCS. Congress (I) claim be able provide stability rests on its history and status as single largest national party in country and image national party of government. 102

BJP and NP left campaigners attack Congress(J) with any thing like tiieir post vehemence. BJP not only claim providing stability but tailored its campaign in southern states meet sometime there about party northern bais, economic development, language question and uniform civil court.

SHATRUGANA (M) . Two elections not one. Economic and Political Weekly; 26, 5; 1991, June, 22; 1511.

Rajiv Gandhi's assassination and the postponement of second phase of elections of three weeks, during which period Hie Congress(l) made an elaborate show of exhibiting the slain leader's ashes in constituencies where elections were put off changed the electoral fortunes of the Congress (I) quite dramatically.

-#-#-, PARTIES, CONGRESS (I) AMYS. Bye-elections Add to Congress strength. Link: 34, 15; 1991, November, 24; 13.

Even though be elections add to Congress strength they indicate writing on wall. Yet the BJP performance has ensured that religion has come to stay in Indian politics, BJP has emerged as only opposition party in country. 103

-,-,-,-,-, BIHAR

JHA (Sita Sharan). Voter disillusioned with party leaders. Link? 33, 44; 1991, June; 9.

Sympathy were alone will not enable Congress to sweep polls in Bihar. Party however might considerably improve upon its previous performance. Janata Dal, BJP and communist parties do not see any wave in favour of Congress and are confident of governing votes on Mandal and Ham issues.

.,-,-, PRESIDENT

CHOPRA (VB). Presidential poll: New contours. Link? 34, 46; 1992, June, 28; 4.

Forthcoming presidential poll being held under an entirchy different set political circumstances where rulling party at centre does not have requisite majority soil through election on its own* it because of this predicament that necessity for consensus candidates for highest constitutional position emerged. Now with left front having decided back Congress nominee issue is almost clinched in favour of Re, $iankar Dayal Sharma. 104

-,-,_,-, SHARMA (SD), CPI SUPPORT . MATHUR (Girish) . CPI's welcome decision. Link: 34, 47; 1992, July, 5; 11.

CPI^s delayed decision to support ft: SD Sharma for presidentship is welcome step through it demand for Vice- Presidential post on caste basis may spell danger for country in future.

_,-,-,-,-, STANB, CONGRESS (I) . BHAMBRi (CP). Making of a president. Financial Express; 18, 127; 1992, July, 5; 7.

The stanf-off between opposition and Congress on the issue of next Vice-President, killed the chances of consensus candidate for nation's highest office. Purpose of above analysis is show political compulsions of all major political parties in India if President is not exactly figure in parliamentary system, -tiie Vice- President is even less so. The office of Vice President has become will of piece because of fragmentation of major political parties in their shadow boxing are ordinary office has assumed extraordinary political significance. 105

_,_,_,-,-,.-, JANATA DAL

NEGLECTED issues. Financial Express? 18, 140; 1992, July, 18; 6.

Editorially comments that Dr S. D# Sharma's election as President was foregone conclusion given right in Janata Dal over Mr. V.P. Singh's strong advocacy of nation's first citizen being selected from backward classes and leftists disassociation from principle advanced by Mr.singh. But should PM have short-circuited process of consensus by deciding unilaterally have the Vice President as candidate of Congress. With Hie election of ninth president not many would want to focus on Mr. R. venkataraman *s performance as eighth president. Latter deemed himself be copy book preisdant which of course he had be given political instability during good post of his tenure.

-,-,-, VICE-PRESIDENT, NARAYAN (KR WELL MERITED victory. Democratic *brld; 21, 13; 1992, August, 31; 5.

Editorially comments that Mr. K.R. Narayanan's elevation to office of Vice President of country illustrates remarkable rise of man very humble origin an exalted position on his own strengths. It is proverbid much from account leg cabin to door step of sprawling Rastrapati Bhawan 106 in as much as his induction into high office as preludes has also been achieved, it expected that Mr. Narayana will be impartial in discharge of his crorous responsibilities. Since he is unanimous choice it is expected that he will reciprocate way working to aspirations of even tiiose belonging non-congress parties.

-, -, FEDERALISM, DEMOCRACY .and DECENTRALISATION

GHOSH (Anun). Federalism, democracy and decentralisation. Economic and Political Weekly? 27, 46; 1992, November, 14; 24 53.

If societal development our concern we have to have a pattern of development which would focus on people and that implies local area development which in turn calls for fundamental decentralisation of Indian polity. Concerns of our ruling elite one however clearly different.

-,-, FOREIGN POLICY CASE FOR a dialogue. Times of India? 154, 140; 1991, June, 13; 6. Editorially comments that among political parties that matter BJP is only one that wants countty translate its nuclear capability as demonstrated at pakharan on 1974 into weapons this stand in context of Mr. Nawaz 107

Sharif's proposal for five power meeting discuss long standing Pakistani plan for nuclear free south Asia. Mr. L.K. Advani has kept door open by leaving it next government consider all such ideas Mr. Advani has indicated his party policy towards Pakistan is one pragmatism and will be pursueds independently of BJP's stand on demostic issues. A dialogue will in itself be confidence building measure more so if it extends also bilateral arrangements keep south Asia free of chemical weapons as proposed by India.

INDIA AND tiie world. Times of India? 154, 167; 1991, July, 15; 6.

India's foreign policy outlined by government Presidential address parliament, promises take into account tiie fore reaching changes international environ­ ment but there is also no clues about your mind. Major powers interested promoting global order certainly do not want country as large and significant India become victim of political or economic. Mr. Rao has said to The New Yark Times, sort endeavour necessary in relation to european community and Japan, India is sensitive to their political as well as economic concerns. 108

JHA (GanganattO . India and southeast Asia. Link; 34, 24; 1992, January, 26; 29.

India and south-east Asian countries have not had normal political relations despite historical ties, current economic situation and India's support national liberation of Indonesia, partly owing to cold war ethos. With end to that ethos new political and security relationship is possible since India is now not overse naval cooperation with us in pacific.

MATHUR (Girish). P.V and the new world order. Link? 34, 17; 1991, December, 8; 13. P.V. Narasimha Rao is firming up at political and diplomatic level in quest for non-confrontationist approach national and international politics.

MATHUR (Girish). Unfolding clarity in New Delhi foreign policy. Ljflk.; 35, 8; 1992, October, 4; 14.

In changed international scenario New Delhi's foreign policy priorities are undergoing change. Besides reorien­ ting its policies towards US, India is also involved in probing exercise forge better ties with such major countries as Japan, Germany and France decision seek permanent seat in security council is in line with these changing priorities. 109

PRITAM SINGH. Economic interest and human rights in British relations: House of Commons Debate on Punjab. Economic and Political Weekly? 27, 28; 1992, March, 28; 631.

Discussions on Punjab problem in British House of commons on November last brought light some facts relating Punjab situation not known previously in public and high­ lighted several aspects of political economy of Indo-British relations economic and political weight of Indian immigrant community in Britain and political economy of human rights.

SUBRAHMANYA (K). Changing contours of New Delhi -Mascow defence lies. Link? 35, 27; 1993, February, 14; 19.

Author says tiiat while drawing a line of demarcation between post and present in matters of defence cooperation between New Delhi and Moscow President Boris Yeltsin during his recent visit to India has also laid down broad outlines for providing continuity in this vital area of concern to both countries. To what extent exercise will smoothen future ties would depend on Yeltsin's ability pull into operation his three proposals which on the face it were welcomed by Indian side. 110

_,_,—, CHINA CHOPRA (VD). 's China visit-pathbreaking initiative. Link; 34,51; 1992, August; 2; 4.

Author says that both India and China have taken some concrete steps to reshape their mutual ties on realistic lines. Their commitment to maintain border tranquillity and improve economic interaction pending a final settlement of tiie border problem are clear signals in this regard. Defence Minister Sharad Pawar's visit to China is in line with this trend.

_,_, , EXTRADITION TREATY, GREAT BRITAIN SIDHARTH (V). New Indo-British extradition treaty:what is the purpose. Economic and Political Weekly; 27, 47; 1992, November, 21; 2531.

Author says that textune of opposition in India has undergone considerable hardening since 1980* s and growing ranks of Indians abroad initial of Governments policies is promising be more than even embrassment new extradition treaty between Britain and India may simply be means of internationalising reach of TADA. Ill

-,-,--, NAM SOMMIT, JAKARTA, 1992 83. MATHUR (Girish) . India through the Jakarta Summit. Link; 35, 5; 1992, September, 13; 29.

Being faunding member of movement India has been at forefront of NAM at every point of its crisis. Constru­ ctive role played by Indian diplomacy in recently concluded Jakarta Summit has enabled movement retain its ideality at time when there have been serious doubts regarding relevance of NAM itself in post-cold war era.

-, -, ~, TINBIGHA ACCORD, BANGLADESH 84. ACRE OP tension. Statesman? 131, 118; 1992, May, 15; 8. Editorially comments that at least post of present state of tension that is likely intensify as June 26 deadline for transfer of Tinbigha approaches might have been avoided New Delhi defined sovereignty aspect in no uncertain terms. Government will now have show considerable tact in retrieving situation and ensure that handling our of tinbigha will clear decks for comprehensive exchange of enclaves so that history does not repeat itself.

85. NANDA (Mira Rani). Tin bigha contention: The BJP's role. Link; 34, 48; 1992, July, 12; 13.

BJP led agitation against transfer of tin bigha to 112

Bangladesh was nothing but an attempt to carve out foot­ hold for party in west Bengal. Now tin bigha may fade into memory until next election.

-,-, GOVERNMENT, NARASIMHA RAO (PV

CHOPRA (VD) . Indian paradoxes. Link.; 34, 48; 1992, July,12;4. Visual analogue of power structure at centre is an isosceles triangle with short base representing Narasimha and left. Although BJP and National front left combine had initially hoped bludgeon minority Rao government into submission, Rao proved an moves killed strategist in dead over months. He has not only widened congress base but has also upstaged neutralised opposition on every court.

-,-, HOME MINISTER, CHAVAN (SB) .and JHARKHAND CHAWAH'S JHARKHAND. Hindustan Time si 68, 253; 1992, September,

11; 11.

Editorially comments that Home Minister's off-the- (?uff remarks can always be good copy for media* Mr. S.B. Chavan committed blunder when he stated pune that either union territory states or separate statehood was only solution to Jharkhand problem. Mr. Chavan has taken simplistic view of problem based largely on exchanges he had recently with some political leaders from the state 113

and Rajiv Gandhi government alao set up committee on Jharkhand matters (COJM) . Mr. Chavan not explained whether Jharkhand he has in mind be carved out from Bihar alone or from neighbouring state. Recently lies in providing some measure of autonomy to region on pattern suggested by COJM or bill passed by state legislature.

-, -, HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

STOP THESE abuses. Indian Express? 59, 215; 1991, June, 6; 8. Editorially comments that when central government going take cognisance of allegations of human rights viola­ tion in north-east and abuse of power by armed forces there? Arbitrary detentions, tor tune, rape and extra-judicial Killings of men, women and children have been reported from many areas which declared disturbed for indefinite periods of time where armed forces (special power) Act 19 58 in force. Justice and humanity demand that halt be called arbitrary authority of armed forces in north-east and demand some point is most is that government must set up immediately a judicial inquiry*into series of allegations emanting from Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mlzoram about human rights violations. 114

-,-, JHARKHAND MOVEMENT, BIHAR CHOPRA (VD). Jharkhand movement: An ominous trend. Link? 35, 6; 1992, September, 20; 4.

Jharkhand movement by all reckonings was combustible affair. But no one has expected 15-day blocked called by jharkhand people's party and An-Jharkhand students union, take such a violent turn from word go of course in gesture typical of man. Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav back­ tracked from his earlier stand of championing cause of Jharkhand and sewing to other inflexible extreme of refusing to code even an inch unless its over my deadbody And there is rule, parties and leader are divided over sensitive issues of creating new state of Jharkhand.

DANGERS OP delay. Hindustan Times? 68, 256; 1992, September, 14; 11.

Editorially comments that Prime Minister P.V. Narasiraha Rao assurance to Bihar Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav that decisdon on Jharkhand issue would be assumed only after considering the viewpoints of all political parties has succeeded in defusing crisis which had built up over union Home Minister. Mr. Laloo Prasad Yadav himself admitted, Bihar will lose its economic viability if miner air ich areas are detached from it. Centre as well as state government must remember that sitting on problem may be comfortable but it can prove be dangerous in long run. 115

GUPTA (Tilak D) . Jharkhand movement: subdued by resilient. Erv^nnmic and Political Weekly; 27, 9; 1992, February, 29; 4 51-4 54. Whatever might be intentions of leaders of Jharkhand movement masses undoubtedly restive. Despite fragmentation and repeated botrayals by leadership movement has shown an amazing capacity resumed itself time and again.

RAJIV RAJANLAL. StaUmate. Illustrated Weekly of India? 112, 40; 1992, October, 3-9; 7.

Just a month ago it seemed that Jharkhand state was going become reality.Bihar Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav who had firmly opposed separate state had contend wi-tii combined might of various Jharkhand parties. The opposition and even ruling congress government at the centre.But failure of AJSu led economic blockade together with some political manoevings on Yadav's post saw the lide turning in CM's favour.

-,_, JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE CHAKRAVARTHY (Nikhil). UpholdJPC's credibility. Mainstream; 31, 36; 1993, July, 17; 2.

Joint parliamentary committee probing into securities scam has inevitably extend its protracted labours. Star character in securities scandal Harshad Mehta having gone 116 back on his previous position and publicly levelled serious allegation having paid Prime Minister Rs 1 crore have secured benefits in consequence there was no escape for JPC from brushing aside this latest development. There was thus no question of sordid case being probed in haste or in cavalier fashion that is precisely what JPC has taken care not to do so far. It is reported that some of Congress members of JPC are getting impatient with committee's proceedings. It is under slandable that they should be fighting shy of committee undertaking thorough probe into Harshad Mehta*s allegations against Prime Minister. Time have changed but some people are congeni- tally incapable of realising that it is only by upholding credibility of JPC can faith of public in parliamentary system still be saved.

-,-, JUSTICE, RAMASWAMI GUPTA (Anupam). How judges judged the judge. Tribune? 113, 137; 1993, May, 19; 6. Justice Ramaswami deserved to be impeached not because he was only or the first corrupt judge or public official in country but because he marked such a daring and shocking departure from all that judiciary has ever stood for or meant to people. 117

-,-, LOK SABHA, SPEAKER, PATIL (Shivraj) BHANDARI (BD). L S speaker subpoenead. Democratic World; 22, 11; 1993, June, 1-15; 23.

Recently honourable Delhi High Court has issued show- cause notice to Lok Sabha speaker Mr. Lok Sabha Secretary General Mr. C.K. Jain and four others on writ petition filed by employee of secretariat alleging illegal withholdment his salary since October 1992, harassment humiliation. Petitioner Mr. K.G. Suresh besides seeking release his emoluments also wants quashing an office order accepting his resignation. As stated before writ peititon filed by learned counsel Ms Kusum Singh involves extraordinary jurisdiction of High Court under Article 226 of Indian Constitution for enforcement of Fundamental rights infringed by Lok sabha speaker and Lok Sabha Secretary General.

-,-, NATIONAL SECURITY GILL (Pratap s). Nationhood and national security. Tribune; 113, 136; 1993, May, 18; 6.

Generals who do not command respect of troops in peace time have never won wars morale of soldiers is never destroyed by hardships or risk their lives, it quickly withers if troops believe that their general incapable or standing undue pressume from top as a result of which they are likely become victims of injustice and favouritism. 118

-,-, NIC, MEETING MA1HUR (Girish). Left-centre consensus.. Link? 35, 16; 1992, November, 29; 10.

^e run up to the recent NIC meeting at political level underlies tt*o significant developments. BJP is increa­ sing getting marginalized while there are indications towards possible emergence of left-centre consensus on important national issues.

-,-, 1991 BAJPAI (K Shankar) . India in 1991: Adjustment to global change. Asian Survey? 32, 2; 1992, February; 214.

India lost market for its consumer goods and acquired fresh headaches in getting spare parts for its soviet supplied military equipment. Like all other countries, India was grouping for new approaches gold global relations and certainty changes in Europe and Asian heartland posed among still undelineated problems,relationship with USA was already showing happier overtones and these encouraged both sides put more content into their somewhat meager relationship. New Indian economic policies having already aroused intense political and emotional opposition century or criticism. 119

BATPAI (K Sharikar) . India in 1991: New beginnings. Aslan Survey? 32, 2; 1992, February; 207.

Ghastly assassination of Rajiv Gandhi added to sense of drift which choice of P.V. Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister heading third majority government in row hardly diminished. After month which motion took recover itself second half polling was held, giving Congress largest nuntoe* of seats in Lok sabha (226) but wall short of majority. Congress leaders tried persuade Rajiv's widow, Sonia lead party. But Sonia wiser than politicos refused offer family maintained its privacy and party was compelled start reshaping itself.

GUPTA (Rakesh) . Can we be euphoric about 1991. Link? 34, 20; 1991, December, 29; 4.

We can not be euphoric about achieving one-world system in 1991 incidence of violence against human life of and dignity abroad and at home is quite over whelming be ignored events have overtaken no human intellect since current categories of thought one of 19th century. 120

-,-, 199 2 101. M.B.S. India in 1992 more fears tiian hopes. Frpat? 3, 51; 1992, February, 1-7; 8.

After passing through an unexpected phase of political instability India fortunately enjoying peace and stability today. Credit must be given to Prime Minister Mr. Narasimha Rao for discharging his functions with utmost core and vigilance. He has avoided coming into major conflict with political rivals both within the congress party and outside. Prime Minister has not only given lie to fear -that he would not last even few months as leader either of congress party or government. It is feared that very very manner inwhich Mr. Rao is working will turn out be threat his government and peace that has been achieved in political arena reason that major problems before country, particularly economic and social have not only remained far from tackled so far but have also certain respect become more meaning.

-,-, 1993 102. SHAM LAL. Cong-ruled center can fall any time. News India Times? 23, 33; 1993, August, 13; 6 5. In fancying themselves as champions in fight against communal, some leaders tend to forget fact that electoral arithmetic completely rules out any possibility whatsoever 121

of non-Congress, non-BJP alliance emerging as winner in any fresh elections to Lok Sabha newturn of events is warning to congress party that it may not be able preserve its old image which has already taken good beating.

-,-, 1992

A 103. ROY (Rameshray) # India in 1992: The political scene. sian Survey? 33, 2? 1993, February? 124. Political scene is less so while appearance of xndian politics changes rather rapidly, its essential core remains unchanged and uniaspiring. By middle of 1992 congress emerged as majority party in Lok Sabha and with it threat to Rao's leadership from ppposition parties evaporated. Begin with, in addition obtaining majority for congress in Lok sabha. Prime Minister Rao needed consolidate his own position in party as congress leaders from norty have not given up their prime ministerial dreams even while party virtually extinct there. Congress policy of one person one post was applied other but not tiie Prime Minister who also holds office of Congress party president attesting his gcowing clout.

104. ROY (Rameshray). India in 1992: Search for safety. Asian Survey? 33, 2? 1993, February? 119. India the year 1992 represented search for safety 122

aimed variety of troubles while government stability at centre was not pressing problem until year's end this was not due to the resilence political system but reluctance of position face a fresh election, temporary respite from political instability neither cased difficulties nor offered hop© of their resolution through recovery of system's dynamism or emergence of bold and imaginative leadership. Ruling party did boldly alter course of economic develop­ ment in 1991 by jettisoning old Nehruman Model, it is also expected in prove political and social environment thus promote notion building.But promised.land is still far off and journey quite hazardous.

_, -, N0R1H-S0UTH DIVIDE 10 5. NA*AR (Kuldip). Whipping up north-south feelings. Irlbunet 113, 144; 1993, May, 26; 6. Contacts among people living on both sides of Lindhyas have decreased after whopping rise in travelling casts. Also unlike in past there is no kamraj Krishna menon or T.T. Krishnamachori whose caputation transeended south, fnd for that matter not even handful northern leaders are known in south, if at all some names are familiar it is because they have become synonymous with communal ism, c apt ism and promicialism, staple food when value and idealism disappear. 125

suggest that BJP getting more and mote politically isolated. New consensus emerging across entire political centre and left, which opposed sectorian politics and combative campaigning tactics of BJP. Congress new leadership problem. Janata Dal for instance, has been at pairs play down its differences with party and has devoted more space, recent statement attacks on BJP than sympathetic comments on Congress tiny SJD has also stressed that no basic differences with Congress now Mr. H.S, Surjeet of CPM has virtually held out alive brannch party which has traditionally been part- rayed as main adversary.

_,-,-,-, MINISTRY, UP, 1991 RAI SINGH. BJP government heralds new era in UP. Link* 33, 47; 1991, June, 30y 11. The 18-men BJP ministry headed by Kalyan Singh marks a new era in politics of UP most populous state in country. Party has challenging task and it has prove that it cann not only be strident opposition but can face issue with pragmatism and courage as ruling party. Traditional bastion of congress in state crumbled in view of consolida­ tion of electorate on religions and caste basis. BJP has wofer thin majority 209 seats in Assembly with an effective strength of 400. Janata Dal bagged 90 seats and Congress finished poor third with 4 5 only. Major gain for BJP came from districts ravaged by frequent riots BJP should be thankful to Raj iv Gandhi and Mul&yam Singh to helping 123

-,-, PARTIES, AIAEMK, JAYALALITHA 106. JAYAKUMAR (S) . Maligning the moon, Sunday? 19, 53; 1993, January, 10-16; 6.

Author points out that there is nothing bigame about either her personal life or about Hie administration Jayalalitha is carrying on in state in point of fact, she is paragon of virtue.

-,-,-, BJP 107. GUPTA (NL) . BJP vision of India. Link? 34, 8? 1991, October, 6? 4. India is under seige from within and without. Ideolo­ gists of BJP have mounted virulent attack on India's legacy. Nation building process and economic policies. In effort to privatze BJP aims turn India into subordinate position with an ancillary economy wedded to US.

108. MATHUR (Girish) . BJP dilemma. Link? 34, 40; 1992, May, 17; 4.

Author comments that the Gandhinagar BJP national council meet clearly proved that the party is not only afflicted with internal power struggle but also it faces in combating the congress. 124

109. PROTESTING TOO much. Times of India; 154, 190; 1991,

August, 10; 8. Editorially comments that unseemly row created by BJP in parliament in response to statement of Mr. outside house is case of lady protesting too much eagerness of BJP prove its patriotism commendable. Mr. Madhav- Rao Scindia may have used the term anti-national Mc. L.K. Advani demanding that Mr. scindia apologise in Lok Sabha for remarks made outside the house. Mr. Aavani applies different yard-sticks to judge his party and others. Just other day, a member of Congress "shouting brigade*1 referred to Janata Dal member as foreign agent and whole national front was termed as "anti-national front". Sober politicians need to check this tendency of souting from lips.

110. ROY (Aiit) . BJP's rise as a mass force.Economic and Political Weekly; 26, 26; 1991, June, 29; 1592.

In electoral terms the rise of BJP has helped left front by splitting Congress vote, but in terms of funda_- mental political interests it is serious danger signal left and prograssive forces.

_,-,-,_, ISOLATION 111. BJP's ISOLATION grow. Times of India? 154, 127; 1991, May, 29; 6.

Editorially comments that Rajiv Gandhi's assassination 125

suggest that BJP getting more and more politically isolated. New consensus emerging across entire political centre and left, which opposed sectorian politics and combative campaigning tactics of BJP. Congress new leadership problem. Janata Dal for instance, has been at pairs play down its differences with party and has devoted more space, recent statement attacks on BJP than sympathetic comments on Congress tiny SJD has also stressed that no basic differences with Congress now Mr. H.S. Surjeet of CPM has virtually held out alive brannch party which has traditionally been part- rayed as main adversary.

_,-,_,-, MINISTRY, UP, 1991 112. RAI SINGH. BJP government heralds new era in UP. I^ink? 33, 47; 1991, June, 30; 11. She 18-men BJP ministry headed by Kalyan Singh marks a new era in politics of UP most populous state in country. Party has challenging task and it has prove that it cann not only be strident opposition but can face issue with pragmatism and courage as ruling party. Traditional bastion of congress in state crumbled in view of consolida­ tion of electorate on religions and caste basis. BJP has wofer thin majority 209 seats in Assembly with an effective strength of 400. Janata Dal bagged 90 seats and Congress finished poor third with 4 5 only. Major gain for BJP came from districts ravaged by frequent riots BJP should be thankful to Rajiv Gandhi and Mulayam Singh to helping 126

-,_,_,_, RAJASTHAN 113. SETBACK FOR the BJP. Hindustan Times? 68, 322; 1991, November, 20; 11.

Editorially comments that Rajasthan by-elections result conform trend established in previous Lok Sabha election when Congress bounced back claim on edge over BJP ruling party Which had scoffed at conqress achieve­ ment by attributing it entirely sympathy wave, will find it difficult explain away setback it suffered in by- elections. BJP could win only one out of four assembly seats. Even in Niwam BJP candidate Kail ash Meghwal made it victory stand party had contend with stiff challenge from congress as underscrored by razer-thin margin his victory. Opposition leaders Hardeo Joshi's demand for resignation of BJP government on specious ground. Nevertheless results should be seen as worming to BJP government to improve performance.

-,-,-,-, RAJASTHAN 114. GHOSH CHOUDHURY (Dilip) . BJP back to square one in West Bengal. Link? 35, 1; 1992, August, 16; 18. After its dismal show at recent bye-elections to three state assembly seats, BJP suffered another major reverse in West Bengal as its tin bigha game turned out be a non-event. 127

-,-,-, COMMUNISTS 115. BARMAN (Ashish). Confusion dogs the left in post-Rajiv phase. TMnV« 33, 44; 1991, June, 9; 7.

Any under standing of left secular unity for national advance can emerge only if the congress leadership shows deep majority perceiving the awesome problems ahead manages to transcend its habitual big-brotherly syndrome in midst of expected electoral triumph.

116. BIPAN CHANDRA. Left in India:Problems and prospects. Mainstream? 31, 35; 1993, July, 1; 11.

Fate of left India has been paradoxical ever since its emergence in form of communist party and congress socialist party and numerous small groups and left trend in national congress led by and Subhash Bose, future of left has all time looked bright. Complex and contradictory social development in India points to need for immense theoreticed effort for genuine and resolute political and theoreticed innovatives and for constant t evolution of practice of social forces in India and abroad.

117. RAJINIWALE (Anil). Left on the wrong track. Link: 34, 5; 1991, September, 15; 14. Author highlight that it is very unfortunate that 123 left has failed apply objective and scientific methods propose fundamental shifts in world and Indian economy instead it continues sharp on the old concepts.

_,-,-, CONGRESS (I) AGHA (Zafar). Holding together, fractiously. India Tbdav? 16, 14; 1991, June, 30; 26.

Author highlights that though party has put up a surprising show of unity, it continues to be riven by divisive worlds. In a show of unanimity no matter how provisional, party elected Narasimha Rao, sending out a signal that party remain united used to living under shadow of chanismatic leaders the Congress (I) is desperately trying to evolve democratic and collective functioning.

ANIL (Nauriya) . its place in politics. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 27; 1991, November, 23; 267 5. What has been explicit and implicit first principles underlying congress ideological framework in course of its history, ^b what extent has there been a nexus between this ideological framework and politics of party. And if this nexus has grown feeble or is non-existent, what is relevant of BJP's attack on congress ideological framework. 129

120. BM. Beginning of post-congress phase. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 26; 1991, June, 29; 1589.

After loss of Congress(I) *s dominant position in polity processo of realignment of social and politics forces has to become more clear-cut and refined before a relatively more effective and durable coalition of parties can win the popular mandate and form a government representative of ttie aspirations of majority of people.

121. CONGRESS LOOKS ahead. Hindustan Time a* 68, 223; 1991, August, 12; 11.

Editorially comments that groppling with traditional problems congress seems have realised need for major revaimping exercise. Ihis was evident in deliberations at recent conference of PCC chiefs and leaders of congress legislature parties in New Eelhi.R.n. Mirdha committee can be expected suggest ways solve problem of bogus membership. Mr. Narasimha Rao holds dual responsibility and problems of his government one bound multiply in coming month and party with have take major decisions while dealing with prospective supporters. Congress will find itself in deep trouble happenings in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh do cause concern ultimate solution. Problem is restoration of inner-party democracy accompanied by ideological revitalisation. 130

122. KHARE (Harish) . Congress without dynasty. Seminar? 389, Manual; 1992, January; 29.

Brutal assassination of Rajiv Gandhi provided these votaries of Nehru-Gandhi family enough reason justify dynasty's influence and dominance over congress as entirely wholesome and historically ^inevitable. Congress will not be able to approach this adequately unless it were put its internal arrangement on firm democratic footing. Once authority in congress is set on non-dynastic principle it should be easier for party become mindful of aspirations of newer groups demanding a place of high table.

123. KOTHARI (Rajni). Recolonisation move. Hindustan Times* 68, 232; 1991, August, 21; 11.

Author says that in case of India conclusion is obvious either agenda of new congress government will fail to make much headway given pressure of democratic forces both within congress and from opposition parties, or democracy will be shortercuited by handing things over technobureaucratic elitecomprising politically name economists and clever bureaucrats who have inastered out of taking politicians up garden path. 131

124. RAMESH KUMAR. Congress in the post-Rajiv phase. Link? 35, 11; 1992, October, 25; 16.

In the post-Rajiv phase Congress leaders have often publicly expressed their views on different issues. There is tendency to perceive this as expressions of disagreement. But under democratic conditions this may not really be so.

125. SIGNAL TO NP. Times of India; 154, 19 5; 1991, August, 16; 6.

Editorially comments that Prime Minister's indepen­ dence day speech from ramports of Red fort was accurate reflection of his personality low key and lacking in rhetorical flourishes but by no means devoid substance and political flair. %o expected speech to generate enthusiasm for him are bound be somewhat disappointed. He appears have had in mind when he referred to need implement Mandal Commission's report albeit through national consensus taken together with his reiteration of his governments stead fast commitment to secularism. Prime Minister has sent strong signal to NF left front combine that tiie congress.

126. SUBRAHMANYA (K). Towards a new realignments. Link; 34, 22; 199 2, January, 12; 7.

Familiar pattern of centrist disintegration has given

impetus another round of realignment of political forces, 132

would tiiis mean parliamentary majority for congress is not question, but would it give a new lease life country's consist politics is question that need be answered especially as BJP has markedly consolidated its position.

-,-,-,-, AICC MEETING, SURAJKUND, 1993. 127. CHAKRAVARTHY (Sumit) and ELANGOVAN (K) . Surajkund AICC meet: A review. Mainstream? 31, 21; 1993, April, 3; 4. Just concluded two-day session of All India Congress committee at Surajkund has failed inspire and golvanise congress cadres overcome their sense df demoralisation in face of massive communal challenge four pluralist identity as well as secular democracy and launch spinited counter- offensive in defence of our cherished material goals and values. This was our overriding impression after convening this AICC meet for two days and meeting wide cross- section of participants. Surajkund session turned out be a different affair congress leadership found in defiant dissidents - 13 signatories to letter demanding strict compliance of principle of one-man-one post who went on dharna at entrance to main pandal where session took place. But what needs be realised is that such over-reaction diflected session from its main purpose giving politico-organisational direction to party stem communal offensive. 133

128. KHARE (Harish). Congress Bites the Dust: PM gets two job. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 15; 1993, April, 10-18; 10. Time for Niceties is over. Question at Surajkund was whether PM's survival should take precedence over the best interests of congress and country. A hastely confured cobol was convinced it should steam roller all dissension frutally and brutally. Rao emerged triumphant and partymen true to tradition surrendered weekly without a whimper.

129. IYER (Shekhar) . Shenanigans at Surajkund. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 14; 1993, April, 3-9; 16.

Although ttie dissident did not after all Hijack the recently concluded AICC session. The ICE-cream, Halwa and Kheer did and at end of it all Harasiraha Rao emerged unscathed as always.

30. PANT (Sudhir) . Through surajkund and beyond. Link? 35, 34; 1993, April, 4; 9.

The rot had of course set in congress barge long before Arjun Singh set himself up as a rinol centre of power short of its ideological moorings. Party had strapped itself to life-support system of Nehru-Gandhi name. 134

131. SRINIVASAN (K) . Its war. Onlooker? 54, 6; 1993, April, 15? 17.

Yet another AICC session is over.But does the Surajkund session signify the eclipse of Arjun Singh or it end of another round is the Congress party firmly behind Narasimha Rao. Has Sharad Pawar gained? Is it end of war or is it just beginning? An exclusive first hand behind the scenes.

-,.,-,-,—, TRUPATHI, 199 2 132. CHAKRAVARTI (Pruthuis) . Congress moves out of Nehru family stranglehold. The Radical Humanist? 56, 2? 1992, May? 3.

Meeting of all India congress committee of Tirupati from 15 to 18 April was landmark of short for congress party organisation. After eighteen long years a largely elected AICC met without imperious presence of any member of Nehru family and legitimised the authority of an elected party president in Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao. Despite some minor lapses here and there. Mr. Rao's entirely laudable efforts at refurbishing image of congress as democratic party freed from Nehru-Indira-Rajiv family stranglehold can be said have made significant strides though attempts at propping up Mrs. Sonia Gandhi as an alternative power centre have not been given up altogether by beneficiaries of the family. 135

133. NOORANI (AIG). Congress culture:Reform must come from within. Statesman: 131, 106; 1992, May, 1; 8.

Contretemps -ttiat over took elections to congress (I) working committee at Tirupatfci provide a revealing glimpse of political culture of India's largest political party. Political culture works working our constitution and pariiamentary system which it establishes. A constitution provides only framework skeleton of polity, it is politics which provides flesh and blood.

_,-,«.,-, and BOFQRS 134. CHAKRAVARTY (Nikhil). Ghost of Bofors Hunts congress. Mainstream? 31, 38; 1993, July, 31? 2.

lb expect Congress(I) to pin down bribe-lakers in Bofors gun deal and punish guilty is unrealistic to say least.Now more than six years that has been part of our political vocabulary and despite all high- tension excitement over it and protracted negotiations for identifying culprit© it has been clear throughout

that ruling party at time Mr. Rajiv Gandhi and his immediate entourage dragged their feet throughout V.p.Singh for instance was close heitenant of Rajiv Gandhi holding key portfolio of finance. Not only V.p. Singh another close colleague and trusted friend Arun Singh made it clear that he could not tefcl truth about Bofors deals 136 without hurting his friend and so hechase quit government and left politics altogether and Narasimha government that it kept up investigation. Ghost of Bofors bribery shall haunt congress and may chose it out of office, as tiiere is nobody exercise it for them not even lord Venkateswara at T±r.upattii.

PRASHANT BHUSHAN. Politics of Bofors. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 33; 1993, August, 14-20; 12.

Author highlight that latest revelation in Bofors case is certain weaken the congress. It will surely add to the growing public perception that congress which has been rulling country for most part of post 46 years, stands for corruption.

—, ~# —# ~/ CWC MATHUR (Girish) . Between dissidence and inner-party democracy. Link? 35, 27; 1993, February, 14; 4.

Author says that Tight-rope walking has helped CWC maintain balance between dissent and inner-party democracy. Arjun Singh supposedly stands isolated in his attempt weaken Rao's position, but the issue he has raised one of crucial importance for survival of congress party in coming days. 137

-,-,-,_, GUJARAT

137. CONGRESS IN Dilemma. Democratic »brld; 20, 14; 1991, April,

7; 4* Editorially comments that some senior congress leaders are view that any tieup with Mulayam Singh in UP and Chiman Bhai Patel in Gujarat would not provide any additional benefits to party during elections. Congressman in these two states one not at all happy with electoral arrangements that being worked out by congress president Rajiv Gandhi and his aides in consultation with these two Chief Ministers. Congressman fear that all such actions may precipitate dissatisfaction among masses and particularly congressmen

all over. S0 congress itself may find going very tough.

-,_,_,_, NEHRU

138. IDEOLOGICAL DIVIDE. Times of India; 154, 133; 1991, June, 5; 8. Mr. P.v. Narasimha Rao statements to time of India that congress with adhere stead fastly to Nehru line and BJP's swift riposte it should service to draw ideological battle lines more sharply in remaining rounds of 1991 elections. Mr. Rao much discomfitune of JD-NF-ieft combine has gone so far as to argue that there is no unable atlernative to Nehru line "ould side the rate of fascism" BJP too can not rest content merely with argument Nehru line is pseudo because it based on imported concept then is 1he dividing line. 133

-, _, _, -, INFIGHTING, NARASIMHA RAO (PV) VS ARJUN SINGH BHANDARI (BD). Rao's reticence Vs Arjun's ambition. Democratic Vferld; 22, 5; 1993, March, 15; 23.

Mr. Rao insightful man of erudition and has spirit of accommodation. It is also true that no one in congress has openly challenged ability of Mr. Rao govern the nation scheming players in intra party sordid drama such as Arjun Singh and K.N. Singh can be dismissed as ambitious and disgrunted Arjun Singh's argument does have point but mood of destructive combativeness is neutralised very large extent by another parallel phenomenon. As mentioned in beginning Rao understands this so he is acting like angel Who fears tread Where fools rush in although beleaguered b£ his own party's ambitious and agressive men he has very defty side-stopped Arjun Singh and other dissidents - a matador with raging bulls.

SRINIVASAN (K) . Who will win tiiis round. Onlooker? 54, 4; 1993, February, 28; 15.

Is the last round in raging battle between Arjun Singh and Narasimha Rao on; is it battle between forces of secularism and those opposed to it within congress, or is it battle for Prime Ministership, is Arjun Singh isolated within party? Has Narasimha Rao clout and s demolish Thakur from Rewa, an exclusive insight into behind scene activity in what is probably most decisive battle in congress history. 139

-,-,_,-,-, PAWAR VS NAIK, MAHARASHTRA

141. SRINIVASAN (K) . Is Sharad ?awar finished. Onlookert 54, 5;

1993, March, 15; 14.

Has Sudhakarrao Naik finished Sharad Pawar even as he bows out. Is Pawar fearful tt\at he is losing his hold on affairs in Bombay; is Sharad Pawar finished. Has he lost mantle of undisputed leader of Congress in Maharashtra, will nervous defence minister make a comeback?

-,-,_,_, KARNATAKA 142. RAMACHANDRA (CM). Party in ferment: Congress(I) troubles in Karnataka. Frontline; 8, 19; 1991, September, 14-27; 40.

Author statements that Congress(I) ' s plank of stability has enumbled in Karnataka, judging by way instability has been dagging party in state its traditional stronghold. Passing away of Rajiv Gandhi if anything made matters worse for it current sings of instability haunting Bangarappa's government are result of interneicine warfare and fear: that fortunes of Congress(I) will go into tail-spin after Rajiv Gandhi's exit have came alive abd BJP which haso only four seats in Assembly is determined bringdown Bangarappa government. Janata Dal however is maintaining low profile despite fact that it is main opposition in state legislature. HO

143. SHASTRI (Raraachandran) . My style (of functioning) is the congress tyle. Illustrated Weekly of India? 113, 29; 1993, July, 17-23; 7.

With the BJP expecting bumper lotus harvest in Karnataka in next elections and dissidents within the party engaged in lethal fratricidal war, Veerappa Moily third Karnataka chief minister in four years, has had do some canning light-rope walking. But that has not stopped him from introducing revolutionary changes across the board.

144. SUBRAMANYA (K) . Moily's hands tied as congress base erodes. Link; 35, 36; 1993, April, 18; 10.

At the root of continuing rumblings within congress leadership in Karnataka ties party's inability recast its organisational base at lower levels, it requires strong leader and a firm mandate from party high command both of which party now lacks in Karnataka.

-#-#-,-# LEADERSHIP, TUSSEL 14 5. CONGRESS DISARRAY. Indian Express? 59, 206; 1991, May, 28; 8.

Editorially comments that congress party in state of disarray far coarse than was thought possible in aftermath of sudden death of paramount leader. Initial haste in chassing new leader was followed after Mrs. Sonia Gandhi 141

turned down other presidentship of party, by prollacted delay. Still conlesuming coming consensus on another leader. Congress leadership crisis has been public exhibition of its inner ant weaknesses. Mr. Sharad Pawar Mr. Dinesh Singh, Mr. Siddartha Shankar Ray and one or two others proposing that party choose an acting president oversee election campaign and elect separately after polls leader of parliamentary party. Weakening of congress has left centrist ground in politics open other contunders. Rajiv's passing away has thrown into melting pot politics of Janata Dal and Sjp.

_, -,-,-, ORGANIZATIONAL, ELECTIONS 146. ORGANISATIONAL ELECTIONS in the congress. Democratic World? 21, 1; 199 2, February, 16-29; 5.

ditorially commentsthat organisational elections are not expected and factionalism lack, stock and barral. Nor one they expected to pave theway for unity. But will certainly burnish the tarnished image of party.

147. RAMESH KUMAR. Congress organisational election: An assessment. Link? 34, 40; 199 2, May, 17; 12. Author says that the recently held congress organisa­ tional elections, though a commendable step in itself, fell short of many expectations specially on the question of intra- party democracy. 142

_,_,-,_, PARTNERS, LEFT

148. DUTT (RC). Changing political alignments in India:A critique. Link? 34, 42; 1992, Ma$, 31? 11.

Autiior comments that abroad based unity between the congress and left in "Sidia is imperative in view of far- reaching changes in the international scene, specially collapse of socialist system, which has put bourgeosic class on ascendency. But this is not possible until Congress party eschews its increasing identification with propertied class which, of late, is vigorously asseiting itself within tfte organisation.

149. MATHUR (Girish). PV approach needs constructive support of the left. Link; 34, 28; 199 2, February, 23; 6.

PV has emerged as leader in his own right after his handling of Ekta yatra, Amanullah Khan threat factionalism in congress organisational elections and elections in Punjab. Left parties need adopt constructive approach towards congress if they want defeat BJP's challenge and influence the governments, alliances in coming Presidential election and budget. 143

-,_,_,-,-, SP(M) jnd BSP, UP

150. CHOPRA (Prem). Politics after the vote. Hindu; 116, 190;

1993, August, 11; 8.

Describes if Mr. Mulayam singh and Mr. Kanshi Ram have started working in tandem and they and the Congress(I) are to work together in the coming elections then many things can follow.

-,-,_,_, PAWAR (Sharad)

151. PANT (Sudhir) . Pawar's stars also affect Congress fortunes. Link? 35, 35; 1993, April, 11; 4.

Chips are never down for Sharad Pawar man from western Maharashtra. And it precisely this abiltty swim against tide that has made him congressman for crisis hour.

_,_,_,-,—, ISOLATED 152. SHASTRI (Ramachandran) • Move to isolate Pawar. Illustrated Weekly of India; 112, 32; 199 2, August, 8-14; 16.

The moves against Sharad Pawar, the ambitious defence minister testify to this Rao moving to ward off challengers in his own party so that he can honour the settlement he reached with sants. Prime Minister conspicously refrained from taking any initiative and it was left to p«wa* to make statement in house after which speaker rejected move for censure of defence minister. 144

_,-,-,_, PRESIDENT, APPOINTMENT, NARASIMHA RAO (PV) WISE choice. Times of India? 154, 128; 1991, May, 30; 6.

Editorially comments that Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao congress has found a president Who can be trusted to stear party on road to recovery with come and carcumsfection no other congress leader has held as many elevated posts not his vast range of intellectual and literary interests tJiat wholly for his appointment. Mr. Narasimha Rao is too shrewd a politician not to realise ttie enormity of challenges tiiat he is called upon to shoulder.

_,-,-,-,-., GANEHI (Sonia), PROSPECTS

CHAKRAVARTTY (Nikhil). Political prospects: under Sonia, the party will be over.Frontline? 8, 17; 1991, August, 17-30; 11. In less than three months Sonia Gandhi has became phenomenon in Indian politics. Hien Rajiv Gandhi was killed

Qn May 21, she was nobody in Indian politics. She was known as his devoted wife and spent her time largely in nursing his constituency of Amethi. There is therefore tremendous pressure on Sonia Gandhi today came out into political activity first to contest byelection at Amethi. Net will be demand for her becoming congress president and next hope will be Prime Ministership. Sonia Gandhi as she situated today more effective then if and when she tries to move foreward towards precincts of power. 145

_,-,-,-,_, KRISHNA RAO, KARNATAKA, 199 2

155. SUBRAHMANYA (K). Whither Karnataka congress under Krishna Rao. Link? 34, 44; 1992, June, 14; 8.

Krishna Rao's appointment as new KPCC President offers fresh opportunity end the protracted divisions within Karnataka congress. He needs convince party rank and file that failure resolve internal problems under democratised conditions would mean decline of party itself and not just this or that leader.

-, -,-,-,-, NARASIMHA RAO (PV)

156. CHAKRAVARTY (Nitish). Quietly to tiie fore: On P.V.Narasimha Rao. Frontl ine? 8, 13; 1991, June 22 - July 5; 19.

The secret of Narasimha Rao's durability is his endless capacity for evolving a consensus amidst a welter of contenteous views.

157. PRAKASAM (KP). Chinks in Narasimha Rao's Armour. Nation and the World; 2, 16; 199 2, May, 16; 32.

Revival of inner party democracy and organisational elections have consolidated position of Narasimha Rao paradoxically they have also exposed chinks in his armour emergence of powerful new Syndicate in congress. It appears

that congress president took strong exception to fact that 146

five leaders whom he hadail along regarded as his trusted loyalists allowed their names to figure in panels headed bY Arjun Singh and Sharad Pawar.

-,-,-,-, SESSION, TIRUPATEI, 199 2

. CHOPRA (VD) . Tirupathi congress session: a new phase. Link? 34, 36; 1992, April, 19; 4.

From whichever angle one chooses to look it signifi­ cant that Tirupathi session of congress has reiterated its commitment to uphold secular edifice of country.

MATHUR (Girish) . Tirupathi session to confirm consensual approach. Link; 34, 36; 199 2, April, 19; 7.

Tirupathi session of congress is turning out tobe turning point in party's approach not only domestic affairs but also global affairs and session will reaffirm virtues compromise in struggle for notional advancement.

-,-#-#-, SPLIT MATHUR (Girish). Resilient congress. Link? 34, 29; 1993, February, 28; 14. Once again dorm sayers of congress party have proved wrong. Their hope of split in congress has been belied. On the other hand, BJP which was so aggressive in its 147

tirade against congress has come adopt defensive posture because of its declining support and internal cracks.

_, _,-,-,_, PROSPECTS, KARNATAKA 161. GAEKARI (JP). Fissures in Karnataka congress. Link: 34, 5; 1991, September, 15; 12.

Karnataka congress heading for split with dissidents refusing give in. Ceasefire effected by party high command through Karunakaran is fragile one Prime Minister who will soon have face electorate is do«3ging any hasty steps.

_,_,-,_, SPOKESMAN, MUKHERJEE (Pranab)

162. RUSHING 10 conclusion. Indian Express? 59,221; 1991, June, 12; 8. Editorially comments that accusations Congress(l) spokesman Mr. has been making his press briefings are of different species but equally unappropriate implication of his statement about national front govt, withdrawing special protection group (SPG) cover for Rajiv « Gandhi assassination could prevented if SPG expertise had been available. Risk to political leaders from terrorist attack can be minimised by coordination of intelligence and security efforts. But Rajiv Gandhi's death at the hand of suicide bomber shows there very little production for active politician. 148

_,_, -,-,-, UNITY, MADHYA PRADESH, 1991 163. CONGRESS UNITY in Madhya Pradesh. Democratic Vtorld; 20, 15; 1991, April, 14; 4.

Editorially comments that with view to avenging its defeat at state election in MP various factions in Congress(l) have forged unity. Arjun Singh, Madhav Rao Scindia and Moti

Lai V0hra have joined hands keep their own house intact at same time try exploit unfiulfilled election promises of BJP. S.C. Shukla who displayed some difference also being accommodated. S© all four stalworts under strategy worked out by them will contest Lok Sabha elections. They will however concentrate their efforts in tiieir own areas of influence rather than going round states and addressing meetings.

_,_,_,_, UTTAR PRADESH 164. PANT (Sudhir) . Congress harlequins and Uttar Pradesh.Link? 35, 36; 1993, April, 18; 8.

Distanced from minorities after Ayodhya and at odds with each other over conflicting personal aspirations despite polite affairmations of unity and bolder assertions of being loyal soldiers of party congress leaders can all but kiss Uttar Pradesh good-bye. 143

16 5. SARAT CHANDRA, Waited a leader: UP congress flounders, rudderless. Sunday; 19, 53; 1993, January, 10-16; 15.

Author highlights that political analysts feel that congress in UP, a traditional stronghold is currently going through some of its worst leadership crisis in recent years. With former cabinet minister Narain Dutt Tiwari sitting on the sidelines, forty finds it difficult to overcome its rigor mortis.

_,_,_,_, ORGANIZATIONAL ELECTIONS

166.UPENDRA, SABAT. Congress party (S) election. Link? 34, 27; 1992, February, 16; 11.

Congress organizational election in Orissa seen be more process of selection than election. There can not be any other force an election which never materialized, critically and bitterly commented those hundred workers and leaders who camped in Bhubaneshwar for days get their share of cake in party hierarchy unable to cope with pressures and counter pressure state congress Vice President Ramanath Penda, who was hairman of security committee resigned from committee. 150

-,-,-, CPI 167. CHOPRA (VD) . CPI at the crossroads. Link; 34, 35; 199 2, April, 12; 13. Author statements that a close study of three documents of CPI, when read together, makes it palently clear that ttie dominated leadership of party has yet to come to terms both with the swiffly changing international developments and tiie international situation.

_,-,-, CPI(M) 168. CHOPRA (VD) . New swances of CPI(M) policy. Link? 34, 23; 1992, January, 19; 4.

Just concluded CPI(M) congress has sharpened its attack on BJP but it is far from clear asb how party will fight BJP throat in Hindi heartland with its continued anti-congress stance. Relevance of Marxism can only be *„ creatively proved by defeating right wing challenge that country faces.

169. KEEPING OPTIONS open. Indian Express; 59, 212; 1991, June, 3; 8. Editorially comments that Mr. Harkishan Singh Surjeet's refusal commit himself on communist party of India (Marxist) 's relationship with Cbngress(I) if 15!

elections produce hung parliament, clearly indicates that his party is keeping its post-election options open. Mr. Surjeet also defended earlier statement by Mr. Jyoti

Basu, chief minister West Bengal that CPI(M) would ean&fcder supporting congress(I) government at centre on specific issues if no party emerged from elections with clear majority. Both Mr. Basu's statement and Mr. Namboodinipad's letter had initially contend with opposition within CPI(M) . Basu statement followed by Prakash Kamat member of party politburo that there could be no question of left supporting Congress(I) government. As Mr. Namboodiripad's open letter seems to suggest another objective is isolate coterie within Congress(I) which tried perpetuate itself by making Mrs. S^nia Gandhi party's president.

170. SEN (Mohit). CPI(M) refuses to progress. Link? 34, 25; 1992, February, 2; 11.

CPI(M) is coloured by statenism including its younger leadership inducted in politburo. Madras congress has not made any break with its anti-congress in and softness to BJP and Surjeet's disposition towards akalis organisational and ideological aspects received cursory and routine attention. 152

_,-,_,-, IDEOLOGY

171. SCRYBE (Jay *0. Manna Dew. Link: 34, 23; 1992, January, 19; 6.

Cpi (M) draft ideological resolution leaves many out of debate and looks like an attempt to adjust with residence of capitalism.

-,-,-,-# NAMBOODRIPAD (EMS)

172. PREPARING HIS exit. Times of India; 154, 155; 1991, July, 1; 6

Decision of CPM general secretary Mr. EMS Namboodinipad raafce phased exit from active politic marks turning point in 70-year long history of left movement in India. It signifies botii end an era and evening EMS Combines in his personthnee different elements, considerable theoretical abilities, rich experience of mass organisations, at some time an orientation towards practical mainstream politics. CPM relationship with world communist movement present more mixed picture. CPM policy did nothing change its dogmatic world view, if left remain reasonably democratic nationalist secular force with fairly steady presence in India-at least some of credit should go to EMS.

-,_,-,-, SPLIT, ORISSA, 1991 3. UPENDRA SABAT. Split in Orissa CPI(M). Link; 34,9s 1991, October, 13; 13. Orissa CPI(M) was split when Secretary ot State Unit, 153

Ajoya Rout, was expelled from party and replaced by tfanardhan Pati, student leader. Rout has floated his own party Orissa Communist party and levelled charges of corruption and opportunism against his former colleagues.

-,-,-, DMK 174. SURESH (V). DMK debacle: causes and portents. Economic and Political Weeklyi 27, 4 2; 199 2, October, 17; 2313.

Complete route of DMK in assembly elections in June 1991 has to be understood in terms numerous interacting processes. AIA DMK's political campaign which sought to project DMK as corrupt anti-women immoral and itself as true successor of MGR, ideological and political disconsonance within the DMK due mainly to the emergence of pattali Makkal Katchi DMK's developmental and welfare policies which alie­ nated or caused its disaffection among certain sections impact of AIA DMK con ress(I) alliance which consolidated the anti-DMK votes.

-,_,_,-, TAMIL NADU 17 5. GEETA (V) and RAJANDURAI (SV) . Dravidian politcs: End of an era. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 26; 1991, June, 29; 1591.

Its many political promises not with standing DMK had served as focus in Tamil Nadu public life for range of 154

Subaltern interests to come together and articulate their concerns and anxieties even those who had all along been critical of the DMK therefore feel defected by bitter end an era of

-, -, -, JANATA DAL 176. BHATIA (Prera). Joined in humbling congress. Tribune? 113, 181; 1993, July, 2; 8.

While JJanata Dal, reunited or splintered as of now, came to aid of congress even with tiie limited objective of preventing BJP from getting upper hand. And What about left groups. Judging by their current thinking neither Janata Dal or left combine likely go out of its way to save Congress boat from sinking if it is headed for destruction.

177. MATHUR (Girish) . Coherent policy on SEBCS. Link; 34, 8; 1991, October, 6? 10. Congress has formulated coherent policy on SEBCS and gone beyond V.p. Singh government and Janata Dai's search for social equity. Before caste ism and communal ism evolve into symbiotic relationship beyond confines of Kalyan Singh's UP political and ideological battle is called for. 155

178 NAUDYA (Anil). Movement of tru-tii for Janata Dal. Economic and Political Weekly? 26, 26; 1991, June, 29; 1585.

Janata Dal had raised expectations of possible social and political transformation, its electoral performance and political mistakes and miscalculations responsible for this therefore evoke a sense of an opportunity lost the situation, is not irretrievable however.

179, RAMAN (P). Left, Janata Dal drifting apart. Economic Times? 131, 209; 1991, September, 29; 6.

Defering perceptions are creating cracks in political alliances which had withstood upheavals in post for first time since alliance was formed left and Janata Dal voted against each other in parliament.

180. VAIDYA (PA). Janata Dal no more as 'Selly Experiment». Link? 34, 18; 1991, December, 15; 7.

Even though V.P. Singh has not made link in Amethi he is better off than . Both know that vented split in Janata Dal will be desaster owing his base in U.P. and Bihar V.P. Singh win be stronger of two. 15G

-,-,_,-, DEFECTION 31. UNEDIPYDJG AND hasty. Pioneer? 3, 213; 1993, August, 5; 8. Editorially comments that it is with unseemly haste that Prime Minister and congress president Mr. P.v. Narasimha Rao has admitted break away seven member faction of Janata Da-A his party. He has his compulsion of course. His majority government which had over past two years broken number of smaller parties in order cabbie together an arithmetical superiority on floor of Lok Sabha, had reverted precarious position following alienation of 11 member AIADMK group. The compulsion survive in office can not be at cost of political morality and parliamentary dignity. The way in which congress went about splitting Janata Dal-A was questionable enough. There is nothing wrong minority government working establish majority motion has been presented with unedifying spectacle of political opportunism at its worst and show of brazenness that makes mockery of democracy.

_,-,_,_,_, AJIT SINGH GROUP 182. SHARMA (Dinesh). Dirty dozen: VP Singh's Janata Dal gasps for breath as 12 MPs leave. Nation and the Vferld? 3, 23; 199 2, September, 1; 5.

For Hie Janata Dal it is crippling blow with most of rebels belonging to backward classes and scheduled 157

castes, party hs lost much of its luster the raandal issue h d provided it whether faction led by Ajit Singh merges into congress party or keeps its identity separate, a difficult time is in stress for Janata Dal.

183. SUBRAHMANYA (K) . Ajit Singh's real Janata Dal. Link; 34> 27? 1992, February, 16; 9. February 5 more of Ajit Singh to establish real Janata Dal has not thro van much light on much talked about relign- ment though new party's sympathy towards congress evident in same way.

_,_,-,—, PATNAIK (Biju),ORlSSA 184. SABAT (Ufendra). Biju's gameplan. Link; 34, 6; 1991, September, 22; 13. All eyes are set on Biju Patnaik's next move after his

recent drubling in last Lok Sabha election and his recending popularity among his party member.

-,-,-,—, SINGH (VP) 185. GHOSH (Arup) . VP may go into self imposed exile. News India Times? 23, 33; 1993, August, 13; 10. Raja of Mandal likely go into self imposed exile. Janata Dal leader said Singh was insisting on full implementation of mandal report. He had also expressed certain other demands relating to increased 158

job reservations for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Singh's latest move has been received with skepticism by some of his own party leaders. They view it as self- projection while others considers it step towards reunification of all Janata Dal factions and effort to improve its credibility before upcoming polls in four northern states,

-,-,-,-_, PRESIDENT, SINGH (VP) 186. LIMAYE (Madhu). VP Sigh's dangerous course. New Wave; 22, 50; 1993, August, 8; 5. JD and SP rank and file and progressive Muslims must protest against new course of Mr. V#P. Singh and Mr. Mulayam Singh and present JD and SP from becoming new incarnation of Muslim League.

— _ - — SPLIT 187. JD TOWARDS disintegration. Hindustan Times: 68, 331; 1991, November, 29; 11. Editorially comments that Janata Dal and inexorably heading towards split that party was set on such irrevocable course became clear when leadership struck against UP Janata Dal legislature party leader Mr. Kailash Nath Singh Yadav

obviously idea was bring about situation whereby Mr. Ajit Singh was forced retaliate if Mr. Ajit Singh and Mr. V.P. Singh have so far remained together in party it not because of any love lost between them if Mr. Ajit Singh had been 159 able with supports 19 MPs, he would have quite forty long time ago. Mr. V.P. Singh has expressed his desire to forge ties with Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav's SJP has done well in recent byelection in UP former Prime Minister's new found love for Mr. Yadav could hasten Mr. Ajit Singh's exit from Janata Dal.

REDDY (B Muralidhar). Fission process* Janata Dal heading for a third split. Frontline? 8, 25; 1991, December, 7-20; 103.

Vftieel to continue to move opposite directions in less than three years its existence Janata Dal is on verge of third split. Ihis time master minded by Ajit Singh and there is no guarantee that this inevitable separation will be ost. War of wits between V.P. Singh and Ajit Singh an Congress(I) question dominated Janata Dal politics till schedule for byelections was announced. Question of Ajit Singh staying on in Janata Dal simply does not exist. However, at moment his approach seems to be wait and watch in absence of required strength of 20 Lok Sabha member form a separate group he is in no position to act

0n his own. He wants to be expelled and party leadership might just fulfil his wish.

SRIVASTAVA (Yateesh) . Fragmentation of Janata Dal on cards. iiQk; 34, 11; 1991, October, 27; 4.

Janata Dai's factional fight may spell fin's for it 160

and for any centrist alternative to congress. BJP may become the most dangerous righ wing alternative.

_,.,-,—,-, UP, 1991

190. FISSION IN Janata Dal. Times of India: 154, 174? 1991, July, 23; 6. ^ditorially comments that in-fighting within Janata Dal yet another setback for Mr. V.P. Singh, party has been in state continuous fission. Mr. Ajit Singh latest among

those disinclined accept Mr. V#p. Singh's dominance. Earlier Mr. chandrashekhar, the tall, Mr. Arun Nehru, Mr. and others like them articulated their resentment and departed from Janata Dal, Mr. V.P. singh has emerged as the first among equals in Janata Dal on account his ideological leadership rather than formal position within party.v.P. Singh will have come clear rather than later about overall political philosophy as well as organisational plans.

191. NANDA (Mira Rani). Implications of JMM split. Link? 35, 2; 1992, August, 23; 13. Growing disillusionment of younger member of JMM with self serving activities of party leaders, manifested in frequent changes in their political alignment for personal interest has the potentiality to turn JMM more militant in hear future. 161

-,-,-, LEFTFRONT, STATES, HE ST BENGAL/ 1993

192. ACHARYA (Poromesh) . Panchayata and lefts politics in West Bengal. Economic and Political Weekly; 28, 22; 1993, May, 29; 1080. Despite apparent success of panchayati raj in west Bengal under left front rule overall domination of privileged classes over rural power structure remains unchallenged.

-,-,-, OPPOSITION 193. AMYS. Opposition politics: year tiiat was. Link? 34,20; 1991, December, 29; 8. JD even when out office has provided credibility BJP in eyes of people who have been voting centrist opposition parties to power.

194. LIMAYE (Madhu) . Mock fight and real fight. Hindu? 116, 187; 1993, August, 3; 8. Describes although the three main opposition groups provided a shining example of cohesion and discipline, no common purpose really united them. The high power mobilisa­ tion was a measure of their total disgust with Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao. 162

-,-,-, TUJS, TRIPURA

195. BHATTACHARYA (Siddharta). Tripura bear-hugs tfie left. IM?

35, 36; 1993, April, 18; 4.

Even as coalition partner of congress during last

five years, TUJs rarely rose champion cause of tribals.

Writing on wall was clear they had go so too the congress.

_,-, PARLIAMENT

196. BHATIA (Prem) . Parliament's political face. Tribune? 113,

20 2; 1993, July, 23; 8.

While the government likely be attacked with unusual

sauageny over issue of corruption in high places, it is

prime minister who will be in real danger condemnation

through a formal motion of no confidence of barrage

accusatory speaches will naturally little congress regime

but it is in no mood quit. Narasimha Rao may however, find

his position untenible may have to be sacrificed.

-,-,-, LOK SABHA, DEPOT* SPEAKER 197. MATTER OF convention, Times of India? 154, 193; 1991, August, 14; 8.

Editorially comments that unnecessary controversy over post of deputy speaker of Lok Sabha has ended with resounding victory of BJP member Mr. S. Mallikarjunaish, 163

Mr. Rasheed Masood's distinguished parliamentary record it made little sense for Janata DalM.p. project the election as battle between secularism andcommunalism. Congress has not compromised its ideology or its opposition to communal ism. Now for that matter did BJP compromise itself, by agreeing Congress support or endorsing Mr. 3iivraj Patil's election as speaker. By raising these contentions non-issues NF-ief t combine are quitly of exceeding bounds of advarsarial politics.

-,_, RILOT (Rajesh) SRINIVASMI (K). , superman; Onlooker? 54, 11; 1993, June, 15; 15.

Rajesh Pilot, minister of state for internal security is man for all season like superman pilot wants sort out Punjab, Assam, Kashmir and what have you in matter of weeks it was time. As he claimed on getting home clear the cabinets in the process pilot has blown hot and blown cold and turned many of his friends into foes. Not just that but situation particularly in Kashmir has only got worse. Point as many one asking now is whetherpilot answerable for his actions or will be continue blunder around, will Rao caution him or it that this doodhwalla superman will continue all as he pleases. 164

_,-, POST GANDHI (Rajiv) 199. INDIA AFTER Rajiv. Times of India? 154,124; 1991, May, 25;6. Editorially comments that thoroughly bewildered India bade farewell to Rajiv Gandhi on Friday, it will be while before notion recovers from sheer horrow of his brutal end. Lack of faith in electoral process all political parties with exception of BJP made it clear in most unambiguous terms that they would have nothing do with idea of national govt. Rajiv Gandhi performance was most creditible and our occasions, even brilliant, after assassination these will be difficult come unless our leadership.

200. ROBERT (L) and HARDGRAVE (J>) . After the dynasty: Politics in India. Current History? 91, 563? 1992, March? 106.

Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 brought and end to dynasty that had dominated politics the world's largest democracy for nearly half a century Rajiv Gandhi's at age of 40. New governments first actions were to correct India's pressing economic problems and the most serious balance of payments crisis since independence and also after the 1989 elections Indian politics came to be seen as following what might be called rather loosely, a situation in which no single party commands a parliamentary majority and punctuated by periodic crisis, government one formed in pattern of shifting coalitions. 165

201. SEN (Anikendranath). Post-Rajiv politics: Scope for consolidating centrist forces. Tiroes of India? 154, 132; 1991, June, 4; 6.

Author says that political militant which has suddenly developed a "killer instinct" BJP now claims to be only party capable of providing the country with stable governance party was easily fastest growing political super market in country even before Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was brutally killed. Left can never hope to achieve an All India Presence without fuller alliance with congress its dilemma can only be resolved even if temporarily.

202. SHAMLAL. National scene: System in distress. Times of India? 154, 124; 1991, May, 25; 6.

Author says that Mr. Rajiv Gandhi's absence from national scene public opinion polls, he was leading actor. Since independence has been main factor for stability in an increasingly Turbulent polity but its very complexion. Party is like rudderlessship at moment decision elect Mrs. 'Sonia Gandhi as party president was rather clusmy play get over leadership crisis for time being if it has not worked it because she has been discreet she has neither temper and talent now inclination new congress parliamentry party has choose leader. Party might try cover up divisions in its ranks by involving principle of collective leadership. 16B

TABW (Ghulam Rabbani) . Post-Rajiv situation. Mainstream? 29, 34; 1991, June, 5; 19. Rajiv Gandhi is no more life of youthful and dynamic national leader has been cut short by despicable act an assassin. Presently our country passing through very turbulent period. It is under attack of various anti- national division forces. As matter of fact there is no dearth of secular forces either. But unfortunately instead giving united fight against divisive forces they are engaged in inter receive strife for petty gains. This tragic incident is likely create mild sympathy wave for congress but thanks to particular style of functioning of their successive topmost leaders, there is no one among present leaders 06 congress who has Charisma no doubt Narasimha Rao is an experienced politician but he can hardly be described as crowd puller and vote cotcher. Situation demands that different secular parties should see writings on wall decide form viable stable coalition government of centre.

-,-, , CONGRESS(I) POST-RAJIV Congress. Times of India? 154, 123; 1991, May, 24; 8.

Editorially comments tiiat Mrs. Sonia Gandhi's decision decline post of congress president will be widely 167

hailed as courageous, wise and even moving gesture. She was better placed than anyone else to keep factional rivalry within party in check indeed lead party victory in general election Congress aorking committee acknowledged as much when it chose nominate has as party chief on Wednesday she refused to lack of interest in politics. She has witnessed disappearance in tragic circumstances of her brofliher in law, Sanjay, her mother in law, Indira Gandhi and now her husband. She can not possibly be expected as herself mentions in brief statement. She issued on fhursday, accept post of party president under these circumstances. Congressman may will be tempted organise mass demonstration change her mind. She must be spared such pressures.

-,-, PRESIDENT, VENK&TARAMAN (S) , ADDRESS 20 5. SCOTCH SPECULATION. Times of India? 154, 138; 1991, June, 11; 8. Editorially comments tiiat president Venkataraman *s address to nation on Saturday has raised more questions than answered them while his deeply felt thoughts about violence and malpractices vitiating electoral process will be widely shared some other passages in speech do lend themselves disturbing interpretations. Mr. T.N. Seshan has been led by

caretaker Prime Minister and Mr. Subramaniam Swamy minister through when interact with government postpone polling by 168

three weeks after assassination. Seshan said new dates were dictated by Chandra Shekhar government it is time scotch these rumours and get on with serious business of electing governmen t deraocr a tic ally.

_/-# PRICES, FERTILISERS, AGITATIONS AGAINST

206. DON'T YIELD. Dr. Singh. Time a of India; 154, 183; 1991, August, 2; 8. Editorially comments that in protest against 40 per­ cent rise fertiliser prices formers have rioted Andhra Pradesh and Bhartiya Kisan Union planning major agitation in north India. Member of parliament from all parties including congress increased, cut motion on subject threatens government survival. Political stakes high tempers. Mr. Mahendra Singh Tikait and Mr. Devi Lai claim that farmers have been discriminated against for decades and must get everything at subsidised prices. Farmers have political clout in all democracies and will always endeavour politicise prices their inputs and outputs. Government has already taken one step in this direction by decontrolling price of low analysis fertilisers like calcium ammonionitrate. 169

-,-, PRIME MINISTERS, OONTENEORS 207. THAKUR (Janardan). v*io will be PM: Sharad Pawar or Arjun Singh. Illustrated Vfeeklv of India? 113, 27; 1993, July, 3-9; 10. Events of the last few weeks have temporarily united a party rever by factional squabbling. But as every day seems to hasten Rao's departure the question after RaoT who if CPP were give wanted in newspapers it could read. The candidate should be sufficiently rootless and spineless sacrifice more than just his honour esteem, judgement in greater interests of party..

_,_,—,-, NARASIMHA RPO (PV) 208. OVER TO Rao. Indian Express? 59, 231; 1991, June, 22; 8.

Editorially comments that Mr. Narasimha Rao received support of majority of congress(l) MPs because he is considered to be amenable external influences and therefore capable of being manipulated by party bosses and infamous •coteria'. To cope with such situations Mr. Rao will not only have be firm but given minority status of his govt, able to carry section of opposition with him for this and for sake of his own credibility as well as good government he should try distance himself as far as possible from cotenic and its malodonous members. 170

_, -, —, -, PAWAR (Shar ad). 209. SHETYE (Madhu) . Pawar serious contender for leadership. Link; 33, 46; 1991, June; 23; 12.

Spectacular performance of congress, which bagged 37 of the 48 Lok sabha seats in Maharashtra has boosted image of chief minister Shar ad Pawar. With near-rout of Congress in UP and Bihar he is serious contender for the leadership of Congress parliamentary party.

_, _, ,-, SCINDIA (Madhav Rao)

210. SRIVASTAVA (Yateesh) . Rise of the Maharajah. Link? 34, 15; 1991, November, 24; 7. Madhav Rao Scindia is in lime light and has all qualities of leadership. He has tiie vision and requisite administrative ability do good job of Prime Ministership should he get it. He has emerged as most visible of all congress politicians of late perhaps apart from PM no other politician has received so much attention on official media as Madhav Rao.

-,-,--, NARASIMHA RAO (PV) 211. BHATIA (Prem) . Continuity with decline: At Random. Tribune? 113, 139; 1993, May, 21; 8.

Narasimha Rao is not likely quite in hurry. He possesses an inner toughness which is not reflected in 171

his slow and cautions style of functioning. Narasimha Rao convinced that he still has role play in keeping country on its feet. He is willing face a furttier decline in quality in favour of continuity which he believes, only congress can provide even in its current dilapidated state.

212. CH/*»AyARTY (Nitish) . Quietly to tiie fore: On P. V. Narasimha Rao. Frontline? 8, 13, 1991, June, 22 - July 5; 19.

Author statements that secret of Narasimha Rao's durability is his endless capacity for evolving a consensus amidst a waiter of contentions views, he has always kept low profile. Perhaps his non-aggressive nature would endear him everyone around make him less unacceptable than all others who can be expected throws their hats into ring when time comes choose next Prime Minister. Narasimha Rao ©.n his part could not shy away from responsibility.

213. GUPTA (Rakesh) . Challenges of Indian Politics. Link? 34, 16; 1991, December, 1; 4.

P.V. Narasimha Rao's victory is an episode of serendipity. He has live up to confidence reposed in him to face challenges of Indian politics and strengthen the foundations of moderns, liberal and democratic India. 172

214. MATHUR (Girish) . Expansion of tfte ministry:A shot in PV's arm. Link? 34, 48; 199 2, July, 12; 7.

Prime Minister has reason to feel satisfied over his deft management of recent press conference and expansion of ministry. But it may become an illusion once the Man soon session of parliament takes up no confidence motion and stock market scam issue.

215. MATHUR (Girish) . P.V. Government performs creditably. Link: 34, 6; 1991, September, 22; 9.

P.V. Narasimha Rao has been able pursue his own agenda and thus been able to restore politics is proper domain and pull it out of mess various controversies had landed it into.

216. PATTABHIRAM (M) . Wisest among congressmen: Personal insight. Erontline? 8, 19; 1991, September, 14-27; 19. Author highlights that it is difficult to believe that P.tf. Narasimha Rao is the prime minister of tJiis country but those who knows him initiately have no doubt that he has been most deserving of all with the congress.

217. PV ASSERTS himself. Times of India? 154, 150; 1991, June, 25; 8.

Editorially comments that newly constituted council 173

of ministers, Mr. Narasimha Rao has made what is all appearances deft even daning move on political chess­ board. Mr. Sharad Pawar's role seemed reveal difficulties Mr. Rao encountered in getting his act together. At least three of six most important portfolios have gone to ministers who can pose no challenge to him nower in the future. Same taken latter can be expected check-mate other contender in Prime Ministerial race, Mr. Arjun Singh (HRD) and ?ice versa moreover by allocating relatively 'minor' portfolios close aides of late Rajiv Gandhi - Messrs M.L. Fotedar and Sitaram Kesari in particular. Mr. Rao has sent a strong signal that he intends to keep his distance from so called coterie without necessarily seeking cut himself off from it altogether. Mr. Rao has quietly but effectively asserted his pre-eminence.

218. REDDY" (Narendra) . Narasimha Rao the man and his idea. Sunday Herald? 25, 147; 1993, August, 1; 1. Narasimha Rao have never relished unsolicited advice in my whole life and have always prefered take a few knocks and learn the hard way. I shall not attempt impose any thing on you ideology, principle. But I cannot help adding that I will not submit anything being imposed on me either, in intellectual sense. 174

219. SINGHVI (Vir) . Manipulator behind the mask. Sunday; 20, 30; 1993, July, 25-31; 8.

Key to understanding Narasiiriha Rao lies in realising that he is manipulator who wants world regard him as state- man. Day after assassination par ic-stricken working committee turned Sbnia Gandhi when she refused congress president-ship it was handed to Rao largely on grounds that he was Gulza- bilal Nan da of his generation a well meaning but elderly person who could fill mod temporarily. There is nothing wrong with ambition. Ask Arjun singh if he wants to be MP and he will say yes put the same question to Sharad Pawar and he may quibble about tuning but he will concede basic fount trouble with Rao is that he cannot be as candid as Arjun singh or Sharad Pawar. No sooner had he manipulated his way into Prime Minister's office than he began act as though God had placed him there against his will. Unfortu­ nately for Narasimha Rao more and more people one coming terms with manipulater behind the mask.

-#-#-#--# .and cwc 220. MATHUR (Girish). PVN' s balancing act. Link; 34, 41; 1992, May, 24; 12. Author comments that by nominating two heavy weight elected members to the CW2, PV has confounded many political observers. The main purpose behind such a stratagem, it seems, is to make rooms for the unrepresented calegories- women, SC and ST candidates in the CWC. 175

-,-,—,—, HUNDRED DAY'S

221. KHAN (Rasheeduddin) . First hundred days of the congress government. Link? 34, 6; 1991, September, 22; 4.

After first hundred days in office new Prime Minister invoices mixed reaction. He assumed power when congress as party was heading towards a vertical split. His astuteness as leader helped him set his house in order. Later as an administrator he assidiously contained economic crunch initiated his transactions with foreign countries. But his stand on IMP Loan and unabated situation in Punjab, Assam and Jammu and Kashmir have received much flok from all sections of society.

-,-,--,—, NO CONFIDENCE MOTION

222. NAYAR (Kuldip) . Win Rao government survive. Iribune; 113, 200; 1993, July, 21; 6.

Despite Mr. Aj it Singh's announcement that he has withdrawn his support to Rao government and uncertain attitude of Ms Jayalalitha who heads the AIADMK congress is confident weathening the storm it believes that two

no-conf idence motions are sponsored by BJP and other by leftist and national front will be defeated. 17G

223. RAD GOVERNMENT wins. Democratic World; 21, 3; 199 2, March, 16-31; 5.

Editorially comments that if one looks at the earnestness of Rao government, it is indeed lamentable that the opposition is unnecessarily arranging it for having capituated foreign forces on economic sovereignty of country.

224. ON A tight rope. Times of India? 154, 168; 1991, July, 16; 6. Editorially comments that vote of confidence which Narasimha Rao government was in Lok Sabha on Monday was widely anticipated. BJP had categorically stated that it would east n^gotiative vote national front-left parties combine had dropped enough hints that they would not allow government fall. Now government has survived with tacit help combine, NF-LF combine was gjiick denounce deal congress and BJP struck on issue election of speaker and deputy speaker of Lok Sabha. ^ti-congressism still not spent force either Bjp ©r NP-LF combine. Narasimha Rao will seek support whenever and can obtain it in case he enable do so, he will be tempted place issue an backburner. But is there an alternative. 177

_, -, — , —, , OPPOSITION 225. SEN (Mohit). Way ahead for cnnaress.National Herald? 25, 150; 1993, August, 4; 4;

Describes national confidence has been shaken, thanks largely to combine effort of opposition. With defeat of

no-confidence motion it has come to be that -ttie congress has the heaviest responsibility of all in restoring this confidence.

-,-,—,—, , BP(M) and BSP 226. JHA (Prem Shankar) * Who is -tiie bigger loser. Hindu; 116, 185; 1993, August, 4; 8.

Describes no-confidence motion has unified the congress discredited the opposition and brought an electoral understanding between the congress and MuLayam Singh-Kashi Ram combine at little big closer.

-,_,—,—, , VICTORY 227. BADHWAR (Inderjit)* Battered PM. India Today; 18, 15; 1993, August, 15; 8.

R Prime Minuter P.V# Narasimha ao survives. But it is doubtful that he can ever recover either as leader of motion or as torch-bearer of his party. His 14-votes victory dairing no-confidence motion on July 28. Narrowest for any government in India's parliamentary history was outcome 178

not of deft floor management or principled support but of nor sen trading and inducement inspired defections. Attack on Rao from within and outside his party reflected confluence of interest. Their basic motive was position themselve for maximum gains during next elections. Arjun Singh was advised that instead of acting as love ranger he should coordinate his activities with Sharad Pa war because combination of Arjun Singh and strong man of Maharashtra was essential if Rao was be challenged within party. Ihere is no gain saying battering tiiat victorious Prime Minister has taken even in murky manipulation of Indian politics event of last fortiinight have seriously diminished his stature. As V.P. Singh says/ "Motion was an issue of corruption and by not answering our charges" they have proven tJiem". Rao is butt of suitcase and crove jakes among his own party man as well as opposition.

_,-,—, __, POSITION after CWC ELECTION 228. MATHUR (Girish) PV emerges stronger after CWC elections. Link; 34, 37? 1992, April, 26; 9.

Author statements that Narasimha Rao has strengthened his position and that of party by holding elections to CWC. The new-look CWC will have to live up to tiie challenges of strengthening th» party base in building a secular democratic polity. 179

-,-,--,—., VICTORY 229. COMFORT FOR PV. Hindustan Times; 68, 3 21; 1991, November, 19; 13. Editorially comments that election of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao from Non<3dyal in Andra Pradesh made more notable record margin of his victory. Mr. Rao's credits as political manager that he has not allowed the elctoral occasion acquire unduly factorial overtones, his standing further reinforced by fact that first popular verdict on performance his government has not spelt set back for congress either at national level or state. Congresswould not of course have achieved Lok Sabha majority even by wining all byelections, but its showing should suffice accelerate splittist tendencies in opposition parties like Janata Dal and Telugu Desam.

-,-,—,—, VISIT, STATES, ANDHRA PRADESH, 1993 230. REDDI (PR). PM's visit and after. New Wave? 22, 47; 1993, July, 18; 5. Andhra people have once again e^ibited how unified ttiey are behind leadership of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and V. Vijgyabhaskhara Reddy during four day visit of Prime Minister in four days Shri Rao addressed five public meetings in five backward districts of Telugana and Rayalasama and inaugurated score of projects in all these places response 180

of people was overwhelming. Prime Minister and accompanying officers could not have failed notice bankrupty of several thousand of formers of Telengana and Rayalaseema who had willingly or unwillingly had become victims of stock market scam not adequately reported in press which is all time busy with what happened in Bombay or preoccupied with allegations made by Harshad Mehta and others.

-,-,--, SINGH (VP) 231. AMYS. VP Singh:Captive of an image* Link? 34, 10; 1991, October, 20; 7.

V.P. Singh had once professed that he coveted no political office but he employed subtle subterfuge to become prime minister. His sole ideology has been politicol expendiency and he had no remorse in sacrificing principles in pursuit of his goal.

-, -, RAJYA SABHA, MEMBERSHIP, CENKA (KC) , 1994

232. NANDA (Sowada P). . Desperately seeking Biju. Sunday? 20, 30; 1993, July, 25-31; 22.

By the beginning of next year, K.C. Cenka (left) will have to seek re-election to Rajya Sabha. And he

hopes that Biju Patnaik will help him to stay in parliament. 181

-,-, RAT (Rabi) 233. VIDTA (PA). Rabi Ray reiterates democratic order. Link:

34, 13; 1991, N0vember, 10; 8.

Being skeptical of Janata Dal' s credentials and unprincipled political practices Ray moves for healthy democratic polity.

_,-, RESERVATIONS, BC 234. PRAEHAN (Bansidhar) . SC ruling upholds job reservation for backward. Link? 35, 15; 199 2, November, 22; 7.

Supreme Court verdict in favour of reservation for backward classes and partywise responses it -that followed indicated V.P. Singh government's policy while simultaneously exposing real intentions of political forces that indirectly opposed it two years back.

_,_,-,_, BIHAR 235. CHOUDHARY (Kameshwar) . New reservation policy. Economic and Political Weekly? 28, 23; 1993, Jun, 5; 114 5.

New reservation policy has fur-dier consolidated backward class support for chief minister of Bihar. However withdrawal of reservation benefits for upper-caste women has generated intense criticism. 182

-,-,_,-, GUJARAT

236. BHATT (Tushar). Politics of backwardness in Gujarat. Economic Times? 31, 201; 1991, September, 21? 6.

Backward classes and castes are used as political pawns in a game that is getting increasingly vicious and unprincipled.

-,-,-, MANDAL COMMISSION 237. CHAKRAVARTTY. (Nikhil) . Mandal report, Narasimha Rao and V.P. Sinah.Mainstream? 29, 50; 1991, October, 5; 4. Author says that less spectre but more symbol national consensus, Mandal report has at last figured this time. Cabinet and congress working committee discuss Narasimha Rao consensus approach of success. Prime minister had more headeches on this scene in dealing with disparate elements within his own party then with opposition parties. All party meeting called by him, reservation for other backward classes as laid down by V.P. Singh government with congress stand of enunciated in party's election manifesto. If Janata Dal kept away from formality of all party meeting it was clear that Prime Minister kept his chennels open with V.P. Singh via his Minister Sitaram Kesri. 183

238. CREAM CRACKER. Telegraph; 12, 34; 1993, August, ID; 8. Editorially comments that Mr. V.P. Singh former Prime Minister and Janata Dal leader isleaving Delhi next week and has vowed not return until Mandal Commission's recommendations on reservation are implemented. However it not possible for any government melt this demand as supreme court ruling of November 16, 199 2 has considerably modified formula for reservations. Supreme court verdict stands in way of such sweeping measures/ reservations it must be accepted one but shortherm solution unless there is shift in this scenario new formulation may bring only some and not revolutionary gains.

-,-,-, MANDAL REPORT 239. CHAKRAVARTY (Nikhil) . Mandal report, Narasimha Rao and V.P. Singh. Mainstream? 29, 50; 1991, October, 5; 6.

Mandal report has at last figured this time perhaps prime minister has had more headaches on his scene in dealing with disparate elements within his own party than with opposition parties all-party meeting called by him helped him to understand need for some how marrying last year s formulations on question of reservation for other backward classes aslaid down by V.P. Singh government with congress stand as enunciated in party's election manifesto,

decision of Narasiraha Rao government confirm 27 percent 184

reservation for OBCs. There is no question that V.p. Singh much maligned stand has been amply indicated, it is wisdom of Narasimha Rao's commitment to consensus approach that has finally brought the certain down one of sordid episodes of present day politics in this country.

-,-,-, OBC 240. ASMI RAZA. Dilemma of reservation. Link? 34, 22? 1992, January, 12? 34. Reservations OBC's agitations on issue leave concerns of individual security out consideration and so in order achieve casteless society economic criteria on individual not group basis should be evolved.

_,-, SECURITIES SCAM, OPINION POLL 241. DATTA (Mona) . Majority of people want Rao out. News India Times? 23, 23? 1993, August, 13? 8. Question whether Prime Minister should appear before joint parliamentary committee answer allegations? Thumping 6 8 percent felt that Rao should appear only 13 percent said no. Should PM resign if found guilty seven four percent said yes and 11 percent no. But majority of Indians are undecided on whether there need replace Rao from within congress(l) party. Sixty two percent had no opinion. However, there was dead heat over succession. Maharashtra chief minister Sharad Pawar 185

came as strongest contender with 11 percent followed by Arjun Singh 10 percent and N.D. Tiwari four percent. Thirteen percent of those interviewed opted for others.

-,-,—, ROLE, CHIDAMBARAM

24 2. CHIDAMBARAM'S EXIT. Democratic World? 21, 10; 1992, July, 15; 5.

Editorially comments that much touched securities scam continues take its toll, it has gorged into its vorlex several celbrities from world of high finance. With resignation of P. Chidambaram Minister of State for Commerce first political kill has been proclaimed. He was known be man of integrity and eminance. Acceptance of Chidambram's resignation is fuelling all manner of speculation. Mr. Narasimha Rao declared without mining words that if minister was involved, he would cease be a minister. What precisely was nature of involvement was not spelt out will even guiltless involvement invite disqualification as minister? Would reprehensibility have established, redeeming feature in Chidambaram exist that for once instead of being accused shielding wrong doing. 187

_,_,—,-, NARASIMHA RAD (PV) 24 5. DANDAVATE (Madhu) . Harshad Mehta, Narasimha Rao and JPC. Mainstream? 31, 33; 1993, June, 26; 2.

Role played by RBI banks brokers ministry of Finance and by politicians one closely interlinked in security stock exchange scam. On July 26, 1991 Deputy Governor of Reserve bank had sent secret circular to chairman of banks hinting at grave suspected malpractices in security transac­ tions of bank. During press conference Harshad Mehta hinted at other beneficiaries of bank scam apart from Prime Minister. His counsel Ram Jethmalani has threatened that if Prime Minister Narasimha Rao denies that he had received Rs 1 crore concrete evidence would be prodaced. Prime minister too should be summoned before JPC prove his innocense. In case he unable to do so and Harshad Mehta produces irrefutable evidence about his accusation against Rao he will have no alternative but quit from his office.

-,-, SCINDIA (Madhav Rao), RESIGNATION

246. SDKHMANI SINGH. Disaster either way. Illustrated Meekly &£ India? 112, 32; 1992, August, 8-14; S. P.V. Narasimha Rao, the master of indecision has

hardest decision to make. Should he let Madhavan continue or should he let him retire, the future of his government could depend on this crucial question. 183

-,-, SPEAKER, LCK SABHA, 199 2 247. GUPTA JtShriniwas) . Political-legal status of speaker in India and abroad. Link; 34, 30; 1992, May, 10; 32. Role of the speaker can hardly be under estimated in our parliamentary system. Although speaker's ruling needs be respected, there have been many instances in recent times of controversies arising out of his discharge of constitutional dutie s.

-,-, STATES, ANDHRA PRADESH 248. AP'S FADING star. Hindustan Times; 68, 323; 1991, November, 21; 11. Editorially comments that Lok Sabha and Assembly byelections have dealt heavy blow to party that not long ago led opposition in parliament headed strong non-congress state government. Telugu Desam party has suffered a defeat result of Andhra Pradesh have dempened such hopes recovery as Mr. N.T. Rama Rao has been able to keep alive in party since its loss power in state after two terms of rule. TDP's nubbing can only be expected accelerate process at national level, which would appear largely due following decimation DMK in Tamil Nadu and AGP in Assam it likely hasten fragmentation of alternative force envisaged with regional 1st parties as vital component in AP context it may deepen opposition division witnessed in Nandyal. 189

-,-,-, ASSAM, BODO AGITATION NANDA (Mira Rani). Bodo issue: A silver lining on Assam's sky. Link? 35, 2; 199 2, August, 23; 16.

Willingness on post of moderate Bodo agitatlonists to consider government's proposal for an autonomous counsel for Bodo people within Assam is welcome development. But still one has to go long way see successful resolution of Bodo problems.

_,-,-, BIHAR, BY-ELECTIONS, 1993

CHAITANYA (Krishna). Patna by-electiont Significant contest. Economic and Political Weekly? 28,20; 1993, May, 15; 9 59.

Almost all left parties have supported single candidate against BJP sending message to progressive forces join hands against communal fascism.

_,-,-, BJP RUN, OPPOSITION, CONGRESS (I), ARJUN SINGH

ARJUN SINGH'S call. Patriot? 29, 352; 1992, March, 21; 4.

Mr. Arjun Singh campaign against BJP government in four Hindi-speaking states has been well-received by congressmen in his own state and in either pradesh. So far he has held three mass rallies to demand removal of BJP government. Mr. Arjun Singh's campaign against BJP has nothing to do with these designs for as Mr. C.P. Hiakur, 130

congress spokesman and confident of Mr. Rao, he said, 'all congressman one united in their opposition to the BJP.

-,-,-, HARYANA 252. AYARAMS and GAY ARAMS. Haryana patniarch, son may face political exile. Link? 331, 4 5; 1991, June, 16? 26.

It appears political wilderness in stare for Haryana patniarch Devi Lai and his son Om Prakash Chautala. Haryana Vikas party - Janata Dal combine likely get an absolute majority and form new government in state. State is notorious for culture of defection and if any party is short of majority it will find no difficulty in governing the support of.

-,-,-, PUNJAB 253. GILL (Sucha Singh). Punjab crisis and political process. Economic and Political Weekly? 27, 5; 1992, February, 1; 187.

Resolution of Punjab crisis has begin with rebuilding of peoples confidence followed by rerival of elemocratic process lasting.

254. MATHUR (Girish) . Non-confrontation bears fruit. Link? 34, 15; 1991, November, 24; 11. P.V. Narasimha Rao after Nandyal election must turn his attention towards J & K and Punjab where initial step 191

for dialogue have been taken, ihere can be no alternative to dialogue within framework of India's territorial integrity.

255. PREM SINGH. Another Punjab debatei a small step forward. T.4nV? 35, 16; 1992, November, 29; 12. Recently held new Delhi convention on Punjab situation witnessed free and frank discussion about ways and means of effecting soluting to on going crisis in sensitive border state. Non-party character of meet added its significance in situation of all-round pessimism and despondency, this is an encouraging step though not enough.

-,_,_,-, DEMOCRATIC PROCESS 256. PALIWAL (Preeti). Democratic process in Punjab. Link? 34, 27; 1992, February, 16; 7. For reasons that one fer from clear some of Akali factions one staying away from the election even as Punjab goes up poll on February 19. Democratic political process having testing time in state. People need keep their figures crossed.

->-,-,-, 199 2 257. PREM SINGH. Punjab crisis and Sikh intellectuals. Link; 34, 48; 1992, July, 12; 10. Those sikh intellectuals who have chosen air their views in public one rather divided in their perception of 192

Punjab tangle. Some have sympathesised with militants while others are critical of direction in which Punjab politics has moved.

258. PREM SINGH. Punjab's wait for the package. Link; 34, 41; 1992, May, 24; 10. Author comments that control government has promised a new package for unwinding the Punjab knot, tyiat is of utmost importance is its timing, it has to deliver it without any delay so as to enlist the support of moderate Akali leaders who have so far not raised the demand for an independent sikh state even though they supported such demands by others.

259. REM SINGH. Rethinking on Punjab. Link; 35, 14; 199 2, November, 15; 12.

Law and order situation in Punjab has turned for better in recent months. Hiat does this hold for state. Does this means that an overall political solution could be effected by taking advantage of prevailing conditions, unfortunately, there seems be no move in this direction. Par from that there is at present dangerous silence on part of government, while various Akali factions are yet reconsider their position in light of emerging situation

Qn the ground. 193

-,-, SYSTEM, CHANGES 260. MATHUR (Girish) . Changes mooted in Indian political system. Link? 34, 5; 1991, September, 15; 9. India is currently undergoing political perestrpola. But as in Soviet Union political changes in our country largely depend on kind of political realignment that emerges and ©ft success of economic reforms.

_,-, TERRORISM, HOSTAGES 261. RG. Hostages and government credibility. Link: 34, 11; 1991, October, 27; 7. Grossly in human phenomenon of hostages has posed serious challenge to government while domestic political and administrative measures are necessary to word off challenge what is also required is serious international efforts tackle issue as its extra-territorial connections are too obvious.

-,-,-, PUNJAB 26 2. OPERATION RAKSHAK. Hindustan Times? 68, 324; 1991, November, 22; 11. Editorially comments that launching of operation Rakshak-Il in Punjab on Tuesday night bears out centre's claim that elections in violence ridden state will be held before February 15 as scheduled seen against backdrop of re-induction of Mr. K.P.S. Gj.ii as Director-General of 194

police it another attempt restene law and order in state. If array reluctant have much contact with people despite its heavy involvement in operation, it is understandable reasons. Under operation Rakshak-II army will only provide cover to security forces in fighting against militants.

263. PREM SINGH. Is the tide turning in Punjab. Link; 35, 2; 199 2, August, 23; 10.

•terrorist menace in Punjab on decline or so it appears after recent success of Punjab police in nobbing number of dreaded terrorists. There are many otiier reasons why terrorist have lost ground. But definite return from terrorist raj normalcy requires political-ideological initiative by government as well as mainstream political parties.

264. PREM SINGH. Punjab: The road back to normalcy. Link: 35, 5; 1992, September, 13; 7. In recent past, security forces in Punjab have performed commendable job by successfully eracking down on militants. That militants are on defensive indicated by peaceful conduct of just concluded Municipal elections. However, road back normalcy also invjolves political initiatives by both the state and central govennments. 195

26 5. PREM SINGH. Punj ab: Tne widening secessionist front. Link?

34, 46; 199 2, June, 28; 10. Punjab government under Beant Singh confronted with unprecedented challenges from ever increasing secessionist forces in trable-torn border state stemning lide of secession ism undoubtedly an uphill lask beginning of which can be made through much talked about Punjab package.

-,-,-, REPORTING, STATES, PUNJAB

266. PREM SINGH. Terrorism and media. Link; 35, 4; 1992, September, 6; 10. In democratic secular set-up like ours, media has an important responsibility shoulder. This becomes even more delicate states like Punjab where secessionist movements of various hues pose serious threat to very territorial integrity of India. Press in Punjab has maintain judicious balance between its freedom report what is happening around and its responsibility keep country united.

-,-,-, TRIPURA 267. NANDA (Mira Rani) . Insurgency in Tripura. Link? 35, 5; 1992, September, 13; 9. Recent spurt of insurgency in Tripura, coinciding with similar problems in neighbourhood is mother of great concern. While some projects have been devised improve 196

economy of state and paramilitary forces have been asked deep stringenthly with law breakers, political instability in state threatens prevent proper implementation of decision.

-,_, VIEWS, CHANDRA SHEKHAR 268. SAVING DEMOCRACY. Indian Express? 59, 210; 1991, June, 1; 8. Prime Minister Mr. Chandra Shekhar in interview has draw painted attention to crucial period through which the country is currently passing. He has rightly emphasised need in particular inset new vigour into democratic system. Mr. Chandra Shekhar has called for an end politics confron­ tation. He has asked the political parties 'to take to path of reconciliation and to find a minimum area of agreement work together thus retrieve situation" but trouble is how parties should play power game without undermining spirit inherent in this approach. Immediate task is set in motion a feasible corrective which is what an honest balancesheet as much our democratic experience as our failure will be best calculated to promote. Dire circumstances in which country finds itself today make-soul searching among party leaders they owe it themselves country if democracy is survive. 197

-,-, WEST BENGAL

269. NANDA (Meera Rani) . Darjeeling: A trouble spot again. Link; 34, 44; 1992, June, 14; 15.

Subash Ghishing is getting nervous as his once charmed image is fast dwindling in face of Hillcouncil *s failure to live up popular expectations. His recent threats resume another round of agitations have emanoted largely from this nervousness. 198

TITLE INDEX

ENTRY

A,P, S fading star 248 Absolute majority eluds the congress 54 Acre of tension 84 After the approval 49 After thedynasty: 200 Ajit Singh's real Janata dal 183 Amethi: 30 Another punj ab debate 255 Answer needed 6 2 Arjun Singh' s call 257 Assassination and after in north-east 60 Atmosphere of uncertainty suspense and anxiety 35

B BJP dilemma 108 BJP government heralds new era in UP 112 BJP vision of India 107 BJP#s isolation grows 111 BJP^s rise as a mass force 110 Battered PM 227 Beginning of post-congress phase 120 Between dissidence and innsr party democracy 136 Big bull and the banking seam 244 Biju's dilemma 26 139

Biju's gameplan 184 Black as coal 2

B0do extremism and its midless violence 10 Bodo issue 249 Bold responses keep jayalalitha ahead 21 By elections add to congress strength 66 By pass pools 13 C CPI at the crossroads 167

CPI(M) refiuses to progress 170 Cpi's welcome decision 69 Cadillac communist 20 Case for a dialogue 74 Case for postponements 40 Can we be euphemic about 1991 100 Caste and candidate selection 52 Challenges of Indian politics 213 Changes methods in Indian political system 260 hanging contours of New Eelhi mascow defence ties 80 Changing political alignments in India 148 Chavan's jharlchand 87 Childambaram's exit 24 2 Chinks in Narasimha Rao's armour 157 Coherent policy on SEBCS 177 Comfort for PV 229 200

Congress Bites the dust 128 Congress culture 133 Congress disarray 14 5 Congress harliquins and UP 764 Congress in the post-Rajiv phase 124 Congress looks ahead 121 Congress may sweep the polls in Maharashtra 59 Congress moves out of Nehru family strongthehold 132 Congress organisational election 147 Congress party(S) election 166 Congress ruled centre can fall any time 10 2 Congress stages a comeback 39 Congress unity in Madhya Pradesh 16 3 Congress without dynasty 122 Confusion dogs the left in post Rajiv phase 115 Conspiracy poser 7 Continuity with decline 211 Cream crocker 238 Crumic busters of India 1

D DMK debacle 174 Danger signals in Karnataka 38 ^angers of delay 90 Dar^eeling 269 Beaming with defections 5 democratic process in Punjab 256 Disperetely seeking Biju Dilemma of reservation 240 Disaster way 246 Don't yield Dr. Singh 206 Dravidian politics 17 5

E Economic interest and human rights Indo-British relations 79 Election and democratic process in India 33 Election strategies 6 3 Expension of the ministry 214 F Fear and anger wiped out DMK 6 3 Federalism democracy and decentralisation 73 First hundred days of tihe Congress government 221

Fission in Janata Dal 190 Fission process 188 Fissures in Karnataka congress 161 Foreign Hamd 6 Fragmentation of JD on cords 189 G Garland for Laloo 27

'•'host of B0fors haunts congress 134 H Harshad Mehta, Ngrasimha Rao and JPC 24 5 Haryana patriach son may face political exile 252 202

Holding together fractiously 118 Horse trading 31 Hostages and government credibility 261 How judges judged the judge 94 How to reduce poll expenditure 44 I Ideological divide 138 Implications of JMM split 191 In controversy again 14 India after Rajiv 199 India after the By-election 37 India and south-east ^sia 76 India and the world 7 5 India in 1991: Adjusting to global change 98 India in 1991: New Beginning 99 India in 1992: More fears than hopes 101 India in 199 2: Search for safety 104 India in 199 2: The political scene 103 India needs recordination of concepts 28 Indian national congress its place in politics 115 India paradoxes 86 India 53 India through the Jakarta summit 83 Insurgency in Tripura 267 Is Sharad Pawar finished? 141 Is the tide turning inPunj ab? 26 3 203

Its war 131 It was not sympathy wave alone 61 J J D towards dieline disintegration 187 Jained in humbling congress 176 Janata ^al no more a selly experiment 180 Jaya's extravaganza 22 Jharkhand movement 89, 91 K Keeping options open 169 King like thing 17 L L S speaker subpoenead 9 5 LTTE threats haunts Karnataka 34 Left centre consensus 97 Left in India 116 Left Janata Dal drufting apart 179 Left on the wrong track 117 Left responsibility to pressure social value 29 Lessons in MP 58 Liquor legion 3 Limited investigation 8 Local issued will dominate polls 51 Lok sabha elections 48

Majority of people want Rao out 241 Making of a president 70 204

Maligning the moon 106 Manage contradictions 11 Man called Bangarappa 9 Mandal report, Narasiiriha Rao and V.P. Singh 237 Manipulator behind the mask 219 Manna Dew 171 Matter of vonvention 197 Mock fight and real fight 194 Moily's faus pas 23 Moily's hand tied as congress base erodes 144 Moment of truth for Janata £>al 178 Morality and politics 4 Move to isolate pawar 15 2 My style (of functioning) is the congress style 14 3 N Narasimha Rao the man and his idea 218 Nationhood and national security 96 National scene 20 2 Neglected issues 71 Hew Indo-British extradition treaty 82 sew nuances of CPI(M) policy 168 New reservation policy 235 No cheer for congress 36 Non-conforontation bears fruit 254 Now there now not there 24 205

O On a tight rope 2 24 Operation rakshak 26 2 Opposition politics 193 Organisational election in the congress 146 Over to Rao 208 P PM's visit and after 230 Pv and the new world order 77 Pv approach needs constructive support of left 149 PV asserts himself 217 PV emerges stronger after CWC elections 228 Government performs creditably 215 Panchayats and lefts politics In West Bengal 192 Parliament's political face 196 Party in forment 14 2 Patna by election 2<50 Pawar serious contender for leadership 205 Pawar's stars also effect congress fortunes 151 Politicolegal status of speaker in India and abroad 247 Political opportunism by Patel 25 Political prospects \: 154 Politics after the votes 150 Politics of backwardness in Gujarat 236 Politics of Bofors 135 Politics of peaceful poll 47 Poll funding 45 206

Poor comfort for VP 50 Po st-Raj iv c ongr ess 204 Post-Rajiv politics 201 Post-Rajiv situation 203 Power shift 55 Preparing his exit 172 Presidential poll 68 Promise to Keep 41 Protesting to much 109 Punjab 46,264-5 Punjab crisis and political process 253 Punjab crisis and sikh intellectuals 257 Punjab elections and after 4 2 Punjab wait for the package 258

Q Quietly to the fore 156 R Rabi Ray reiterates democratic order 233 Rajesh Pilot superman 198 Rao government wins 223 Rao's retCienceVs Arjun's ambition 139 Recolonisation move 123 Resilient congress 160 Rethinking on Punjab 259 Reviving the process 4 3 Rise of the Maharajah 210 Rushing to conclusion 16 2 207

s SC rulling uphold's job reservation for backwards 234 Saving democracy 268 scotch speculation 205 Seshan's raust be impeached 18 Keshan's Rampaging ego 16 Set back for the BJP 113 Sharad Pawar's China visit 81 Shenanigans at Surajkund 129 Signal to N* 12 5 Sonia's no to factionalism 56

Split in Orissa CPI(M) 173 stalamate 9 2 •Stop these abuses 88 Surajkund AICC meet 127 Sympathy wave alone may not help 57 I Take the bull by the norms 243 Terrorism and media 266 Through Surajkund and beyond 130 Tin Bigha contention 85 Tirupathi congress session 158 Tirupathi session to confirm consensual approach 159 Tiripura bears - hugs Hie left 19 5 Truth will out 32 Towards a new realignment 126 20S

Towards a responsive centre-state relations 12

Two elections not one 6 5

U

Unedifying and hasty 181

Unfolding clarity in New Delhi foreign policy 78

Uphold JPC's credibility 9 3

V

VP may go into self-imposed exile 185

VP Singh 231

VP singk's danterous course 186

Voter disillusioned with party leaders 67 W

Wages of venaluty 9"?

Wanted a leader 16 5

Way ahead for congress 225

»«11 merited victory 72

Whipping up north-south feelings 105

Whither Karnatak congress under Krishna Rao 155

Who is the bigger loser 226

Who will win this round 140

Who will be PM 207

Win Rao govt, survive 222

Will Seshan ponder over it 15

Wise choice 153

Wisest among congressman 216 203

AUTHOR INDEX

A ENTRY NO.

ABDI (SNM) 20

ACHARYA (Paremesh) 192

AGHA (Zafar) 118

AMYS ^6, 193, 231

ANTL (Nauniya) 119

ASMI RAZA 240

AYARAMS and GAYARAM 252

B

3ADHWAR (Indrajit) 227

BAJPAI (K shanTcar^ 2,3,98,99

BARMAN (Ashish) 4, 115

BHAMERI (CP) 70

BHANDARI (BD) 139,24% 9 5

BHARTI (Indu) 48

BHATIA (Prem) 176, 196, 211

BHATIA (Sidarshan) 5

BHATT (Tushar) 336

BHATTACHARYA (Sidharta) 19 5

BIDWAI (Praful) 9

BIPIN (Chandra) 116

BM 120

BMS 101

C

CHADHA (Kum Kum) 30

CHAITAbTYA (Krushna) 250 210

CHAKRAVARTHY (Nikhil) 93,134, 154, 237

CHAKRAVARTHY (Nitish) 156, 212

CHAKARAVARTHY (Pritish) 132

CHAKARAVARTHY (Sumit) 127

CHOUDHARY (Kameshwar) 235

CHOPRA (Pran) 1150

CHOPRA (VD) 68,81,86 89, 158 167, 168

D

DANDAVATE (Madhu) 24 5

DUTT (RC) 29, 148

DUTT (Vijay) 49

DATTA (Mona) 241

G

GAEKARI (JP) 34-5, 38, 57, 161

GANAPATHY (H) 63

GAYARAM and AYARAMS 2 52

GEETA(VX and RAJANDURAI 17 5

GHOSH (Arun) 73

GHOSH (Anup) 185

GHOSH CHOUDHURY (Dilip) 114

GILL (Partap S^gh) 96

GILL (Sucha Singh) 253

GUPTA (Anupam) 94

GUPTA (Indrajit) 18 211

GUPTA (Rakesh) 100,213

GUPTA (Srinivas) 247

GUPTA (Tilak D) 91

1 IYER (Shakhar) 31, 129

J

J AY A KUMAR (S) 106

JHA (Ganganath) 76

JHA (Prera Shankar) 226

JHA (Sita Sharan) 67

JOSEPH (Sarah) and MHHAJAN (Gurpeet) 33

K

KAMARUPEE 24,-47,60

KAUSHISH (Poonam 1^ 45

KHAN (Rasheeduddin) 28, 221

KHARE (Harish) 122 , 128

KOTHARI (Rajni) 123

L

LIMAYE (Madhu) 44, 186, 194

M

MAHAJAN (Gurpeet) and JOSEPH (Sarah) 33

MAJUMDAR (Par tha) 249

MANOR (James) 53

MATHUR (Girish) 56, 68, 77- 8,83, 97, 108, 136 149 , 159j-60 177 , 214-5, 220 , 228. 212

MEERA (Mahapatra) 10

MISHRA (Shayaranandan) 32

NANDA (Nura Rani) 85, 191, 232, 249 267, 269

NANDA (Soradap)

NAURIYA (Anil) 178

NAYAK (Kuldip) 10 5, 222

NOORANI (AG) 133

P

PALIWAL (Preeti) 256

PANT (Sudhlr) 19, 130,

151, 164

PATTABHIRAM(M) 216

PRABHAKAR (Rao) 61

PRAEHAN (Bansidhar) 234

PRAKASAM (KP) 157

PRASHANT BHUSHAM 135 PREM SINGH 46, 255, 257-9, 26 3-6

PRIT&M SINGH 79

R

RABERT (L) and ARD3RAVE (Jr) 200

RABI (Ray) 12

RAI SINGH 112

RAJANDURAI and GEETA (U) 213

RAJINIWALE(Anil) 117

RAJIV RAJANLAL 92

RAJ SINGH 54

RAMACHANDRA (CM) 14 2

RAMAN (P) 179

RAMESH KUMAR 124, 147

RAO (Madan Mohan) 21

REDDI (PR) 230

REDDY (B Murlidhar) 188

REDDY (Narendra) 218

RG 261

RITI (MD) 3

ROY (Ajit) 110

ROY (Rameshray) 103-•04

S

SAHAY(S) 15

SARATCHANERA 16 5

SCRYBE (Jay W) 171

SEN (Anlkendranath) 201

SEN GUPTA (Bhabari) 37, !5 5

SEN (Mohit) 170, 225

SHAM LAL 10 2, 202

SHARMA (Dinesh) 182

SHASTRI (Ramachandean) 14 3, 152

SHATRUGANA 65

SHTYE (Madhu) 59,: 209

SIEHARTH (V) 82 214

SRINIVASAN (K) 131, 198

SR IN IV AS A (TCA) 4

SRIVASTAVA (Yatesh) 51, 189 210

SUBRAHMANYA (K) 3,8C» » 126, 144, 155, 183

SUBRAMANIAN (S) 1

SUD (SK) 39

SUKHMANI SINGH 246

SURENDRAN (CP)

SURESH (V) 174

T

TA3AN (Gulam Rabbani) 20 3

THAKUR (Janardhan) 207

U

UPENERASABAT 26, L66: , 173, 184

V

VAIEPfA (PA) 180, 233

VERiAh (Ravindrakumar) and YADAV (Niheraprasad) 52 LIST OF PERIODICALS SCANNED

TITLE Place Frequency

Asi an Survey Berk el y, Cal- Monthly

Current His to ry Philadelphia/ PA Monthly Democratic World New Delhi Quarterly

Economic and Political Bombay Weekly Weekly

Economic Times New Delhi Daily

Financial Express New Delhi Daily Frontline Madras Fortniqhtly

Hindu Madras Dai 1 y

Hindustan Times New Delhi Daily

Illustrated Weekly of Bombay Weekly India

Indian Express New Delhi Daily

India Today New Delhi Fortnightly

Link New Delhi Weekly

Mainstream New Delhi Weekly

Nation and World New Delhi Monthly

National Herald Luck now Daily

New Age New Delhi Weekly

News India Times New Delhi Weekly

New Wave New Delhi Weekly

Onlooker Bombay Fortnightly Patriot New Delhi Daily Poi neer Luck now Daily Prout New Delhi Weekly