ARAM, 8 (1996), 315-332 H.M. BIN SERAY 315

CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA1

HAMAD M. BIN SERAY

This paper concentrates on Christianity in East Arabia and also deals briefly with the spread of Christianity in the Arabian Peninsula. The main aim is to investigate when and how Christianity was introduced into East Arabia. It also focuses on the relations between the Nestorians in East Arabia and the Nestorian Church in Seleucia-Ctesiphon and deals with the presence of Chris- tians in the time of spread of Islam during the rule of the Prophet and his Cal- iphs. Finally it examines archaeological evidence of a Christian presence in Kuwait's Failakah island, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the U. A. E. It is not known when and how Christianity was introduced into Arabia, but it may have been after the 3rd century A.D. Arabia was influenced by three Christian centres: Syria to its north-west, Iraq to its north-east and Abyssinia to its west (through the Red Sea and Yemen).2 Christianity was spread peacefully in Arabia by missionary effort, as well as by force. Peaceful missionary means were used more often, and it is evidenced by the immigration of monks and priests to Arabia. The second way is evi- denced by the use of religion as a rationale for the Abyssinian occupation of Yemen and by Abraha’s attack on Makkah.3 Christianity was introduced into many parts in Arabia, such as Yemen,4 Najran, which was notorious for the persecution of Christians,5 and Makkah, which was in contact with the Christians of Syria through commercial rela- tions. Makkah had some Christian slaves and a few of its native people, like ¨Othman ibn al-Îuwayrith, were Christian.6 Yathrib and al-™aˆif also had Christian populations.7

1 I would like to thank Prof. John F. Healey of the Department of Middle Eastern Studies, University of Manchester, for reading this article and for his comments. 2 S.¨A. Salim, Dirasat fi TariÌ al-¨Arab qabla al-ˆIslam, (Alexandria, 1969), pp. 429-432. 3 B.Z. ¨Awa∂, “AÒ-∑ira¨ ad-Dini ¨ala Shibh al-Jazirah al-¨Arabiyyah”, Îawliyyah Kulliyyah al-Shari¨ah wa al-Qanun wa ad-Dirasat al-ˆIslamiyyah, (Univ. of Qatar, 11, 1993), p. 206. 4 See, J.S. Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times, (London, 1979), pp. 290-293; J. ¨Ali, Al-MufaÒÒal fi TariÌ al-¨Arab qabla al-ˆIslam, (Beirut, 1993), vol. 6, pp. 612- 613, 618-619; Salim, op. cit., p. 432; B.Z. ¨Awa∂, op. cit., pp. 206-207. 5 For more details, see e.g., Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 294-301; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 616-619. 6 See Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 258-267; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 588-589; S.Z. ¨Abd al- Îamid, Fi TariÌ al-¨Arab qabla al-ˆIslam, (Beirut, 1976), pp. 369-370; Az-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, (Cairo, 1982), pp. 209-210; F. SaÌÌab, ˆIaf Quraysh, (Beirut, 1992), pp. 150-152, 179- 183; M.¨I. Darwazah, ¨AÒr an-Nabi, (Beirut, 1964), pp. 164-172. 7 ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 602-603, 607; ¨Abd al-Îamid, op. cit., 368, 370; Darwazah, op. cit., pp. 215-217. 316 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA

The Syrian Church was the most important means of spreading Christia- nity among the Arabs in Syria, where many tribes, such as Bahraˆ, the Ghassanids, SaliÌ, Qu∂a¨ah, ¨Amilah, Taglib and Ju∂am, converted to Chris- tianity.8 The Lakhmid capital, al-Îirah, was a very important Christian centre in Iraq. It played a significant role in the Nestorian missionary propagation of Christianity in East Arabia. Many monasteries and churches were well known in al-Îirah and its surroundings. Subsequently, some sections of Arab tribes in the area, such as the Kalb, Shayban, ¨Abd al-Qays and Tamim, be- came Christian.9

SOURCES

Our information about Christianity in East Arabia depends primarily on sources written in Syriac and Arabic. The Syriac sources, in chronological or- der, are as follows: (1) MeshiÌa-zekha (also called Isho¨-zekha or Zekha-isho¨) was a monk of Mount Izla. He wrote the Chronicle of Arbela between A.D. 551 and A.D. 569.10 Some doubts have been raised about the Chronicle of Arbela, its date, and the accuracy of its attribution to a sixth century author,11 and this source will only be used with caution. (2) Yeshu¨yab III, the Catholicus of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, was educated at the school of Nisibis. In 620 he was ordained bishop of Nineveh-Mosul, and became metropolitan of Îazza (Irbil) and Mosul in 628. Yeshu¨yab wrote a commentary on the Psalms and 106 letters concerning ecclesiastical af- fairs. Among these are some lengthy letters concerning a conflict between

8 ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 591-593; Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 116-124; I. Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the 4th Century, (Washigton, D.C., 1984), pp. 382-385; al-JaÌiÂ, al-Îayawan, (ed. ¨A. Harun), (Beirut, 1969), vol. 7, p. 216. 9 On this subject, see e. g., Abu al-Faraj al-ˆIÒfahani, ad-Dayyarat, (London, 1991), pp. 17, 68ff., 78, 116-117, 133, 134, 139-143, 161, 165-169; M.J. Kister, “Al-Îira Some Notes on its Relations with Arabia”, Arabica, xv (1968), pp. 134-169; Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 188-202, 267-279; A. Wessels, “Review of Spencer Trimingham, Christianity among the Arabs in Pre- Islamic Times”, (Bibliotheca Orientalis, xxxviii, 1981), p. 470; K. Cragg, The Arab Christians: a History in the Middle East, (London, 1991), p. 40; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 172, vol. 6, pp. 595- 601; ¨A. ¨Abd al-Ghani, TariÌ al-Îirah fi al-Jahiliyyah wa al-ˆIslam, (Damascus, 1993), pp. 45- 74, 486-492; al-JaÌiÂ, op.cit., vol. 7, p. 216. 10 See W. Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, (London, 1894), 130-131; A. Vöö- bus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, a Contribution to the History of Culture in the Near East, (CSCO, 184), 142; M. Kamil, & Î.M. al-Bakri, TariÌ al-Adab as-Siryani, (A History of Syriac Literature), (Cairo, 1949), 187-188. 11 On this problem, see e.g. J. Neusner, “Babylonian Jewry and Shapur II’s Persecution of Christianity from 339 to 339 A.D.”, Hebrew Union College Annual, xliii (1972), p. 100, citing J.-M. Fiey, “Auteur et date de la Chronique d’Arbèles”, L’Orient Syrien, xii (1967), pp. 265-302. Cf. Neusner, op. cit, pp. 99-100; D.T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, (Oxford, 1991), vol. 2, p. 241, n. 239. H.M. BIN SERAY 317

him and the members of his church in the Gulf region. He died in A.D. 659.12 (3) Thomas of Marga, the son of one Jacob, may have been born after the be- ginning of the 9th century. He was a monk of the famous monastery of Beth Abhe in northern Iraq in about A.D. 832, and later became bishop of Marga in Adiabene. The date of his death is unknown. Thomas wrote two monastic histories, the History of the Monastery of Rabban Cyprian, and the Book of Governors. The latter is the larger and more important of the two.13 (4) The acts of several Nestorian synods between the 4th and 7th centuries A.D are preserved in a late 8th-century collection known as the Synodicon orientale. This collection was edited and translated by J.-B. Chabot in 1902.14 Islamic sources include FutuÌ al-Buldan of al-Bala∂uri (d. 279 A.H) TariÌ al-ˆUmam wa al-Muluk of al-™abari (known as TariÌ al-™abari) (d. 310 A.H.) and al-Kamil fi at-TariÌ of ibn ˆAl-ˆA†ir (d. 630 A.H.) There are some differences between the information given by these two lin- guistic groups of sources in connection with the Christian presence in East Arabia. The Islamic accounts mention that Christians were among the non- Muslim people of Bahrain who paid the Jizyah (poll tax) to the Prophet. How- ever, they do not give any information concerning the situation of the Chris- tians or concerning their relations with local government and tribes. The Syriac sources are more informative about the Christians in the area. They also provide us with valuable information concerning their relations with their brothers and sisters in Iraq.

(NESTORIAN) CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA:

Owing to the anti-Nestorian encroachments of the Jacobite and the Ortho- dox, the Nestorians emigrated beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire to Persia, where they generally lived in peace. There they experienced normal growth without external religious interference. Although the Nestorians gener-

12 See Wright, op. cit., pp. 171-176; J.M. Fiey, Assyrie Chrétienne, (Beirut, 1968), vol. 3, pp. 136, 268; S.P. Brock, “Syriac Sources for Seventh-Century History”, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, ii (1976), pp. 32-33; J.F. Healey, “Isho¨yahb III (var. Yeshu¨yahb)”, an article to be published in Dictionary of Eastern Christianity, (eds. K. Parry, et. al), the text of which was kindly supplied to me by Prof. Healey. 13 For more details and study of Thomas, see Wright, op. cit., pp. 219-220; Thomas of Marga,, The Book of Governors, (ed. by E.A.W. Budge), (London, 1893), vol. 1, pp. xvii-xxvii; A. Baumstark, Geschichte der Syrischen Literatur, (Bonn, 1922), pp. 233-234; S.P. Brock, op. cit., p. 27; Vööbus, op. cit., p. 219; J.-M. Fiey, “Thomas de Marga; notule de littérature syriaque”, Le Muséon, lxxviii (1965), pp. 361-366. 14 See J.B. Chabot, Synodicon Orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens, (Paris, 1902), pp. 1-16; Brock, op. cit., p. 31. 318 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA ally lived in peace within the Persian frontiers, they suffered during the Sassanian persecutions of Christians at the time of Shapur II (310-379) and, as a result of these events, some Nestorians migrated to the adjacent Arab areas.15 Four factors helped the Nestorian church to look around for opportunities for expansion: firstly, the extent to which Nestorian doctrine was already es- tablished securely; secondly, the established development of the Nestorian church and people; thirdly, Seleucia-Ctesiphon, the Nestorian centre, was a meeting place for traders and caravans from Arabia, Central Asia, India and China. Subsequently, the Nestorians initiated contacts and work amongst the peoples of the East. Educational and medical services formed part of the mis- sionary project.16 Fourthly, Nestorians in al-Îirah also played an important role in spreading Christianity and supervising the Nestorian missions in East Arabia.17 It is not known when Christianity was actually first introduced into East Arabia, but the Mesenian region in the south of Iraq may have known Christi- anity from the 2nd or 3rd century. In about A. D. 224 Forat (one of the re- gion's main cities)18 had a bishop, and Mesene itself was the seat of a metro- politan as early as A.D. 310.19 It is not certain, however, that Christianity was brought to East Arabia from Mesene. Christianity may have been introduced into East Arabia at the end of the 3rd century A.D., after the establishment of Christianity in Mesene and in al- Îirah,20 although it is claimed in the Chronicle of Arbela that in about A.D.

15 A.S. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity, (New York, 1980), p. 258; de L. O’Leary, Arabia before Muhammad, (London, 1927), p. 130. 16 For more details, see Atiya, op. cit., pp. 257-258; L.E. Browne, The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia, (Cambridge, 1933), pp. 2-7; A.J. Maclean, “Nestorianism”, in Encyclopaedia of Reli- gion and Ethics, (ed. by J. Hastings), (Edinburgh, 1917), vol. 9, pp. 323-332; C.F. Seybold, “Re- view of Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de Séert). Première partie, Mgr. Addai Scher”, Zeit- schrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, lxvi (1912), p. 745; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 587, 621. 17 Salim, op. cit., pp. 430-431; ¨A,.¨A. as-Sa†i, ˆImarah al-Îirah al-Jahiliyyah, (Cairo, 1996), p. 169; I. Shahid, “al-Îira”, EI2, vol. 3, p. 462. 18 On Mesenian State, see H.M. Bin Seray, The Arabian Gulf from the 3rd Century B.C. to the 1st/2nd Century A.D. with Special reference to the Commercial Activities between Palmyra, Charax and the Gulf, (unpubl. P.h. D. thesis, Univ. of Manchester, 1993), pp. 193-197, 313-334. 19 For more details about Christianity in Mesen, see e.g. J.M. Fiey, Assyrie Chrétienne, vol. 3, pp. 263-266; R. Babu IsÌaq, A History of the Christians of Iraq,( Baghdad, 1948), p. 7 (in Ara- bic); A. Scher, Histoire nestorienne inédite, Patrologia Orientalis iv (3), ed. J. Périer, (Paris, 1908), p. 236 (in Arabic); J. Hansman, “Charax and the Karkheh”, Iranica Antiqua, vii (1967), p. 65; A. Christensen, L’Iran sous les Sassanides, (trans. into Arabic by al-Khashshaµb), (Beirut, n.d.), p. 257; A. Oppenheimer, Babylonian Judaica in the Talmudic Period, (Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 253; A. Matti, AÌbar Fa†arikah Kursi al-Masriq, (Rome, 1896), p. 1; O. Meinardus, “Review of J.M. Fiey, O. P., Assyrie Chrésienne, vols. I, II & II”, Bibliotheca Orientalis, xxviii (1971), p. 226. M. Streck, “Maysan”, EI2, vol. vol. 6, p. 919. 20 K.S. Latourette, A History of Christianity, (London, 1954), pp. 78-79; P. Bamm, The King- doms of Christ, (London, 1959), p. 214; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 597, 621. H.M. BIN SERAY 319

225 a bishopric was in existence at Beth Qa†raye.21 Nestorian missions may have followed the trade routes, both coastal and inland, which run from Mesene and its surrounding area to East Arabia and Oman.22 It is also claimed that a certain Theophilus Indus undertook a mission to South Arabia during the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Constantinus II (337- 361). The aim of this mission was to establish diplomatic and commercial rela- tions with the new Himyarite King, Thaˆran, and with his son Malki-Karib. This mission also founded three churches, one in Åafar, another in Aden and a third at a Persian emporium at the mouth of the Persian Sea.23 The location of the third church may have been at Hormuz,24 though it seems unlikely that a church was founded on Persian territory by a Byzantine ambassador;25 or it may have been at Suhar,26 though the northern Oman was part of the Sassnian state,27 and it is unlikely that an Arian church would have been founded in a place of Nestorian influence. It is most likely that the third church was founded in South Arabia,28 since the mission was to the Himyarite King. The term “the Persian Sea” may include a wide area, and it is not necessarily just the Persian (Arabian) Gulf. The term is similar to the term “the Arabian Gulf”, which also included the Red Sea, a sea which was called “the Arabian gulf” in many classical writings.29 In addition to the claims of the Chronicle of Arbela concerning the exist- ence of a bishopric in Beth Qa†raye in A.D. 225 and the mission of Theophilus Indus, there are two references to the earliest Nestorian foundations in Eastern Arabia. The first mentions that a monk named Jonah, who lived in the time of

21 MeshiÌa-Zekha in A. Mingana, Sources Syriaques, vol. 1, pp. 30 & 106; idem, The Early Spread of Christianity in India, rep. from the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, x (2), (July 1926), p. 58; Die Chronik von Arbela, (ed. P. Kawerau), (CSCO, vol. 468), 1985, pp. 31 & 51. Beth Qa†raye ( ) is the Syriac name for the region of north-eastern Arabia, Bahrain, together with Failakah and Tarut islands, and possibly other islands lying off north-eastern Ara- bia. (J.M. Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, in Mémorial Mgr Gabiel Khouri-Sarkis, (Louvain, 1969), p. 209 & map p. 180; A. Van Lantschoot, “Bêth Qatraye”, in DHGE, vol. 8, col. 1237; H.M. Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, New Arabian Studies 4 (1997), p. 208. 22 Trimingham, op. cit., p. 280; J. Beaucamp, & Ch. Robin, “Le Christianisme dans la pénin- sule arabique d’aprés l’épigraphie et l’archéologie”, Travaux et Mémoires, viii (1981), p. 46; Atiya, op. cit., p. 258; O’Lerary, op. cit., p. 137; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 621, 628-629. See also W. Muir, Annals of the Early Chaliphate, (Amsterdam, 1968), p. 49, f. n. 3. 23 Trimingham, op. cit., p. 292; Shahid, op. cit., pp. 86-90; ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 612-613; Ph. Hitti, TariÌ al-¨Arab, (Beirut, 1990), p. 96. 24 ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, p. 613. 25 D.T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf, vol. 2, p. 331. 26 S.B. Miles, “Note on Pliny’s Geography of the East Coast of Arabia”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (1878), p. 165. 27 Potts, The Arabian Gulf, vol. 2, p. 333. 28 See Trimingham, op. cit., p. 292; Hitti, op. cit., p. 96; Salim, op. cit., p. 432; ¨Awa∂, op. cit., p. 207; Shahid, op. cit., p. 89, f.n. 59; L.E. Browne, The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia, (Cambridge, 1933), p. 11-12. 29 See H.M. Bin Seray, The Arabian Gulf from the 3rd Century B.C. to the 1st/2nd Century A.D. p. 81. 320 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA the Catholicus Barbˆasem (343-346), built a monastery “on the borders of the black island” which is to be found amongst the islands between Qatar and Oman.30 The second reference is to the mission of a certain Mesenian, ¨Awdisho¨, which may have been one of the earliest missions to East Arabia.31 He was consecrated bishop of Mikhraq32 by the Catholicus TomarÒa (A.D. 363-371), but his work as a bishop in Mikhraq lasted just a short time because its people did not want him, and he was left secretly on an island off Bahrain. He converted some of the inhabitants of this island and of other islands. ¨Awdisho¨ also founded a monastery in the region and later he returned to al- Îirah, where a monastic group gathered around him.33 There are indications that inhabitants of the area had been converted long before the year 410: (i) Bishops of several places in East Arabia and the Gulf region attended synods. The bishop of Deirin,34 Paul, attended the Synod of Isaac of 410 where the establishment of the dioceses of Ardai (Deirin) and Todoro were men- tioned.35 The bishop of Meshmahig,36 Ba††ai, attended the Synod of Isaac in 410, but he was condemned and deposed at the Synod because he did not agree with the changes occurring in the Nestorian Church. He was replaced by one Elias.37 The bishop of Mazun,38 YoÌannan, is reported to have been pre- sent at the Synod of Markabata in A.D. 424. Another bishop of Mazun, David,

30 See Vööbus, op. cit., p. 309; Potts, The Arabian Gulf, vol. 2, pp. 245, 333. 31 He was from the village Arpheluna in Mesene and was educated at the theological college of Dayr Qunni (or Qoni) near Baghdad. According to Yaqut al-Îamawi this place was situated 16 farsakh below Baghdad and one mile east of the Tigris. Mu¨jam al-Buldan, (Beirut, 1990), vol. 1, pp. 597-598. 32 Ibn Rustah places Mikhraq between Wasi† and Suq al-Ahwaz, 13 farsakh from Wasi†. Al- ¨Alaq an-Nafisah, (Beirut, 1988), p. 169. 33 Trimingham, op. cit., p. 280; Vööbus, op. cit., pp. 269-270, 307f. This group is regarded as the first Nestorian monastic grouping in Babylonia under an-Nu¨man I. 34 Deirin () (also written Darai, and Ardai) is a village situated on the island of Tarut. In Syriac sources, it may be the name of Tarut island. See Trimingham, op. cit., 281; A. Van Lantschoot, “Bahrain”, in DHGE, vol. 6, col. 237; H.M. Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, pp. 212-213. However, some think that Deirin may be one of the Bahrain islands, per- haps Uwal. See Th. Nöldeke, “Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Chronik”, Sitzungs- berichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien: Philosophisch-Historischen Classe, 128/1 (1893), p. 14, n. 5; Marquart, op. cit., p. 43. 35 Synodicon Orientale, p. 273. 36 Mashmahig () is a town in Beth Qa†raye which is identified with the island of Muharraq in the Bahrain archipelago, and there is still a village of that name at the north-eastern corner of Muharraq island. (For more details and discussion, see H.M. Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, pp. 216-217; Beaucamp, & Robin, op. cit., pp. 173-180; D.T. Potts, “Awal and MuÌarraq”, Dilmun, xiii (1985/86), p. 22; idem, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, vol. 2, p. 246; ¨U.R. KaÌÌalah, A Geography of the Arabian Peninsula, (Cairo, 1944), p. 405 (in Ara- bic). This identification also draws on personal observation). 37 Synodicon Orientale, pp. 272, 275; J.M. Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, pp. 212-213; Triming- ham, op. cit., p. 281; Beaucamp, & Robin, op. cit., p. 180. 38 Mazun () or Beth Mazunayye ( ) is to be identified with Oman. (See Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, p. 217.) H.M. BIN SERAY 321 attended the Synod of Mar Aba as Catholicus in A.D. 544.39 Ezechiel, bishop of Hagr,40 is mentioned in connection with a Synod in A.D. 576.41 Isaac, the bishop of Îa††a,42 attended the Synod of Ezechiel in A.D. 576,43 and Bishop Samuel of Mazun was present at the Synod of Ezechiel in A.D. 576.44 (ii) The bishop of Deirin, Ya¨qub (Jacob), addressed 20 questions to the Catholicus Yeshu¨yab I (A.D. 582-592), which specifically concerned the du- ties of the Episcopal office and the administration of the mysteries of the church.45 The reply of Yeshu¨yab I took the form of a series of twenty canons. In Canon XV, reference is made to the holy buildings, churches, and dioceses of the area. It also refers to many Christians who did not give offerings to the local church in the town. In Canon XIX reference is made to the pearl-fishers, and the Catholicus rules that they can work and pearl on Sunday and that they cannot be forced to leave their work.46 (iii) Sergius, the bishop of Meshmahig, together with bishop Isaac of Hajar, is said to have given a written approbation of the proclamations of the Synod of Ezechiel in A.D. 576.47 In the records of the attendance of the bishops of the area at synods, there are gaps the reasons for which are not clear.48 In about 647 a problem arose in the Nestorian Church, when Simeon, the bishop of Rêv Ardashêr49, and his followers sought independence from the au-

39 Synodicon Orientale, pp. 285, 328. 40 Hagar (Hajar) (), a town of north-eastern Arabia. (See Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, pp. 213-214.) 41 Synodicon Orientale, p. 378. 42 Îa††a () on the coast of the Arabian Gulf. (See Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, pp. 214-215.) 43 Synodicon Orientale, p. 369. 44 Synodicon Orientale, p. 368. 45 Ibid., 424, 455; Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, 213; Trimingham, op. cit., 281. 46 On the letter, see Synodicon Orientale, 424-451. See also P. Cersoy, “Les manuscrits orientaux de Monseigneur David, au Musée Borgia, de Rome”, Zeitschrift für Assyiologie, ix (1894), 370-371; Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, p. 213; J. Beaucamp, & Ch. Robin, “L’évêché Nestorien de Mâsmâhig dans l’archipel d’al-BaÌrayn (Ve-IXe siècle)”, in D.T. Potts, (ed.), Dilmun, New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain, Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient, 2, (Berlin, 1983), p. 181; Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, vol. 2, pp. 253- 254. 47 Ibid., p. 387. Catholicus Ezechiel (569-581) paid a patriarchal visit to some of the coastal churches, and “may have travelled under imperial auspices since he made survey of pearl fisher- ies of the Gulf and reported to Chosroes on his return.” (Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 281 & n. 102.) 48 Names of the bishops do not indicate their ethnic origin. However, some names may be explained through Arabic, for example, Pusay may be derived from al-Fasw or al-Fusah, which was a nickname of a group from ¨Abd al-Qays. (Ibn ManÂur, Lisan al-¨Arab, (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 15, p. 155; az-Zawi, Tartib al-Qamus al-MuÌi†, (Cairo), vol. 3, p. 434.) The name Shahin (pl. Shawah1n) is the name of a falcon and it is mentioned in the poetry of al-Farazdaq, although some state that this name is not of Arabic origin. Abu ManÒur al-Jawaliqi, al-Mu¨arrab min Kalam al-ˆA¨jami, (Tehran, 1966), p. 208; ad-Dumayri, Îayat al-Îayawan al-Kubra, (Beirut, n.d.), p. 48. The name Battay may be derived from the verb ba†aˆa, which means to slow down (Ibn ManÂur, op.cit., vol. 1, p. 34; az-Zabidi, Taj al-¨Arus, (Kuwait, 1965), vol. 1, pp. 150-151.) 49 This city is situated near Bushir. It was the seat of a metropolitan. (See Bin Seray, “The Arabian Gulf in Syriac Sources”, p. 218.) 322 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA thority of the Catholicus Yeshu¨yab III, the patriarch in Seleucia-Ctesiphon.50 The Catholicus exchanged letters with Rêv Ardashêr, but the bishops of Fars held a synod and announced their independence from the Church in Seleucia- Ctesiphon. The Catholicus tried to solve this problem as quickly as possible, and sent two bishops from Khuzistan to Rêv Ardashêr, where they received a hostile reception. He finally paid a personal visit to Simeon and succeeded in propitiating him. He also granted to Rêv Ardashêr certain privileges.51 The revolt also spread to the Nestorians of Beth Qa†raye, where some bish- ops in the area led a rebellion against the authority of Catholicus Yeshu¨yab III. They wanted to separate themselves from the Nestorian church at Seleucia- Ctesiphon and to become independent. The real reasons for this rebellion are not known, but they may have been political, and the bishops in the area may have felt that the Nestorians there were numerous enough to be independent. The exact date of this revolt is uncertain. In order to solve this problem, the Catholicus tried to follow the same policy which had succeeded in the case of Rêv Ardashêr. He sent five letters:52 one to the bishops (letter no. xvii), two to the people (letters xviii & xix), and two to the monks (letters xx & xxi).53 In his letter to the bishops, he warned them and accused them of cutting themselves off from the life of the Church. He asked them to obey him and to return to the authority of the Church, comparing them to the Mazunites. In his first letter to the people, he refers to a letter sent to the bishops who had cut themselves off from the Church of God. He describes the rebellious bishops as devils and he blames them for causing the problem. He warns the people against adherence to these bishops, and asks that they not obey them. He also asks them to ignore the so-called bishops, and speaks especially to those faithful individuals in charge of the islands and desert settlements. He then appeals to them to elect other bishops in place of the rebels. In the same letter, he praises the monks and faithful people. In his second letter, he warns the people against following a certain Abraham, who was in charge of the church of Mashmahig. The Catholicus accused him of being the one who had disturbed the peace in the area and who had separated the area from Christian- ity (that is to say, from the official church), although he had previously been considered the most outstanding bishop in the area. The Catholicus also ac- cused Abraham of suppressing the first letter which had been sent to the inhab-

50 S.P. Brock, “Review of Assyrie Chrétienne, J.M. Fiey”, Journal of Theological Studies, xxi (1970), p. 496. See also O’Leary, op. cit., p. 135. 51 J.F. Healey, “The Christians of Qatar in the 7th Century A. D.” an article to be published in 1998. I would like to thank Prof. Healey for providing me with this article and giving me the opportunity to use it before publication. 52 Ibid. 53 Iso¨yahb Patriarchae III, Liber Epistularum, (CSCO, vol. 2, 1962) (ed. by R. Duval), pp. 146-147, 188-204, Syriac: pp. 201-202, 260-283. These letters are also mentioned by Thomas of Marga, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 160-174. H.M. BIN SERAY 323 itants. It seems that Mashmahig was ripe for mutiny against the authority of the Nestorian Church. This is clear from the two letters of Yeshu¨yab III to the inhabitants of Qat\ar, in which Abraham, bishop of Mashmahig, is the target of a diatribe by the Catholicus. In his first letter to the monks, the Catholicus blesses the them and informs them that he has received a report from Mar George, metropolitan of Mesene, noting very good things about them. He asks them to read his general (first) letter to all the people of Beth Qa†raye. He wants them publicly to read, in the presence of the clerics and the people, both the synodical letter sent to them and to the bishops earlier, and a letter concerning Simeon of Rêv-Ardashir. He says that he trusts the marks, and therefore asks them to contact the inhabitants directly and to write to him to tell him what they are doing. His second letter is similar to the first in the main. He gives a negative ac- count of the bishops’ behaviour, describing them as foolish and as cutting themselves off, through their lack of faith, from the power of that grace which comes from the canonically established episcopacy. He also informs the monks that all the bishops of the East agree with him except for the bishops of Persia and Beth Qa†raye, and that he has sent several letters to the province of Beth Qa†raye, some to so-called bishops, some to individuals, and some to Nimparuk son of Dustar ( )54 of Îa††a, who did not pass them on to the people. In the hope of redeeming the situation, he then appeals to monks to ask Nimparuk for the letters and to read them to the people. Yeshu¨yab III also sent two bishops to attempt to solve this problem, but they failed. He then decided to visit Beth Qa†raye, but this visit did not take place because of his death. His successor, George I (661-680), went to the area and held a synod at Darin on Tarut island. This Synod brought together the bishops of Darin, Mazun, Hagar, and Îa††a. The proceedings of the Synod concentrated on solving the problem, as well as answering some specific legal questions. As Thomas of Marga tell us, George “went down to Bêt Ëe†râyê [Beth Qa†raye] that he might reconcile the inhabitants thereof, for they had cut themselves off from obedience to the Episcopal throne of Rêv-Ardashir, which is Persia; and he went to the island of Dirên, and the people thereof were also reconciled. And he went up from there, and came to this holy monastery, and he brought with him cloths for the altar which had been woven for him in the island of Dirên of Bêt Ëe†râyê.”55 Beth Qa†raye produced a number of writers of note in the Nestorian Church,56 such as Isaac, the bishop of Nineveh, who was born in the region of 54 This man is probably of Persian origin, since his name may be Persian. (See S. Haïm, New Persian-English Dictionary, (Tehran, 1975), vol. 1, p. 201, vol. 2, pp. 447, 1135.) 55 Thomas of Marga, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 188. 56 In his lecture, Dr. Sebastian Brock, gave a list of Nestorian writers from Beth Qa†raye. (“Isaac and Others Ascetics from Qatar”, a lecture presented to the 9th International Conference of ARAM Society of Cultural Interchange in the Arabian Peninsula, 14-17 July 1997.) 324 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA

Beth Qa†raye. Isaac first became a monk and a teacher in this place, but during the schism between the Catholicus Yeshu¨yab III and the bishops of Beth Qa†raye he may have moved north to Khuzistan. He was evidently back in his home country when the Catholicus George I visited the area in A.D. 676. The Catholicos took him back with him and appointed him bishop of Nineveh. Af- ter only five months as bishop, however, Isaac asked to retire and to live as an anchorite in Khuzistan. Eventually, he went to the monastery of Rabban Shapur in Iran where he spent the rest of his days. Here he studied Scripture so intensively that he became blind. He died and was buried in Rabban Shapur, but the date of his death is unknown.57 It seems that Isaac supported the offi- cial Church during the revolt against its authority in Beth Qa†raye. Another Qatari was Dadisho, who may have been a contemporary of St. Isaac, living as he did in the second half of the 7th century. He spent most of his life as a monk in northern Iraq. Dadisho may have written several works of monastic interest, but only two of his works survive complete. These are his Discourse on Solitude and his Commentary on the Asceticon of Abba Isaiah. As in the case of Isaac, the date of the Dadisho’s death is not known.58 The Qanone of Abu Îalim (1176-1190) contains prayers for Beth Qa†raye and the sea islands, but this does not necessarily signify an abiding Christian presence in the area.59 This information has been taken from the Syriac sources. The Islamic ac- counts give no more than very brief and sparse information about Christians, who are only referred to in conjunction with other non-Muslim people of Bah- rain such as Jews and Zoroastrians. It is also mentioned that the Prophet sent a letter through al-¨Alaˆ ibn al-Îa∂rami to al-Mun∂ir ibn Sawa, the ruler of Bah- rain, inviting him to accept Islam. Al-Mun∂ir accepted the new religion and became a Muslim. He then sent a letter to the Prophet asking him how to deal with non-Muslims. The Prophet told him that non Muslims should pay the Jizyah (poll tax), which was one dinar per adult. The Prophet sent al-¨Alaˆ ibn al-Îa∂rami or Abu ¨Ubaydah ibn al-JarraÌ to collect the poll tax. Collection of the tax continued during the reign of the Rashidin Caliphs. Islamic accounts do not provide us with more details.60 57 For more details, see Mar Isaacus Ninivita de Perfectione Religiosa, (ed. P. Bedjan), (Liepzig, 1909), vol. 3; É. Khalifé-Hachem, “Isaac de Ninive”, in Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, (Paris, 1971), vol. 7 (2), cols. 2042-2054; S. Brock, “St. Isaac of Nineveh and Syriac Spiritual- ity”, Sobornost, vii (1975), pp. 79-89; idem, The Syriac Fathers, on Prayer and the Spiritual Life, (Kalamazoo, 1987), pp. 242-245; St. Isaac Bishop of Nineveh, (New York, 1989), pp. 7-23. 58 See Brock, The Syriac Fathers, pp. 304-305. 59 Ibid., p. 212. 60 See, al-Bala∂uri, FutuÌ al-Buldan, (Beirut, 1987), pp. 107-113; al-™abari, TariÌ al-ˆUmam wa al-Muluk (TariÌ al-™abari), (Cairo, 3rd ed.), vol. 2, p. 147; Ibn ˆAl-ˆA†ir, al-Kamil fi at- TariÌ, (Beirut, 1985), vol. 2, pp. 146-147; Ibn Îajar al-¨Asqlani, FatÌ al-Bari, (Beirut, 1989), vol. 6, pp. 316-317, 322; ∑.A. al-¨Ali, MuÌa∂arat fi TariÌ al-¨Arab, (Baghdad, 1955), p. 170; T.™. Yusuf, TariÌ al-Khalij al-Islami: al-BaÌrayn, (Dubai, 1985), p. 62; M.I. al-¨Uqayli, al- Khalij al-¨Arabi fi al-¨UÒur al-Islamiyyah, (Beirut, 1988), pp. 48-49; ¨A. Shakir, Rasaˆil ar- Rasul, (Tripoli, 1995), pp. 54-60. H.M. BIN SERAY 325

It is also claimed that some sections of Arab tribes in the area, such as the ¨Abd al-Qays and Tmim were Christian.61 Christianity was also known in the region of al-Yamamah in East Arabia. Its ruler, Haw∂ah ibn ¨Ali, may have been Christian, as is implied by the poetry of al-ˆAsa;62 and Ibn al-ˆA†ir de- cides that Haw∂ah was a Christian.63 Islamic accounts also name some individuals from the area as Christians, for example, al-Jarud ibn al-Mu¨ala, one of the Abd ¨al-Qays’ chives who came to meet the prophet in Medina,64 and Riˆab (ar-Rabab) ibn al-Bara¨, who belonged to Banu ¨Amir ibn ad-Dil ibn Shan ibn ˆAfÒa ibn ¨Abd al-Qays.65 Al- though the Islamic accounts do not name many individual Christians from the area and from the tribe of ¨Abd al-Qays, in general the tribe of ¨Abd al-Qays seems to have been overwhelmingly Christian.66 This is indicated by the fact that the well known ¨Abd al-Qays town of Juwatha had a chapel, as indicated in some sources,67 and most of the towns mentioned in the Syriac sources are in the area of the tribe of ¨Abd al-Qays in the region of BaÌrayn.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

Apart from this information, archaeological evidence is of little help in re- vealing traces of early Christianity in the area.68 The following should be noted briefly: (i) a Christian church has been found at the site of al-Qusur on Failakah is- land.69 Pottery, a glazed amphora, a lamp and an eggshell fragment were un- covered at the site, as well as fragments of decorated panels with Christian crosses which are the most important remains. Most of these finds may be dated to sometime between the 1st half of the 7th century and the middle of

61 Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 278ff; al-JaÌiÂ, op. cit., vol. 7, p. 216. 62 ¨Ali, op. cit., vol. 6, p. 621; al-ˆAsa, ad-Diwan, (ed. M. M. Îusayn), (Beirut, 1972), pp. 13, 69. 63 Op. cit., (Beirut, 1965), vol. 2, p. 621. 64 Ibn Sa¨d, at-™abqat al-Kubra, (Beirut, 1960), vol. 1, p. 314, vol. 5, pp. 559-560; Ibn Îajar al-¨Asqalani, al-ˆIÒabah, (Cairo, 1st ed.), vol. 2, p. 50, no. 1038. 65 Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma¨arif, (Cairo, 2nd ed.), p. 412; Ibn Durayd, al-ˆIstiqaq, (ed. ¨A. Harun), (Cairo, 3rd. ed.), p. 325; Abu al-Faraj al-ˆIÒfahani, al-ˆAgani, (Beirut, 1994), vol. 16, pp. 491- 492. 66 W. Caskel, “¨Abd al-Ëays”, EI2, vol. 1, p. 74. 67 A.S. Al-Îasan, The Tribe of ¨Abd al-Qays in Pre-Islamic and Early Times to the End of the Umayyad Period, (Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1990), p. 116. 68 W. Phillips, Unknown Oman, (London, 1966), 23; C.E. Larsen, Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands, (London, 1983), pp. 59f.; R. Boucharlat, and J.-F. Salles, “The Tylos Period (300 B.C. – 600 A.D.)” in P. Lombard, and M. Kervran, (eds.), Bahrain National Museum: Ar- chaeological Collections, (Manama, 1989), vol. 1, pp. 85f. 69 It is situated 20 km from Kuwait city, near the entrance of Kuwait Bay. Its area is about 44 km2, its length is about 14 km, and its width is about 6.5 km. It is the only island of Kuwait which is inhabited, and it has cultivated areas, an abundance of water, and good harbours. (See ¨U.Dh. MuÒ†afa, Jazirat Failakah, (Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Science), (Ku- wait, 1988), pp. 35-39.) 326 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA the 9th century A.D. The date of the stucco crosses, however, is between the 5th and 6th centuries. Theoretically, the founding of this chapel might be con- nected with the mission of ¨Awdisho¨ and with the early spread of Christianity in the region. The island of Failakah may be the ancient Ramath70 to which reference is made in the Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de Séert), where it is mentioned that ¨Awdisho¨ went to this island. Its inhabitants were baptised by him, and he also founded a monastery there.71 (ii) A Christian church in Jubayl72 has recently been discovered. J.A. Lang- feldt is studying the remains, walls, rooms and materials of this church. Among the remains are Christian crosses, impressed in plaster on either side of the centre doorway leading into the sanctuary and on the jambs of the door from the courtyard into the south. Three Christian gravestones with crosses have also been found near the church.73 (iii) A Christian church has been found at the site of Thaj.74 This church might be dated to a period between the 2nd and the 4th or 5th centuries A.D. The presence of the church may suggest that Christianity was established in the area at an early date and before the abandonment of the site.75 (iv) J. A. Langfeldt thinks that there was a cemetery in a place called al- Îinnaˆah (al-Îinah),76 because of the discovery of six stones each of which bears a cross.77 (v) Two small crosses, one made of bronze and the other made of mother- of- pearl, have been found on the surface of a site called Jabal Berri which is situated about 10 km south-southwest of Jubayl and about 7 km from the coast.78 (vi) Some stelae have been found in Bahrain and displayed at the Bahrain National Museum. They are referred to as “Coptic, probably Christian” in the Museum files, perhaps because they may represent priests giving sermons or

70 D.T. Potts places this island in the approximate neighbourhood of Abu ¨Ali island, just north of Jubayl. (The Arabian Gulf, vol. 2, pp. 245 & f. n. 275.) 71 Addaï Scher, Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de Séert), (Patrologia Oriental), Paris, 1910, vol. 5, p. 312. See also Vööbus, op. cit., pp. 270, 307-308; V. Bernard, “L’Église d’al-Qousour Failaka, Etat de Koweit”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, ii (3), (1991), pp. 145-181; V. Bernard, & J.-F. Salles, “Discovery of a Christian Church at al-Qusur, Failaka (Kuwait)”, PSAS, xxi (1991), pp. 7-22; Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, p. 215. 72 This is a town situated on the coast of the Arabian Gulf, north of Ras Tannurah, in the East- ern Province of Saudi Arabia. (Î. Al-Jasir, al-Mu¨jam al-Jughrafi lilbilad al-¨Arabiyyah as- Sa¨udiyyah, (al-Man†iqah al-Sharqiyyah), (Riyadh, 1979), vol. 1, p. 368. 73 For more details, see J.A. Langfeldt, “Recently Discovered Early Christian Monuments in Northeastern Arabia”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, x (1994), pp. 32-42, 51-52. 74 This is a village situated 80 k west of Jubayl. (Al-Jasir, Î., op. cit., vol. 1, p. 315.) 75 Langfeldt, op. cit., pp. 44-49. 76 This is a village situated about 10 km north-northeast of Thaj. (Al-Jasir, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 547-548.) 77 Langfeldt, op. cit., pp. 49-51. 78 For more details and study, see D.T. Potts, “Nestorian Crosses from Jabal Berri”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, x (1994), pp. 61-65. H.M. BIN SERAY 327 blessings. It should be said, however, that they give no clear evidence of Christian insignia in the form of the cross or of other such symbols.79 (vii) Some excavation surveys were undertaken by R. Ghirshman in 1958 on the island of Kharg,80 where he found graves with a special decoration similar to a Christian tradition known in the Parthian-Sassanian period.81 (viii) In 1992 a group of sites was identified on the eastern of the island of Bani Yas near Abu Dhabi.82 Excavations are being undertaken by the Abu Dhabi Islands Archaeological Survey (ADIAS), under the supervision of Dr. Geoffrey King. In accordence with the form of decoration and pottery, the site was dated to about the 6th century A.D. or could be between the 5th and 8th centuries A.D.83 The excavations revealed a large complex with at least one courtyard and no less than 15 separate rooms on a site on the east of the island. The role of at least one building on the site was clarified by the discovery of two finely carved crosses. The church is on an east-west axis, measuring at least 14 m east to west and it has three aisles. This discovery should be set alongside that of the Christian church on Failakah. Theoretically, the founding of this chapel might be connected with the mission of Jonah.84 This evidence may indicate the presence of a Christian community on the island.

79 For more details, see Boucharlat, & Salles, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 130-131; P. Lombard, “First Results of the New French Project at Qal¨at al-Bahrain”, a paper presented to the Seminar for Arabian Studies, (Manchester, July 1992). This also draws upon personal communication with the Bahraini archaeologist Mr. ¨Abd al-¨Aziz al-∑uwailiÌ, who also provided me with photo- graphs of three of these stelae. 80 Kharg is an island situated 54.4 km north-west of the Iranian port of Bushahr and 35.2 km from the port of Rik. It is over 6.4 km in length from north to south and its average breadth is about 3.2 km. See J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman, and Central Arabia, (Cal- cutta, 1908), vol. 2. A, p. 1019; M.A. an-Najjar, & M.W. Abu Mughli, The Island of Kharaj, (Basrah, 1983), p. 15 (in Arabic). 81 R. Ghirshman, “L’lle de Kharg (Ikaros) dans le Golfe Persique”, Revue Archéologique, i (1959), pp. 71-77; Fiey, “Diocèses syriens”, pp. 196-197. 82 Bani Yas is one of the largest of Abu Dhabi’s islands. It is situated at a distance of more than 190 km from Abu Dhabi. (F. Heard-Bey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, London, 1982, p. 12.) 83 Emirates News, 12th June 1994. I would like to thank Mr. Peter Hellyer, Managing Editor of the Newspaper and Excavations’ Project Co-ordinator, for providing me with this information; The U. A. E. Year Book, 1996, (25), (Ministry of Information and Culture, Abu Dhabi), pp. 242- 243; U. A. E. Handbook, 1996-1997, (Ministry of Information and Culture, Abu Dhabi), p. 30. The recent discoveries may support the identification of Mashmahig with the island of Bani Yas in the map of J.M. Fiey. (“Diocèses syriens”, p. 180.) 84 The U. A. E. Year Book, 1996, (25), p. 240. Cf. D.T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf, vol. 2, p. 333. 328 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA

General view of al-Qusur on Failakah

The site of the church on Bani Yas island H.M. BIN SERAY 329

The crosses of the church on Bani Yas island

Arab tribes of the Arabian Peninsula 330 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA

Sites in Northeastern Arabia H.M. BIN SERAY 331

A

B A. Photograph of a bronze cross from Jabal Berri B. Photograph of a mother-of-pearl cross from Jabal Berri 332 CHRISTIANITY IN EAST ARABIA

Stucco cross from the church at the site of al-Qusur