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215250709.Pdf THE PONCAS OF PONCA CITY: A STUDY OF CONFLICTING VALUES AND POWER By CHARLES EDWARD BEERMAN " Bachelor of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1966 Master of Science Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1970 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May, 1974 Jt;~si s 1974-D 1-1-4~9-p Cop. 2_ r . r ,' : ( .. ,. , •. .1,' ,. OKLAHOMA STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MAR 13 1975 THE PONCAS OF PONCA CITY: A STUDY OF CONFLICTING VALUES AND POWER Thesis Approved: / Thesis Adviser ~ / - ~_g, A,0Q ~ Dean of the Graduate College 902094 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Before the white man can relate to others he must forego the pleasure of defining them. Vine Deloria, Jr. Custer Died For Your Sins: An Indian---------- Manifesto. This writer expresses sincere gratitude to the Chairman of his Advisory Committee, Dr. Daniel Selakovich. For Drs. Russ Dobson and Larry Perkins, special thanks is accorded for their varied understandings of Native Americans and Native American affairs. Thanks is likewise accorded Dr. Bill Elsom for his aid and assistance in carrying out this study. A special note of thanks must be given to Drs. Arquitt, Belden, Dodder, and Harries for allowing me to modify their course requirements to fill the needs of this study. The confidence afforded this writer by Dr. Bernard Belden is appreciated. The. support of Dr. Belden and Dean Robinson, along with that of the Oklahoma State University Research Council has enabled the completion of this study. Appreciation is expressed to the various agencies; federal, state, and local, who willingly and unwillingly provided the data for this study. Insofar as dedicating this study, it can only be reserved for its iii central figures: the Ponca people and the people of Ponca--two separate and distinct entities. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. DELINEATION OF THE STUDY. 1 A Philosophical Base 1 The Proposed Study 5 Populations •••• 6 Need for the Study . ~ . 6 Review of Literature. 9 Background of the Study 17 Framework of the Study • 18 Some Limitations 20 II. THE PONCAS AND PONCA CITY: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 30 Intro duct ion 30 Early History, Removal, and Relocation 33 The Impact of the Miller Family ••• 36 The End of Marland and the Millers 54 The Early Relationship . ~ 57 III. PONCA CITY: OUTLOOK AND POLICY 63 Introduction 63 Backg·round • $ • • "' 111 • • • • • • • . 63 Some Theoretical Considerations ••••• 68 A Period of Transition . ' . 71 Issues and Outcomes •••••• 76 Ponca City: Outlook and Policy •• 86 IV. TWENTIETH CENTURY TRIBAL STRUCTURE. 95 Introduction ••••••••••••• 95 Official Tribal Structure •••••••• 96 White Eagle Community Development Association ••••• 115 It Depends on Who You Talk To. • ••• 125 Some Preliminary Conclusions 130 V. THE PONCAS OF PONCA CITY. 137 Introduction 137 On Being a Ponca of Ponca City 139 The Mattress Factory • • • • • ••• 149 Housing and Health ••••• 159 Concluding Statements. • •••• 162 V Chapter Page VI. EDUCATION FOR THE PONCA TRIBE OF INDIANS. 168 Introduction . 168 Foundations of the Ponca City Schools. 169 The Poncas in the Ponca City School System 175 Beyond the Public Schools ••••••••• 184 Conclusions and Implications 189 VII. THE PONCAS AND PONCA CITY: A RECONCILIATION OF SORTS ••• ~ . 192 Introduction . 192 The Incidence of Juvenile Crime Among the Poncas, 1968~1972. • • • • • • 195 Some Implications of Juvenile Crime Among the Poricas . 205 Some Theoretical Considerations. 208 Ponca Youth •••••• ~ . 215 VIII. THE PROSPECTS FOR THE PONCAS OF PONCA CITY. 225 Conclusions Regarding Deviance . 225 Further Conclusions and Observations 229 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2J5 vi LIST OF TABL~S Table Page r. Ponca City Income Distribtuion, 1968-1971 · . 89 II. Estimated Base Prices for Th.ree Types of Available Housing, Ponca Tribal Housing Authority ••• 10.3 III. Ponca Tribal Employi:nent - May, 1972 . 141 IV. R. K. Merton's Typology of Modes of Individual Adaptation. • • • • • • • •••••• • • • • 19 • • 145 v. Per Pupil ADA Expenditures, Ponca City, Enid, and Bartlesville, Oklahoma, 1970~1973 170 VI. Teacher Salary Schedules of Ponca City, Bartlesville, and Enid, Oklahoma, 197t-1972 ••••••••••• . 171 VII. Number of Students in White Eagle Adult Basic Education Extension Classes, 1970-1972 ••• 187 VIII. Year-to-Year Distribution, Indian/Non-Indian Juvenile Cases, Kay County, Oklahoma, 1968-1972 •• 195 IX. The Geographical Variant of Juvenile Crime Among the Ponca Tribe of Indians, 1968-1972 199 x. Adjudication/Disposition of Juvenile Cases, Indian/ Non-Indian, Kay County, Oklahoma, 1968-1972 200 XI. Institutionalized/Non-Institutionalized, Indian/Non­ lndian Juveniles, Kay County, Oklahoma, 1968-1972 201 · XII. "A"--"B" Categories of Inc;lian/Non-Indian Juvenile Crime, Kay County, Oklahoma, 1968-1972 ••••• 203 XIII. Breakdown of "B" Classification of Juvenile Crime, Indian/Non-Indian, Kay County, Oklahoma, 1968-1972 204 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Ponca City Muni~ipal Government,· 1919 to Present • . 64 2. Ponca City Population, 1910-1945 . ~ . 67 3. Ponca City Population Growth, 1910-1970 . 72 4. Ponca City Area Development Corporation, 1969 . 78 5. Cimmaron Turnpike (Under Construction) and Northwest Passage (Proposed) • , •••• 80 6. Expanded Model of Tribal Government, Ponca Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma ••••••• .......... 107 7. The Viable.Alternatives of the Ponca Tribal/ Ponca City Relationship ••••••• 131 8. Ability Group Distribution of Indian Students, East Junior High School, Ponca City, Oklahoma, 1971.1972 •• 181 viii CHAP'.IER I DELINEATION OF THE STUDY A Philosophical Base The heated criticism of America's institutions which rained down during the decade of the 1960 1 s has cooled in the seventies. The classic design of conflict and confrontation appears to have subsided into a quiet rumbling. Many Americans seemingly have examined the criticisms of American institutions and have determined that regardless of their ethical shortcomings, a shaky existence is preferable to annihilation, or even drastic change. Issue follows issue; but the issues change, and change rapidly. The problem of determining Richard Nixon's extent of complicity in the Watergate affair has been supplanted by a dilemma of apparent greater proportion, though the American life style remains the center of focus. The shortage of readily accessible, inexpensive energy presently bodes a shift in life style so fundamental perhaps, that the force of America's institutions may be unable to forestall its coming. A style of living based on the consumption of gross quantities of natural resources will most assuredly change direction if the quantity of resources are appreciably curtailed. An alternative to a materialistic consumption-oriented society would be a no-growth system based on the interaction of people rather than on amassing large quantities of goods. Such a way of life is that 1 2 suggested by the Native American tribal structures. This idea repre­ sents nothing startling. There has long been a recognition that the life style of the Indian is oriented more to human considerations in the present, while the production-based, future-oriented life style of America stands almost in complete opposition. Rennard Strickland, writing in the Journal of American Indian Edu~ation, 1 speaks from the perspective of the deteriorating environment as a by-product of American life: What does this all mean? We have failed in our duty to seek a vision - to weigh the costs and the benefits of technologi­ cal processes •••• We need to take time to make value-based decisions, to discriminate, to tell the scientists, to tell the businessman, to tell the politician the things that we value. Are we willing to continue to pay the price in air pollution for the unregulated automobiles? Do we know the costs for increased agricultural production through the use of chemical pesticides? We will have to engage in the diffi­ cult task of evaluating alternatives. 2 In the end Strickland calls for the American people to look to the Native American as a source of ecological wisdom. One must question the viability of this, for when one examines more closely the relationship of Indian and non-Indian cultures, it seems doubtful that it will occur. Wilf Pellitier, Native American writer, expands Strickland's environ­ mental perspective, and implies a relationship between non-Indian and Indian cultures in which non-Indian values are imposed on and control Indian values in all aspects of life: Clocks and calendars regulate the flow of time in the same way that the military goose-step regulates the flow and rhythm of walking. Survey lines regulate the flow of space and fences violate the rhythmic waves of hills and valleys. Money regulates the flow of abundance. Education regulates the rhythm of learning. Games are the regulation of play. Marriage seeks to regulate love. Religion tries to regulate wonder and kills it in the cradle.3 3 Pellitier voices total pessimism regarding the success of such a relationship as he views the non-Indian world imposing one type of system on another in attempting to cope with life in general and Native Americans in particular. The fact that differences exist between Indian and non-Indian cul- tures and values has been a focal point of Vine Deloria, Jr. Deloria and Strickland wrote during the same year, 1970. Both noted the rebirth of interest in Indians. Strickland wrote: "If ecology has become the crusade of the seventies, then the Indian has likewise become the minority of the decade. The year 1970 has been called •the year of the Indian. 1 ,/± Deloria made the same observation but more in a political context: In 1969, non-Indians began to rediscover Indians. Everyone hailed us as their natural allies in the ancient struggle •• Conservatives embraced us •••• Liberals loved us ••• Blacks loved us •••• Hippies proudly ••• showed us their beads •••• Conservationists ••• sought out 5ndians for their mystical knowledge of the use of land •••• The above underscores Deloria's view of differences between Indian and non-Indian cultures and their relationship.
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