INDIANS on STRIKE Caste and Class in the Indian Trade Union Movement

By Subhashini Ali INDIANS ON STRIKE Caste and Class in the Indian Trade Union Movement THE WORKING-CLASS MOVEMENT IN INDIA CAN BE TRACED TO THE LATE NINE- teenth century, when the country was still a British colony. At that time, there were extremely draconian laws in place, and the onerous task of organizing was so fraught with risk that it was only undertaken by committed political activists. The first national trade union—the All-India Gandhian framework. The Communists were Trade Union Congress (AITUC)—was established also a formidable rival in this state. In fact, in in the 1920s, during the colonial period, amid most ofthe big textile cities of Calcutta, Bombay, tremendous working-class upheaval. Until Indore, Kanpur, and Ahmedabad—and wherever 1947 (the first year of national independence), else there were industries like jute production the AITUC served as an umbrella organization and engineering—it was the Communists who for trade unions all over the country—workers provided the backbone to the AITUC. The and political activists of all leftist persuasions colonial government did everything in its power (communists, socialists, left-wingers), some of to break their influence. whom belonged to the Congress Party. Still, its Thus, the trade union movement in India writ did not go unchallenged. In the late 1920s, has been linked to political and ideological in Mahatma Gandhi's home state of Gujarat, the organizations since its inception. This char- textile mill workers saw the birth and develop- acteristic has remained unchanged even after ment of a peculiarly Gandhian trade union, independence, and it has helped make Indian committed to his philosophy of "trusteeship," trade unionism prone to splits and divisions. whereby capitalists held wealth in "trust" for Today's trade unions—even those that proclaim their workers. their independence (from both political parties The union was led, interestingly enough, and ideological constraints)—owe their existence by the sister of one of the biggest mill owners. to and are still led by political activists with strong She was, however, fairly uncompromising in ideological and political associations. her opposition to the mill owners, remaining After independence, a pro-government committed to the workers' cause within the trade union—led by leaders of the ruling New Labor Forum 20(2): 33-39. Spring 2011 Copyright © loseph S. Murphy Institute, CUNY ISSN: 1095-7960/11 print, DOI: 10.4179/NLF.202.0000006 Congress Party, the Indian National Trade Union some industries are represented by a single union, Congress (INTUC)—formed as the beneficiary others are represented by several. of government and employer largesse (and Private (Indian and foreign-owned) banks, bias). In Bombay, the Trade Union Act itself was insurance agencies, airlines, the telecommunica- worded in a way that made the INTUC textile tions industry, and most branches of the IT union the only union to win recognition and, therefore, the only accepted bargaining agent. In the 1940s and 1950s, there were more than The trade union one million Bombay textile workers, and their long history of organization and struggle (not to mention their sheer numbers) had negative movement in India implications for the trade union movement as a whole. The textile industry was the earliest has been linked to organized industry to be established in India. Since it employed such a large number of workers, the political and earliest unions were formed within this sector. The workers launched militant struggles not only ideological on trade union issues, but also in support ofthe national struggle for independence. Soon, the organizations since Socialists also split from the AITUC and formed a trade union center of their own. A couple of its inception. decades after independence, a right-wing party, swearing allegiance to the Hindu nation, came sector do not have trade unions. This is for two into existence and soon after launched another reasons: state and central governments give trade union center. In the 1960s, new regional employers their full support in not allowing parties developed and successfully formed state the formation of unions (or in helping to crush governments, many of which also started trade those that do emerge); and myths engendered union wings. In the same decade, the Communist by globalization and neoliberal apologists have Party split, first into two and then into three. In successfully affected the thought processes the 1970s, the Center of Indian Trade Unions of the highly educated youths who have been (CITU) broke away from the AITUC and, much employed in these sectors. In a country like later, several smaller trade union centers were India, with abysmal levels of poverty and high formed by other splinter groups. However, the unemployment, it is not unheard of for people CITU—belonging to the Communist Party of India who technically belong to the working class, or (Marxist)--became, by far, the largest and most who come from working-class backgrounds, influential communist-led trade union center. to identify as middle class. In fact, even among unionized workers, there is a strong sense of In addition to these central trade union middle-class identity—except during actual organizations, there are also industry-wide struggles and strikes. independent federations for those who work for This is not just a result of "false consciousness." insurance companies, certain banks, the defense A huge chasm separates many workers from and telephone industries, the postal system, and the vast masses of the poor, the unemployed, the local government (railway workers, teachers, those working for a pittance in an unorganized etc.). Most of these employees work in the public sector, and members of the rural proletariat. sector—for state-owned enterprises—and while Furthermore, most of these unlikely middle-class identifiers belong to the upper castes, creating 34 • New Labor Forum S.Ali an additional distance from those nearer to the are now designated as the "scheduled castes"). bottom of the heap. The "new workers" that have The scheduled tribes (living mainly in remote been created by neoliberal policies—including forested regions of Northeast India)—another privatization, unregulated entry of multinational sector of Indian society that has suffered the worst corporations (MNCs), the setting up of call centers kind of oppression and exploitation—are also and IT hubs, and a service sector that is growing entitled to these rights. As far as the working-class exponentially—are even further removed from any kind of working-class consciousness, and feel privileged enough to not "need" trade unions or The caste system has recourse to improve their working conditions. The creed of "individual endeavor leading to excluded [members of individual success" (and its reverse) is strongly ingrained in most of them, and depression and the "scheduled castes"] suicide are more likely responses to unfair management practices than organization and from playing crucial opposition. The trade union movement's fissiparous leadership roles in the tendencies have been further strengthened by the ways in which the caste system functions in workers' movement. India. Caste is a peculiar feature of Indian society that is linked to birth and an unchangeable fact movement is concerned, the important aspect of of an Indian's life. Caste oppression and the this constitutional provision is that workers and exclusion of both the former "untouchables" employees belonging to the scheduled castes are and the backward caste people—the lowliest and now 25-35 percent of the government workforce. most numerous members of the caste system, This sector of society, logically, should who nonetheless enjoy a status higher than have been at the vanguard of struggles against "untouchable"—have, naturally, given birth to an oppressive social system and on behalf of working-class movements. However, the dynamics of the caste system have largely excluded them Depression and suicide from playing crucial leadership roles in the workers' movement. There are many reasons are more likely for this. One is certainly the attitude of the upper-caste employees who often dominate responses to unfair trade-union membership. So, too, has the promo- tion of opportunistic "identity politics" created management practices separatist organizational tendencies among the scheduled castes—most state-owned industries than organization and and departments are now home to scheduled caste/tribe associations which often parallel opposition. the trade unions. The relationship between the two groups is, at worst, confrontational and, at various kinds of resistance and response. The best, mutually exclusive. Government espousal Constitution of India reserved government jobs, of privatization, however, has recently brought and seats in public educational institutions, for the two closer to each other. those formerly known as the "untouchables" (who Indians on Strike New Labor Forum • 35 THE UNORGANIZED SECTOR therefore, bucked the trend of the government's shrugging off of its responsibilities to provide T IS VERY IMPORTANT TO REMEMBER employment and minimum welfare measures that, in the context of workers' struggles in for its citizens. The legislation provided for one India, only a fraction of workers are organized. I hundred days of guaranteed employment per rural A government report states: family at 60 to 130 rupees a day (depending on About 7 percent of the total workforce is employed the minimum

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